A Herzen Reader

What our pause will mean to us is that it makes it possible to measure to what extent interest in The Bell is great or weak, alive or dead, and how much its absence will be noticed. However, toward the end of the year we intend once more to remind readers about ourselves, and to publish, ifpos-1857-1867

sible, a series of new articles in a special publication called A Bell Almanac.¹ It will also contain a program for our journal in 1868.

Perhaps, by the time we return, or during our home leave, younger and fresher activists will test their strength. It is time for young talents to break their seal of silence. Conditions in Russia for uncensored publication are terrible, the best journals have been crushed, and the best newspapers face the constant threat of warning and suspension. Why is so little published abroad? Our press and several others offer a genuine opportunity. We would happily welcome any Russian publication. We will not feel crowded—there are plenty more fish in the sea.

P.S. If any compelling reasons, events, communications, or corrections cause us to interrupt our silence, we will publish a supplement no later than August 1st.²

Notes

Source: "1857-1867," Kolokol, l. 244-245, July 1, 1867; 19:286-87, 486-88.

Herzen dropped the idea of an almanac later that year as he concentrated his efforts on articles for the periodical itself when it resumed publication.

34¹

A supplementary leaflet was issued on the occasion of The Bell's tenth anniversary (Let 4:430).

CRITICAL ESSAY

ALEXANDER HERZEN: WRITINGS ON THE MAN AND HIS THOUGHT

Robert Harris

In a number of important aspects, the literary career of Alexander Ivano- vich Herzen (i8i2-i870) gained a renewed impetus with his arrival on Brit­ish soil in i852, and culminated in the decade from i857 to i867, Herzen's Bell years. His writings during this fifteen-year period exhibit a mixture, and at times a synthesis, of the two major components in his development: the period of roughly fifteen years in Russia during which Herzen studied and wrote on philosophy and social thought, and the following decade during which he lived in the West, where he was exposed firsthand to European cul­ture and practice, people and institutions, popular views and public opinion.

After leaving Russia in early i847 and spending over five stormy and eventful years on the Continent (France, Switzerland, and Italy), Herzen relocated to London in the summer of i852, residing there for the follow­ing twelve and a half years. Within six months he had established the Free Russian Press, which would become the focus of his endeavors until his final years.

Many of Herzen's most subtle and intriguing concepts are formulated in The Bell (Kolokol), coedited by Herzen and, after the first two issues, by his close friend N. P. Ogaryov (i8i3-i877). In just over a decade, a total of 245 issues were produced, not great numbers at first blush, but significant for the genre, establishing the publication as one of the longest-running emigre journals in nineteenth-century Europe. This success was in part due to Herzen's established reputation as a writer, his deft skills as an ad­ministrator of the press, and, not least, his ability to fund the operation out of his personal fortune. Rising to a peak circulation of 2,500 copies, and passed on to many more than that number, The Bell holds the distinction of being the first revolutionary organ to gain wide distribution within Russia, clandestinely smuggled across its borders, disseminated illegally to intel­ligentsia and agitators, and, it is rumored, read secretly in the highest of­fices of government—even the palace.¹ Considering the obstacles involved, which included the organization of Russian-language authors and typeset­ters, the great distance and difficulties in shipping the contraband issues to Russia and evading its border controls and censorship, the controversial and sometimes incendiary nature of the content, and the palpable effect of Herzen's publications on public opinion inside Russia, his printing activi­ties constitute a remarkable, if not singular achievement in the annals of dissident protest in the face of an autocratic and hostile regime. Herzen's flagship journal, The Bell, remains one of the great legacies of Russian so­cial and political thought.

The availability in English of Herzen's texts of the 1850s and 1860s fills a significant void. Despite the duration of Herzen's stay in England, and the influence of The Bell and its parent publication, The Polestar (Poliar- naya zvezda), this later period in Herzen's life has not received sufficient attention, particularly in comparison with Herzen's pre-1852 activity and thought. There are several reasons for this lacuna. Herzen's first forty years have attracted a good deal of research. In the 1830s Herzen became deeply engaged in German philosophy and French social thought, and intellec­tual historians take much interest in this early period, when a young, ide­alistic Herzen passionately sought answers to life's complexities in grand philosophical systems. More poignantly, in the late 1840s and early 1850s Herzen crystallized his doctrine of revolutionary socialism, considered to be his monumental contribution to Russian history, and one which was de­cisive in influencing the path of Russia's political development through to the 1917 revolution and beyond. For many historians, these years comprise the "useful" Herzen, at least in terms of the impact of his doctrine on the course of world history.

