Twenty-Nine

James Scheider bit hard on his tongue, telling himself to remain calm. He was in a conference call with CIA HQ in Langley, Virginia, and was just hearing that the promised camera support for the British operation over the Somalia/Kenya border was now in doubt. Across from him, Dale Wishaw winced in sympathy.

‘I gave my word on this, Ed,’ Scheider said softly, his words aimed at the console in the centre of the table. Forceful language was unnecessary here, as the unit fitted to this room could pick up every nuance and tone in a speaker’s voice. ‘I agreed that we would give cover for the Brits’ operation. You know how important this is. All I’m asking for is a single Hale.’ The Hale (High-altitude, long-endurance) unmanned drones were most useful where surveillance and reconnaissance missions were required over extended periods in remote areas. Scheider had suggested using one of these craft because he knew there were at least five currently not assigned to any specific programme.

‘Can’t do, Jim. Sorry.’ Ed Biggelow, one of the Langley-based Staff Operations Officers responsible for supporting field operations, sounded calm, even bored, although Scheider was so far willing to give him the benefit of the doubt. He’d met Biggelow a few times, and had an image of a neat, buttoned-down individual who was probably going to get his ass kicked one day by a field officer he’d let down by being too devoted to the rules of engagement. ‘The Hales have been labelled restricted-use only for active operations involving our own field personnel. What you’re describing doesn’t fit that scenario. Our best evaluation is that if we can avoid the use of direct over-flights in the region, we should do so unless and until the threat impact becomes directly counter to US interests. This is an observation mission only. The best we can do at the moment is a Herti.’

Scheider sat forward so fast, Wishaw thought he was going to propel himself at the console and grab Biggelow by the throat all the way down the wire.

‘A Herti? What good’s that, Ed? It’s four years old, for God’s sake and flies like a camel for what — twenty hours max? Hell, it’s not even one of ours!’

‘Precisely. It’s British. But this is a British operation, isn’t it? I’m sure they wouldn’t object.’

‘That’s not the point. We have Reapers based in the region, don’t we?’ He waved aside Wishaw’s signal to keep his cool. The Reaper was one of the most effective drones available, loaded with cameras and capable of carrying Hellfire missiles and bombs. ‘Dammit, I know we have because I’ve used them! Are you telling me I’ve got to go back to the Brits and tell them I can’t provide intel on the hostages because somebody thinks it doesn’t fit? What happens next time we need their help?’

‘Sorry, Jim. That’s not my call. If you have any further intel which pushes this to a higher level, I suggest you take it further up the chain of command. Let me know what you decide.’

Scheider stared at Wishaw as the connection was cut, scarcely believing what he’d just heard. ‘Am I in fucking Disneyland? Did that asshole just tell me to go screw myself?’

Wishaw shook his head in sympathy. ‘He offered a Herti, Jim. It’s a good platform. We should take it. If we do, it’s up to Langley to get it in position and start providing us with data.’

Scheider stood up and walked around the room. He had to calm down. While he did so, he toyed with the idea of pulling details of Biggelow’s financial and credit records and making them disappear for forty-eight hours. That would make the jerk sit up and realize there was a real world out there. But that would hit the messenger, not the people who had made the decision to counter the use of a Hale.

He sighed and went back to the table, his anger dissipating. Truth was, this was partly his fault. After hearing what Moresby was proposing, he’d had serious reservations about the sense of sending in anyone, let alone a woman, to negotiate with a prick like Xasan or any of his ‘contacts’ in such a deeply male society. Unfortunately, he’d allowed those reservations to seep into his report and he had the feeling it had been picked up by the analysts back in Langley and passed on up the line.

But he’d made the Brits a promise and he was going to keep it — and the first person he owed it to was Tom Vale.

He took a deep breath. ‘OK. You’re right. Ask them to get the Herti in the air, will you? You’ve got the coordinates. We’re already behind the mark on this, so make it quick.’

‘Sure thing.’

‘Before you go, do we have any idea of the local population?’

‘No, sir. A couple of thousand is a number we’ve had for a while, but that’s unreliable. It fluctuates all the time, especially since the KDF went through on their way to Kismaayo.’

‘Did the Kenyans leave any observers in Kamboni?’

‘A small unit. But when things went quiet they pushed them north to join the main force in Kismaayo. There are reports of armed men filtering south into the area during the past few days. It’s thought they’re al-Shabaab or clan sympathizers, stirred up against what they’re calling a Christian invasion.’

Scheider pulled a face. ‘Tricky. Can’t the KDF stop them moving south?’

‘It’s almost impossible. They move overland where the KDF is spread too thin, or they come by skiffs or fishing boats. It’s a vast area.’

‘Are they all hostiles?’

‘We have to assume so. The predominant extremist force throughout Somalia is al-Shabaab, in spite of Federal Government and KDF forces having claimed they have control since 2011.’ He pointed at the photos, which showed a number of pickup trucks and armed men spread among the buildings. ‘These are definitely not Kenyan or Somali troops. They look more like extremists and the groups supporting pirates out at sea. They don’t exactly have the numbers to control the area completely, but they represent a sizeable force. The Kenyans are either unaware or unconcerned by their presence due to other commitments.’

‘Do we know why they’re in Kamboni?’

‘No. Our intel is that the KDF are focussing on bigger problems to the north, and don’t give too much credence to small groups elsewhere. That might be true. What we do know is that when the KDF passed through and hit Kismaayo, al-Shabaab melted into the hinterland where they can’t be monitored. We thought at first that these new arrivals around Kamboni were the result of being squeezed down there by the troops to the north, but they seem to be moving too freely for that — and they all seem to be armed and fed. They’re actually moving in a coordinated fashion, although we still don’t have a clear picture why.’

‘Could it have anything to do with the negotiations conducted by the British?’ Even as he posed the question, Scheider knew that there had to be a connection. Very little was done by al-Shabaab in the region without there being a solid reason. And the thought of gaining kudos of any kind from hostage negotiations would make the al-Shabaab leadership salivate with joy.

Wishaw evidently thought not. ‘I can’t see how if these negotiations were being kept as secret as you say. I doubt everybody in the region wants individual cells selling off hostages to all-comers. It would weaken their overall bargaining position if the bargaining prices started going down.’

‘But they could be non-affiliated hostage-takers, right? This Musa guy may be al-Shabaab, but I bet he’d be happy to trade a fast buck on the side if he got the chance.’

‘That’s probably true. The independent gangs and clans steer clear of the main religious groups and do their own thing. Even al-Shabaab is made up of different clans with their own interests. I’m just not sure why this particular gathering is taking place.’

‘OK. Keep me posted, will you? And see what we’ve got on Musa. If he’s been running things for any time, we might have a voice file. He won’t stay silent for ever, and all we need is a match to give us a trace of where he is. Something else is going on here and I’d like to know what it is.’

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