The Usurper

Notes, Prior to Chapter 14

Our principal source for reconstructing these accounts is the manuscript, or, possibly, the manuscripts, given certain subtleties in the text, discovered several years ago in the ducal library of Valens, one of the lesser duchies in the confederation of Talois. The ducal librarians cataloged the text, or texts, as 122B Valens, and it, or they, have, on the whole, remained identified under this designation, despite certain disruptions in the confederation, mostly consequent on schisms. The swords of faith are not uncommonly bright with the blood of zealotry. In any event, as I once made clear, long ago, the Valens manuscript, while not unique in this particular, is unusual amongst Telnarian, or allegedly Telnarian, manuscripts, as the narrative is relatively personal, and deals, on the whole, with individuals, rather than institutions, with personal lives, rather than the broad, tumultuous storms and tides of history. I think there is some point in this, not only for its own interest, for we, as human beings, have an interest in human beings, but, beyond that, we discover our species, and thus ourselves, in the lives of others. Have we not lived, then, at the edge of icy seas, not met the lances of foes on distant fields, not trekked beside wagons seeking new lands? Have we not waited at dawn for the attack of Heruls, not noticed the dim horizon dotted with advancing horsemen, not noted, to our unease, the tracks of the vi-cat near our camp? Love, fear, sorrow, rage, joy, curiosity, suspicion, betrayal, friendship, treason, trust, are these not our name, and that of our brothers? In glimpsing other lives we live our own more deeply, more keenly, more richly. We understand the nature of our species in the record of its deeds. How could it be otherwise? What is the vi-cat without claws, the keen-sighted hawk without its wings? It is less than itself. Let our desert be enriched with the greenery of kinship. Meadows laid waste may again bloom. What are these great movements and institutions, these migrations and dislocations, these inventions and discoveries, these wars and recoveries, but the outcomes of human action? Let far rain refresh our aridity. A mariner resides in the heart of man. Is it wrong for caged wolves to howl and recall the forest? Might they not, somehow, slip between the bars? All is not as we find it in our own chambers. The mountains of history consist of human particles. Let us observe the mountain, but remember that it consists of human particles, and one learns of the mountain, in a way, by learning of those particles, those which contribute to its grandeur and might, its terror and fearsomeness, those without which it would not have existed. In short, other times are our times, as well. In learning of others we learn of ourselves. How can one learn the meaning of borne standards, without understanding who bears them, and why?

Although we are concerned in this work primarily with individuals, and less with herds and flocks, environments and weathers, as most histories, it seems clear that certain developments in our narrative, shortly to be recounted, might appear somewhat out of joint, or somewhat surprising and anomalous, if treated bluntly. Accordingly, to render our accounts more intelligible, it seems judicious, if not imperative, to devote some attention, in however cursory a manner, to a number of events which were simultaneously occurring in the empire, events which have been only tangentially noted, if at all, to this point in the Valens manuscript.

For purposes of simplicity these events might be denominated political and religious, which semantic differentiation, however, is misleading, for they were often closely intertwined, and, upon occasion, seemingly fused.