Biographers also tend to focus on the same period, beginning with Her­zen's departure from Russia in early 1847, his arrival in Paris in late March, and his witnessing of the i848 revolts and the reactions and disillusion that followed, culminating in Louis-Napoleon's coup d'etat in i85i and ar- rogation of the title emperor in 1852. Herzen produced a number of classic essays and several cycles of "letters" reporting these extraordinary events and his travels during this time, and these were gathered in popular vol­umes that set forth his doctrine of Russian socialism.² The early 1850s also brought a series of personal crises and tragedies, Herzen's "family drama," which has sparked much interest in Herzen's personal life. In sum, Her­zen's 1847-52 period, years of Sturm und Drang, of exuberant hopes and shattered ideals, has been a magnet for writers and academics.

When, in mid-1852 Herzen left for the foggy calm of England, it ap­peared that the most fascinating and productive years of his life were be­hind him. Moreover, it is generally held that Herzen did not take warmly to London and he did not develop many contacts there.³ In his memoirs,

Herzen only encourages this perception, writing of his "hermit's life" in one of the town's more remote areas.⁴ A review of Herzen scholarship from the late nineteenth century to the current day is instructive in tracing the changing understanding of the significance of his life and thought.

Until the last decade of the twentieth century, Russian scholars had to overcome a number of impediments and obstacles in their writing on the man and his thought. Generally, there has hardly been a time when these scholars could write about Herzen in an entirely unhindered way. Twice arrested and banished within his homeland because of his alleged political views and orientation, Herzen finally left Russia and was forced to remain in exile. During most of the tsarist period, his works were banned outright, though some secondary literature on the man, comprising mainly non- ideological, biographical sketches, was published.⁵ In i900 this injunction was removed, though it took a few years for the effects of the ban to dis­sipate and for serious Herzen scholarship in Russia finally to emerge.⁶ In i905 Herzen's works began to be printed in Russia, and by i9o8 Vetrinsky, who had been arrested and exiled for his participation in a student circle, published a substantial monograph tracing Herzen from childhood to his last days, with the text divided between Herzen's life in Russia and his years abroad.⁷

As a historian, journalist, and pedagogue, P. N. Milyukov (i859-i943) was notable among the pioneering Russian scholars of Herzen. Regarded as a "Moscow liberal with leftward aspirations,"⁸ Milyukov, like Herzen, could not be pigeonholed into standard rubrics and categories. Steering clear of nationalistic conservatives and doctrinaire socialists, he maintained a distinct ideological tension, attempting to blend liberalism and socialism without being dragged into the camp of either nationalistic conservatives or doctrinaire socialists. In i900 Milyukov published a short essay, "In Mem­ory of Herzen,"⁹ on the occasion of the thirtieth anniversary of his passing. Milyukov regarded Herzen as Russia's greatest writer,¹⁰ and he, in turn, was compared to Herzen in terms of the importance of his publicistic en­deavors on behalf of Russia's opposition movement.¹¹ On the centenary of Herzen's birth, Lenin, in his own "In Memory of Herzen" tribute, claimed Herzen for the cause of the revolution.

From i907 to i920, Ivanov-Razumnik¹² (i878-i946) produced over fifteen major studies, including an eight-part history of Russian social thought that includes a fine chapter on Herzen.¹³ During roughly the same period, he wrote a series of small but valuable essays on Herzen, beginning with his i905 article on Herzen and the Russian populist Mikhailovsky.¹⁴

In On the Meaning of Life, Ivanov-Razumnik describes two "objectivist" doctrines—positivist and religious, both with a fixed historical "aim" or grand vision—and a third doctrine, "immanent subjectivism," of which Herzen is presented as founding father and most exemplary exponent.¹⁵

Despite the burst of essays and monographs on Herzen that appeared during the first two decades of the twentieth century, in his 1918 mono­graph K. Levin complained that this scholarship had generated more mis­understandings than accurate appraisals, and was riddled with conflicting images and portrayals of the man.¹⁶ This assessment can be attributed in part to the relative newness of Herzen research in Russia, and to the fact that a complete critical edition of his writings was still not available.¹⁷ Scholarly efforts were significantly facilitated by the 22-volume edition of Herzen's collected works, edited by Mikhail Konstantinovich Lemke (1872­1923), and issued as a foundation of the revolution's noble heritage and in­tellectual pedigree by the People's Commissariat for Education. This work, completed in 1925, remained the principal point of departure for all Herzen scholarship for the next forty years. Other works appearing in this period include Bogucharsky's running biography, virtually devoid of notes or sup­porting material, which covers the last thirteen years ofHerzen's life in less than forty pages,¹⁸ and a pamphlet-sized popular biography by Steklov first published in 1920.¹⁹

As the new Soviet order was established, Herzen scholarship was forced to take a sharp turn. Formerly the bete noir of the tsarist regime, Herzen was now accorded a central position on the podium of Russian socialist ideologues and elevated to the pantheon of national heroes. While this en­couraged writing on Herzen, it also meant that interpretation was made to conform to strict guidelines and received understanding; a figure of such importance was to be defined within the tight ideological framework that Lenin had imposed.²⁰

The typical Soviet-era study begins with Lenin's famous dictum, his epi- graphic image ofHerzen as dissident voice and peasant advocate.²¹ The main body of such research is replete with quotations from Herzen, frequently laid out in a cut-and-paste fashion,²² interlaced with fact-filled commentary, and thickly cross-referenced with Lenin's writings (it is not unusual to find pages that include more Lenin than Herzen). Analysis is often couched in Soviet ideological terminology, premised on a causal relationship between economic structures and literary and intellectual phenomena, as well as aesthetics and values. Herzen's democratic ethos is reduced to having paved the way for the vanguard of Russian Marxism²³—quite an irony, con­sidering Herzen's profound dislike for much of Marx's writings—and his teaching is viewed as an intermediate stage on the path of Marxist-Leninist aesthetics.²⁴ One author somewhat anachronistically reads this alleged in- termediacy back into Herzen's own understanding, attributing his personal or "spiritual" tragedy to his being caught in the middle of "the revolution­ism of bourgeois democracy, which was already dying in Europe, and the revolutionism of the socialist proletariat, which had not ripened."²⁵ These studies often draw to a close not with the author's considered thoughts or findings, but with several more quotations from Lenin which are seen to sum up all that can (or should) be derived from Herzen's work.

One of the few Russian monographs specifically to treat Herzen's Bell closely follows this formula, quoting Lenin so often that on some pages the author no longer bothers to supply a reference. Indicative of the general gist of such scholarship, the first page of the bibliography guides the reader interested in understanding more about Herzen to two works by Marx and seventeen by Lenin.²⁶ Another monograph expands this list somewhat to include Engels.²⁷

Tatarinova's volume on Herzen, published in a series on "revolution­ary democratic publicists," contains a section on the Free Russian Press, though the interpretation relies heavily not only on Lenin but on Plekha- nov, who views Herzen as an early contributor to the stream of socialist materialism.²⁸ Monographs on Herzen's social philosophy²⁹ and historical views³⁰ follow a similar approach. Overall, much of Soviet scholarship on Herzen tends to be descriptive—often painstakingly so, with great effort on detail and documentation—but with a restrictive or circumscribed analytic or critical range.

The above does not in any way suggest that the literature of the Soviet period should be dismissed or ignored. Over the course of seven decades, a considerable corpus of studies on a wide variety of aspects and angles of Herzen and his works was produced. A number of literary projects were carried out that would have been difficult to orchestrate and finance in the West. The most significant of these is the definitive thirty-volume edition of his collected writings, with extensive notes and critical apparati.³¹ This opus, which took over a decade to complete, remains the standard reference work in the field. Also of note is the five-volume chronology of Herzen's life, which provides a detailed diary-like account of Herzen's movements and activities.³²

There is another intriguing aspect to Soviet Herzen scholarship. Among some writers, the choice of Herzen as a subject may indicate something other than simple endorsement of Leninist doctrine. As the theme of one work, entitled Herzen Against Autocracy,³³ suggests, Herzen set a model for the expression of free thought against the background of a repressive regime—a luxury not easily afforded the Soviet author documenting this very topic.³⁴ The irony of this circumstance could not entirely have been lost among readers. The subversive aspect of Herzen scholarship in Soviet secondary literature is a worthy topic in itself.³⁵

In the resurgence of essays and monographs on Herzen emanating from Russia during the last two decades one can detect new approaches with innovative methods and means of analysis employed to elucidate the man and his doctrine in a fresh light.³⁶

Growing interest in Herzen in the West may be seen in the context of the broader fascination with Russia during the first decades of the twentieth century. This was marked by a spurt of publications that ventured into a creative arena situated somewhere between romance and scholarship, in which a search was conducted for the "soul" or "spirit" of Russia as rep­resented by its great nineteenth-century literary figures and its innovative Silver Age poets and artists. In England, attention turned to Russian art and literature, while Continental studies included T. G. Masaryk's tour de force Russland und Europa (i9i3), a wide-ranging survey of Russian history, literature, and philosophy. Masaryk allocates several important subchapters to Herzen, depicting him with much admiration and empathy. The author, however, worked from the limited corpus of Herzen's texts available before the First World War.

The upheavals of i9i7-i9 and the assumption of power by Lenin, who, as noted above, accorded Herzen a central role as the ideological progenitor of Russian socialism, piqued the curiosity of those wishing to better under­stand the monumental events taking place.