Early in our chronicle, even before certain events transpired in a Terennian arena, the Floonian phenomenon was noted. At that time, attention was paid to the nature of the phenomenon, its founder, his teachings, its doctrinal controversies, its development, its relationship to the empire, and other matters. It would be repetitious, and, I think, unnecessary, to delineate these particularities once more. Let us say, rather, simply, and looking forward, that the Floonian phenomenon had undergone significant changes since its inauspicious and local beginnings as a tiny, eccentric, ridiculed, despised sect on the reptilian world of Zirus. Floon himself was a rational salamander or, perhaps better, a salamanderlike creature. Later, of course, Floon was represented under the likeness of a thousand species, on a thousand worlds. His teachings, for example, that rational creatures possessed an invisible, undetectable koos, which was their real self and eternal; that Karch, the chief god, and later supposedly the sole god, endorsed Floon’s teachings, and was somehow identical with Floon, but not really as they were different, too; and that Karch, as Floon taught, was particularly partial to the unhappy, ignored, belittled, envious, resentful, and unsuccessful, who were, as one might expect, numerous, tended to be understandably popular. To these latter folk, the unhappy, ignored, and so on, was promised, for a temporary investment of behaving in a certain way, an eternity of wealth, palaces, gold dishes, good food, happiness, and such. As might be expected, Floon ran afoul of an establishment rather fond of its own notions of a rightly ordered universe, and was executed, being burned alive on an electric rack. This did not prove to be the end of the Floonian phenomenon, however, as Floon was reported to have appeared, though briefly, thereafter, in good health and none the worse for his tragic demise, on a large number of worlds, possibly in a large number of forms. To the skeptic two problems, at least, lingered: first, did this remarkable event occur, and, second, if it occurred, what was its logical relationship, if any, to the Floonian phenomenon? For example, what if a minor god liked Floon and reassembled his charred remains from the grid. Would that somehow be relevant to Floon’s teachings, teachings for which the minor god might be willing to forgive Floon, in the light of Floon’s exemplary, if strange, life? In any event, in the earlier period of the Floonian phenomenon, Floonians were largely societal outsiders, concerned with little but denouncing the world in which they tended to be unsuccessful, and caring for, and nurturing, their koos. The empire, as was its policy, tolerated thousands of gods and thousands of faiths. It had enough trouble on its hands without gratuitously meddling in matters which were largely immaterial to its own security and prospects. On the other hand, as the Floonian phenomenon developed, its relationship to the empire proved more problematic. For one thing Floonians tended to be reluctant to serve a state they found to be, at best, irrelevant to the koos, and, at worst, inimical to its welfare. The state, it seems, was unnecessary and, possibly, opprobrious. For example, it wanted taxes, in the form of money or service; it wanted servitors and soldiers; it wanted respect; it wanted loyalty. The empire, naturally, particularly as Floonianism began to spread, was not eager to see the supposed fibers of its security and power, of its very existence, unraveled, or cut. Also, one might note, whereas the empire tended to be permissive and tolerant, these virtues, or faults, were not shared by the Floonians, or at least by their leaders, exploiting an unexpected source of power, who tended to be dogmatic and intolerant. The developing competitive hierarchies within Floonianism, sometimes by majority votes in councils, sometimes by assassinations, sometimes by riots, sometimes by burning and looting districts, including consecrated edifices, began to develop an impressive maze of unintelligible doctrine which it was important to get just right, even if it was incomprehensible; for example, in some of the clearer announcements, it was discovered that Karch was the sole god, after all, and, by lucky chance, was their god. Further, as noted, Karch and Floon were identical, except different, too, which was a mystery, and all the more awesome for that. In any event, in the hands of various prophets, ministers, patriarchs, deacons, bishops, and such, the gentle, loving teachings of Floon tended to be replaced, as suggested, with dogmatism and intolerance. Also, if the Floonians were correct, their particular faith, in one or another of its several forms, must be the one, true faith, with the result that the thousands of other one, true faiths were not simply mistaken, but wicked, and suitably, justifiably, extirpatable. It was, moreover, alleged that individuals who benightedly failed to profess certain prescribed unintelligibilities would experience a less than pleasant afterlife, very much so, which was not welcome news to large, uneasy, diverse populations. In any event, whether in virtue of intimidation, threats, terrorism, coercion, the burning brand, or whatever, or in virtue of the splendid example of their ideal and blameless lives, Floonianism was spreading throughout the empire. And, as suggested, it was not clear that it was in the best interests of the empire, even that it was compatible with the empire. For example, Floonians kept much to themselves, formed their own societies, declined military service, and so on. A trivial illustration of the increasing friction between this faith and the state, but one that came to assume significant symbolic import, was the matter of professing allegiance to the empire. For example, annually, commonly on the emperor’s birthday, but sometimes on other holidays, it was thought appropriate that an expression of loyalty be vouchsafed to the empire, for example, that a sprig of laurel, a flower, a pinch of incense, a handful of grain, or such, might be placed on the altar of the genius, or spirit, of the empire. This trivial act, so trivial that most citizens did not even bother with it, nor did the state much care, was publicly repudiated by some Floonians, which action forced the state to take notice. As I have suggested, the general policy of the empire toward religious belief was tolerance, and, for the most part, it was as tolerant of Floonianism as it was of the thousands of other faiths within its borders. It did, however, rarely, and sporadically, as it felt threatened, persecute certain Floonians at certain times and in certain places, perhaps to supply the larger populace with monitory examples. On the whole, however, officials found Floonians, wisely or not, quaint and harmless. On the other hand, Floonianism, as time passed, was becoming a force to be reckoned with. It was either, then, to be challenged and fought, or, perhaps more wisely, put to one’s own purposes.