In part a result of Russia's dramatic political and ideological transforma­tion and in part due to the production of Lemke's important reference work, Herzen scholarship began to move forward with quickening pace. In France, Labry produced two in-depth studies in the :920s, with the majority of the research focused on Herzen's ideological development within Russia and the impact of French thought upon his doctrine.³⁷ In the English-speaking world, the publication of Garnett's pocketbook translations of My Past and Thoughts (Byloe i dumy), Herzen's most popular work, helped bolster interest in the man and his thought.³⁸ By the early 1930s, E. H. Carr (i892-i982) was working on the first significant English-language study of Herzen. Based in part on My Past and Thoughts, Carr's work, The Romantic Exiles,³⁹ is largely biographical. It is well written, engaging, and entertaining, but it does not attempt to grapple with the intellectual streams of Herzen's doctrine.

By the end of the Second World War, the Soviet Union had reestablished itself as a major power, and as the Cold War emerged and intensified, the

Eastern bloc became a significant focus of concern in the West. With schol­ars and commentators expressing polarized views on the Soviet regime and communist doctrine, discussion extended to the influences that led to the current situation, one which pitted Western democracies against an ideo­logical system whose antecedents stretched back into the previous century. It was only natural, given Herzen's important role in Russia's intellectual heritage, socialist doctrine, and revolutionary movement, that scholarship in the West on this important figure should launch in earnest.

The fortuitous constellation of man and moment occurred when a rising academician of Russian origin, with a specialty in philosophy and a pen­chant for the history of ideas, was appointed to serve at the British embassy in Moscow for a brief spell in autumn 1945. With his keen interest in Rus­sian thought and literature, and having written a significant monograph on Marx, Isaiah Berlin (1909-1997) was well apprised of the historical pillars on which modern Russia rested. However, in his brief encounter with the grim, stark reality of Stalin's regime, Berlin became acquainted firsthand with a wholly different Russia than that which he had come to admire through its literature. He was deeply touched by his conversations with Russian intellectuals, and these exchanges contributed to his desire to promote an alternative vision of Russia that had strong roots in the past and offered hope for the future.

In a Foreign Office memorandum entitled "A Note on Literature and the Arts in the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic in the Clos­ing Months of 1945,"⁴⁰ Berlin distinguishes between two visions of Russia. One was manifest in revolutionary Leninist doctrine and Stalin's autocratic rule; the other, stifled to a trembling silence, was the underlying "Russian genius" which had long sought to be liberated from the oppressive grip of state control and censorship. While it was the totalitarian image that was gaining hold in the West, Berlin was a devotee of an entirely different vision of Russia, a liberal, humanist current that he would chronicle and examine in some of his most famous essays.

Berlin's Moscow memorandum was confidential, and could offer no suc­cor to its muted subject, Russia's literary intelligentsia. Given the political climate and palpable danger in Stalinist Russia of publicizing links with foreigners, Berlin could not write candidly about Russian contemporaries. It appears, however, that he soon arrived at a solution to this dilemma. In Herzen, Berlin found a perfect surrogate, a homegrown Russian figure, lauded as a hero by the Soviets themselves, who could "speak out" for those who could not, without risk or fear of reprisal. In the following two years Berlin's central motif contrasting two opposing forces in Russian history gestated and crystallized as he crafted his first essay in which Herzen would take center stage.⁴¹

While Berlin was far too sophisticated to invoke the "soul" or "spirit of Russia" phrase that had become popular in previous decades, he devel­oped a thesis that does share some elements with earlier romantic notions which contemplate an indigenous body of thought spawned by a particular national group or people. The Soviet worldview hearkened back to Marx, a product of the West; Berlin, however, indicates that the historical voice of Russia can be heard by turning to its writers, poets, artists, and intelli­gentsia, particularly those of the nineteenth century.⁴² It is this enlightened humanist stream that Berlin uses as a foil against what he perceives to be the perversions of Russian tradition under Stalinist Marxism. At the heart of the freethinking, anti-authoritarian current in Russian intellectual history and political thought was Herzen, who became something of a poster boy, the standard-bearer of a rich and variegated Russian legacy that was being smothered both in ideological and concrete terms. Berlin popularized an image ofHerzen as not only central in the development ofRussia's intellec­tual, socialist, and revolutionary heritage, but also as the most outstanding representative of an authentically Russian brand of liberal thought. More­over, Herzen could serve as a beacon not only for Russia, but for the West, which had succumbed to the "dangerous" and "sinister" notions lurking in the "political ruminations" of German and French romanticism.⁴³

Berlin's flowing, erudite, and supremely crafted essays were instrumen­tal in directing scholarly and popular attention to Herzen and his thought.⁴⁴ In championing Herzen, Berlin offered an alternative view of Russia as he chose to focus on the freedom-loving heritage that was suppressed under the Soviet regime. Berlin regarded Herzen as a remedy to the malaise of Western thought,⁴⁵ the dangerous seed that had grown into Nazi fascism on the one hand, and Marxist-Leninist doctrine and Stalinist repression on the other.⁴⁶ Berlin's portrayal of Herzen deserves close scrutiny, and, arguably, a monograph on this subject alone could be written. E. H. Carr is reported to have suggested that Berlin understood himself in the tradition of Herzen, and this leaves open the possibility that, conversely, Berlin may have been inclined to fashion Herzen to some extent in his own image.⁴⁷ Through his essays and by dint of the scholars he coached, advised, and inspired, Berlin influenced a key group of Herzen scholars in the West, and his particular approach set the tone for further research.⁴⁸

It was only in the :950s that Herzen scholarship in the West began to come into its own, dovetailing with the interest of certain scholars in non-Marxist formations of Russian thought. This research offered an alternative rep­resentation of Russia and its ideology to that which had been crystallizing during the Cold War era and the McCarthy years. In 1951 Richard Gilbert Hare (1907-1966) (who had also worked in the Foreign Office) published Pioneers of Russian Social Thought, which offered fuller vignettes of several of the figures that Berlin had surveyed in his 1948 article. Hare accorded more space to Herzen than any other figure in the monograph, although he cites little secondary literature. In a similar vein, Eugene Lampert (1914­2004), a Russian cultural and intellectual historian, completed Studies in Rebellion (1956), a survey of Russian revolutionary thought, featuring es­says on three nineteenth-century non-Marxist Russian thinkers. Lampert devotes more space to Herzen than to any other subject in his book. In his analysis, Lampert concentrates on Herzen's ideology and moral theory, less so on Herzen as a concrete political figure.

Franco Venturi (1914-1994) opens his classic study, Roots of Revolution, which first appeared in Italian in 1952, with a chapter on Herzen, whom he dubs "the true founder of Populism."⁴⁹ Venturi regards Herzen's influ­ence on the movement as largely due to his force of personality—his per­sonal experiences, and comments which were conveyed in his memoirs, in which "autobiography constantly intrudes on politics"—rather than in the production of a unified doctrine. He further maintains that Herzen looked back with a degree of nostalgia to his parents' generation, late eighteenth- century gentry who strove, albeit somewhat unsuccessfully, after the values of enlightenment and an emerging notion of social responsibility. These values, embodied to some extent in the Decembrists, were fundamental in inspiring Herzen's worldview. Venturi notes the influence of Saint-Simon, Proudhon, and Fourier, and tracks Herzen's absorption of their thought in a narrative outline which, in a brief chapter, takes the reader to 1848. After treating Bakunin, Venturi returns to Herzen, with an equally brief but help­ful chapter on The Bell. In doing so, Venturi produced one of the first stud­ies in the West to draw attention to The Bell and its significance in the rise of populism. However, the author's primary concern, as the book's original title, Il populismo russo, makes clear, is to trace the history of the populist movement as it coalesced with other streams of thought to produce the circumstances required for the Russian revolution. Herzen and his publica­tions are of interest to Venturi mainly in regard to their instrumentality in providing the basis for certain fundamental elements of the populist move­ment of the 1860s.

Marc Raeff, a fine scholar of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Rus­sia, emerged out of the same scholarly zeitgeist of the postwar era. In 1950 he completed his dissertation, and similar to the research bent of Berlin, Venturi, Hare, Lampert, and Malia (see below), it was on a theme that high­lighted a softer, non-Marxist version of Russian socialism, stressing liberal rather than authoritarian or determinist elements.⁵⁰

By the end of the i950s the time was ripe for a full-length English-language monograph on Herzen, and the study of Martin Malia (i924-2004), pub­lished in i96i but over a decade in gestation, filled this gap admirably. To this day, Malia's monograph is often regarded as the first port of call, if not the standard reference on the subject. Though dated and subject to the inevitable errors, flaws, and biases that are uncovered with time and exposure to criticism, Alexander Herzen and the Birth of Russian Socialism: 1812-1855 remains the best single intellectual biography written on Her­zen's first forty years, though it is just as much (if not more) a history of the development of Russian socialism during the reign of Nicholas I, with Herzen emblematic as the main protagonist.

Trained as a cultural historian and social scientist, Malia delves into the realm of the "social psychology" of ideas, devoting much energy to Her- zen's intellectual development in Russia, the formative years in which he absorbed European thought. According to Malia, Herzen's socialism was largely developed before he ever left Russia's borders. Malia's study ef­fectively ends in i852, the very year Herzen arrived in England. In accord with several authors cited above, Malia was convinced that Herzen was not integrated into English life, and "largely ignored the English, as they did him."⁵¹ He allocates little space to Herzen's activities after his arrival in London, or to his writings of that period.⁵² There is only fleeting reference to Robert Owen, for example, and J. S. Mill is only mentioned once in the entire monograph of nearly 500 pages. This, despite the fact that Herzen was influenced by both thinkers, and, moreover, Herzen's essay on Owen is considered one of his finest. The Bell, among Herzen's greatest achieve­ments, hardly figures in Malia's narrative.⁵³

In not addressing Herzen's final eighteen years, two-thirds of which were spent in London, Malia's study stops short and does not embrace the full span, and arguably most intriguing period, of Herzen's thought. Clearly, there is much work to be done on this period in Herzen's life, and an understanding of his Bell writings is essential to the appreciation of Her- zen at his most sophisticated.