While these religious, or ideological, developments were unfolding, the empire, as was not unusual, given its history, was subject to familiar stresses of a more secular, or political, nature. These stresses, in the current era, however, seemed particularly acute, ranging from those encountered at uncertain and disputed borders, invasions, raids, illicit migrations, failed punitive expeditions, and such, to those erupting within the core of the empire itself, unchecked crime, widespread corruption, and civic disturbances. To these more visible and explicit difficulties were added less dramatic, but similarly serious, difficulties, such as mineral and soil exhaustion and the contamination of air and water. As poverty became more widespread, famine and pestilence became more common. An epidemic, with the crowding and imperfect sanitation, could wipe out more than half of a city’s population in a matter of weeks. The state had become, even in previous centuries, overcentralized, unwieldy, and ill-governing, but remained vainly jealous of clinging to even minor worlds, worlds with which, in many cases, it was only in tenuous touch. Many worlds remained little more than nominal members of the empire. Others, still listed on the rolls of the imperial bureaucracy, had long ago repudiated the absent empire altogether, and instituted their own modes of governance.

In the face of dwindling resources the empire must exercise restraint and care in the applications of its still considerable power, judiciously applying it, on the whole, only to critical points at crucial times, and only to the measure deemed suitable to a given situation. Accordingly, to speak figuratively, while the farmer might go forth bravely to confront the wolf or arn bear, a thousand filchen might be free to nibble in his granaries.

We have already mentioned elsewhere, the cheapening of citizenship. No longer was it something of considerable value which, for many, must be earned, but it was now a gift bestowed in virtue of the accident of birth. Few respect that which costs nothing; it is taken for granted, and not prized. As the ecology of life deteriorated, the empire sought remedies. In the hope of improving the economy, the coinage was debased, with the natural consequence that, after the semblance of a brief recovery, money became less valuable, would buy less, and the situation, instead of being improved, grew worse, which lapse initiated a further debasement, with similar results, and so on. Later, the state would seek out those who might still be in a position to pay taxes, and attempt to save itself at their expense. But confiscatory taxes tended to be resisted by the prosperous who, expectedly, would reduce the output of their enterprises, transfer resources to new locales, conceal resources, and so on. To be sure, many of the prosperous were punished for such unconscionable behavior, and, accordingly, as they were methodically and systematically ruined, and reduced to the humiliori, the tax base declined proportionately. And finally, of late, on many worlds, to stabilize the tax base, the bindings had been emplaced, which forbade changing locales and occupations. For example the son of a farmer must be a farmer, the son of a physician a physician, the son of an artist or actor must be an artist or actor, and so on. On many worlds, associated with the decline of the influence of the empire, this would lead, particularly in agriculture, to a “binding to the soil,” or serfdom, as strong men with armed followers would come to take the place of a larger, more civilized state.

Lastly one might note that the remaining wealth of the distraught empire, its gold, its women, and such, particularly given the attenuation and deterioration of imperial power, constituted no small temptation to the eyes and appetites of the ambitious, strident, and covetous. Many “barbarian nations” existed within and without the empire, and several of these nations, so to speak, despite certain rude customs, traditions, and values, were technologically adept in their own right, and others might be armed and trained by jealous or rebel worlds who bore no love to the imperial court. The successful attack of the Ortungen, a secessionist movement within the Drisriaks, on the imperial cruise ship, the Alaria, might be recalled.

Prominent amongst the barbarian leaders was a man known as Abrogastes, the Far-Grasper.

We apologize for these historical remarks, but I felt they might render certain aspects of the succeeding accounts more readily comprehensible.