Aileen Kelly, who encountered Isaiah Berlin during her days as a gradu­ate student at Wolfson College in the late i960s, writes in the solid tradi­tion of the esteemed master, tracing the rich and variegated interweaving of Russian and European ideas to which Herzen was exposed. She has strong reservations regarding certain aspects of Malia's portrayal, which she rightly asserts has been a dominant influence for the understanding of

Herzen in the West. Kelly also notes that the "standard Soviet interpreta­tion, based on Lenin's view that Herzen represents a transitional stage be­tween utopian socialism and Russian Marxism," has meant that "his place in Russian thought, like that of many other thinkers mangled by Soviet ideologists, has yet to be properly assessed."⁵⁴

One of the few scholars to seriously and consistently address the issue of Herzen's London period has been Monica Partridge. She unearths connec­tions, contacts, and associations which were previously not known, places Herzen frequented in London, and figures with whom he associated. Par­tridge earned a reputation for uncovering unpublished memoirs and letters; however, she employs these mainly to supplement Herzen's biography, and she does not tend to weave these materials into the broader scheme of Herzen's intellectual development or with his written pieces during these years. Be that as it may, Partridge highlights the significance of Herzen's London years as "the most settled and successful period of his life."⁵⁵ She strongly makes the case that Herzen's English period has been unjustifi­ably neglected, and is full of promise for further research.⁵⁶

Edward Acton aims to construct a "unified picture" of Herzen's develop­ment. He maintains that "the different aspects of his life and thought were inextricably intertwined," and attempts to demonstrate this by "tracing the impact of public events and private tragedy upon his political thought and activity."⁵⁷ Following in the footsteps of his doctoral supervisor E. H. Carr, Acton's framework is primarily biographical, and through this tangled skein he explores the development of Herzen's thought. Acton devotes a full chapter to "The Tragedy" and asserts that Herzen's personal crisis profoundly impacted his "political and ideological development" and "trig­gered off a basic shift in his outlook and activity."⁵⁸

Acton's findings are worthy of note, in that he detects a palpable turn in Herzen's thought. Acton traces this "change in the tone of his writings" to the summer of 1852, the very time that Herzen moved to England. In­deed, after 1852 Herzen was prompted to reconsider and reassess many of his positions. It is Herzen's experience in England, his strong bonds with journalists and political activists as demonstrated by Partridge's research, his witnessing firsthand the town hall meetings and evolving parliamentary system, his exposure to the thought of Owen and Mill, as demonstrated in his writings—in sum, a long period of residency in a non-revolutionary, civil, and relatively prosperous and successful society—that contributed to Herzen's fundamental reorientation.

A decade after the appearance of Acton's biography, Judith Zimmerman published a monograph focusing on the transitional nature of Herzen's first years in the West, from i847 to i852, a period in which Herzen struck a new balance between his Russian heritage and European ideals. Although Malia's work extends to these years, Zimmerman contends that it does not properly address Herzen's transformation during this period. She asserts that Malia views Herzen's development in Russia as both formative and decisive, that he "had little interest in the mature [post-i847] Herzen," and that, in consequence, Malia's section on Herzen in the West is "truncated and inaccurate in detail."⁵⁹

Approaching Herzen with a sociological emphasis, Zimmerman ex­plores "the process by which Herzen became an effective political actor." According to her research, Herzen's development of a revolutionary emigre identity was facilitated by his integration into a revolutionary community that lent his efforts a stamp of legitimacy and provided a "supportive mi­lieu" and a "viable tradition" within which he could operate.⁶⁰ These con­tacts also played a large role in Herzen's reformulation of his positions.⁶¹ This process was so thorough that "by i852 Herzen had emerged [. . .] to make a new life and a new career for himself." This newly formed man then left the Continent and moved to England, where "he [. . .] found a com­munity in which he could function—the world of exiles as it crystallized in London during the :850s." Zimmerman, however, does not tell us anything more about this next stage, as this is beyond the parameters of her research. "The present work ends at the brink of this new life, with Herzen in Eng­land. [. . .]" As Zimmerman notes, commenting on Malia's work, which she feels is solid on Herzen only up until i847, "there is no similar substantial study of the mature Herzen." Zimmerman brings Herzen's biography five years forward, but no further. By her own criteria of analysis, one would expect that Herzen, now surrounded by a new set of close acquaintances in London, and a different "supportive milieu" and "tradition," would have been open to further change and integration of new perspectives and ap­proaches, beliefs, and values. Indeed, Zimmerman felt Herzen's post-i852 period merited attention, and vowed to write another volume, a sequel to Midpassage, but this project never materialized.⁶²

Abbott Gleason's monograph covers the development of Russian social­ism, populism, and radicalism of the :850s and :860s, including a chapter on "the new era and its journalists." Herzen's Bell is treated, however, as a section within a chapter, and not an attempt at a major evaluation.⁶³ As noted above, several scholars have pointed to the relative lack of study of Herzen's London years and his contributions to The Bell, with some biogra­phers vowing to one day fill that gap. Russian researchers have also noted the absence of research in this area. Lomunov maintains that "in interna­tional Herzen scholarship the English connections are studied much less than, for example, his French, Italian, or German connections."⁶⁴

There are several excellent studies by historians of philosophy and Rus­sian political thought that contain important sections on Herzen. In the late 1940s and early 1950s, the surveys of Russian philosophy of N. O. Lossky (1870-1965) and V. V. Zenkovsky (1881-1962), both Russian Or­thodox philosophers in exile, were published. Lossky rejects the "typical bolshevik tendency" of Lenin and others who claim Herzen for themselves and interpret his writing as a forerunner of materialist doctrine. However, Lossky himself tends to slot thinkers into either what he considers to be mainstream Russian philosophy, which he regards as religious or spiritual, or that which is outside this category. Consequently, Herzen, an unbridled critic of organized religion, receives scant treatment. Lossky attempts to justify the short shrift he gives Herzen by noting that Herzen's efforts were more in the field of practical political thought than philosophy per se.⁶⁵

Zenkovsky observes that Herzen lacked any formal system and did not expound his doctrine in a purely philosophical manner. He points out that it is this feature of Herzen's discourse that complicates the task of the scholar, who must sift and separate passages of pure abstract thought and speculation from off-the-cuff comments, artistic expressions, and simple opinion. However, he does see a fair amount of internal cohesiveness in Herzen's thought, and devotes a section to investigating his doctrine. While most scholars have considered Herzen an atheist, or at least agnostic,⁶⁶ Zenkovsky identifies another Herzen who, in the 1830s, departed from analysis and rationalism and gave free rein to religious passion. Influenced by Saint-Simon's Nouveau Christianisme, Herzen saw in this doctrine the basis of moral renewal, a "new order" in Europe and Russia. While Herzen, ever the iconoclast, was a critic of the church as an institution, according to Zenkovsky's reading he espoused particular aspects of the Christian ethos as represented in scripture, and even gravitated toward aspects of mysti­cism. This aspect of Herzen's life and thought—Zenkovsky goes so far as to call Herzen an "essentially religious figure"—has yet to be explored in any depth.⁶⁷

Sergei Vasilievich Utechin (1921-2004), who also came under the in­fluence of Berlin during his time at Oxford, considers Herzen "the father of the modern Russian political emigration."⁶⁸ He recognizes that Herzen moderated his radical revolutionary position during his later years, and at­tributes matters of revolutionary strategy and tactics more to Ogaryov than to Herzen himself.

The Jesuit priest Frederick Copleston (1907-1994) wrote one of the great histories of Western philosophy of the last century. His Philosophy in Russia benefits greatly from his comparative perspective. Tracing Her­zen's movement from Schelling to Hegel, Hegel to Feuerbach, and on to positions akin to positivism, Copleston notes that the writings of Herzen and most other Russian thinkers belong more properly to the category of ideological thinking, social theory, or practical philosophy, rather than pure philosophy; however, any attempt to untangle and rationalize these vari­ous strands would be artificial, providing only a "caricature of his thought." Herzen was aware of discrepancies between his personal beliefs and those of the schools he studied and sometimes adopted.⁶⁹ He had to live with such inconsistencies, but live with them he did, rather than trying artificially to reconcile them in a perfect and complete philosophical system. Along these lines, which recognize Herzen's complex interweaving of rational and in­cisive thought with his personal experience and constitution, Copleston does acknowledge the changes in Herzen's beliefs and positions in his later years, that is, during the Bell period.

Most significantly, and counter to the many accounts of Herzen as the committed revolutionary (a moniker which was true, of course, in his ear­lier days), Copleston notes what appears to be a fundamental change in Herzen's understanding of the progress of history. Man has limited ability to affect history, which has its own pace and direction. Regime change, in today's vulgar terminology, is a shallow, ill thought-out concept. The devel­opment of the consciousness of the people will do more to move society forward than a sudden, radical overthrow of the existing order, which may only result in external, cosmetic alterations. Real change must come from within. It is perhaps in part Herzen's profound emphasis on the inner life, the human spirit, that Copleston, a man of the cloth, finds so appealing (de­spite Herzen's critique of organized religion), leading him to laud Herzen as "one of the most attractive figures among the Russian radical thinkers."⁷⁰

Andrzej Walicki, one of the finest scholars of Russian thought to publish in the last third of the twentieth century, devotes several brief but important chapters to Herzen. Walicki situates Herzen's doctrine within the context of larger Russian and European currents, particularly the fascination with Hegel that dominated the Moscow salons in the 1830s and 1840s. Herzen proved to be something of a philosophical dissident, kicking up his heels at those who were "reconciled with reality" and who rejected any call for action in the real world. Using Hegel against the Hegelians themselves, Walicki details how Herzen decried the "cult of historical reason" and argued for a synthesis of empiricism (materialism) and idealism, especially in its ca­pacity to generate dialectics, which allowed for a fluid, mobile, and multi­dimensional approach to major issues. Herzen showed the same tendency toward synthesis in his consideration of the positions of Slavophiles and Westerners (particularly Belinsky and Kavelin). He adopted and expanded the Slavophile's championing of "indigenous" or "authentic" Russian prin­ciples; however, he accorded primacy to the rights of the individual over the claims of authority and tradition, these latter two notions constituting cardinal pillars of the Slavophile position. Walicki also notes that Herzen integrated key arguments, such as the concept of Russia's "lack of his­tory," from Chaadaev, a thinker who is difficult to slot into either category.⁷¹ Walicki examines Herzen's positions on this issue in greater detail in his Slavophile Controversy, where he considers Herzen as the "natural link" be­tween the Slavophiles and Westerners of the :840s and the populists of the :860s and '70s.⁷² Perhaps more than any other scholar, Walicki has noted a major shift in Herzen's positions in his mature years. Referring to a letter that Herzen wrote in i868, the very end of the Bell period, Walicki writes: "This document shows that Herzen's ideas had changed significantly."⁷³ Indeed, Herzen evolved and transformed during his years in England; his doctrine, as expressed in The Bell, furnished a bridge to the thought and activism of the following decades.

The above studies, which devote entire sections to Herzen, should be supplemented by a number of other works in the broader field of Rus­sian intellectual history that shed light on important aspects of Herzen's thought. These include works on the Russian intelligentsia in general.⁷⁴

Herzen has also been analyzed from a literary or stylistic perspective. While he did write a number of fictional pieces, Herzen did not earn his fame through his artistic talents, and many histories of Russian literature con­tain scant reference to him. Belinsky, analyzing Herzen's novel, Who Is to Blame? (Kto vinovat? ^45-47), suggests that Herzen is really more of a phi­losopher than a poet.⁷⁵ Despite such lukewarm assessments, Herzen has been analyzed as a belles-lettrist, ⁷⁶ a literary critic,⁷⁷ and an interlocutor in dialogue or debate with other literary figures.⁷⁸ His creative works have been examined in the context of the literature of the period,⁷⁹ and these, along with his other writings, have attracted the critical attention of Chernyshevsky, Do- brolyubov, Pisarev, Plekhanov, Gorky, Lunacharsky, and a host of others.⁸⁰

Most notably, there have been serious literary examinations of his Past and Thoughts. Earlier research recognized that there was more to this work than meets the eye, allowing for several layers of analysis and interpreta­tion. Chukovskaya's small monograph suggests that Herzen's great work is "to no less degree a self-portrait than an autobiography."⁸¹ The best studies are those that detect Herzen's subtle but complex interweaving ofbiograph- ical details with world history. Hoffler-Preissmann's monograph asserts that Herzen aimed to construct a narrative in which contemporary history is embodied within literary portraits, resulting in "a perfect fusion of life with his artistic imagination."⁸² Schmid focuses on the personal dimen­sion of Past and Thoughts, arguing that Herzen's intention was to represent "Weltgeschichte als Familiendrama," a skilled interlacing of global events and autobiography.⁸³ In a modern paraphrase of Herzen's own comments, Ginzburg notes that Past and Thoughts eludes the usual categories of clas­sification. Neither pure literature, nor straight history or autobiography, it is rather a distinctive fusion of several genres, a memoir imbued with a de­liberate, studied, and conscious historicism.⁸⁴ Along similar lines, Paperno examines how Herzen links "intimacy" and "history" by employing liter­ary structures and Hegelian models.⁸⁵ Other investigations have considered Herzen in terms of the literary schools that influenced his writing,⁸⁶ as well as his relationship with other authors.⁸⁷ Aside from literary studies, general works on nineteenth-century Russian journalism invariably include a sec­tion on Herzen.⁸⁸

It may be argued from the above survey that there are, broadly speaking, three major trends in Herzen scholarship. The biographical genre is fu­eled by material from Herzen's celebrated memoirs, his correspondence, and archival documents which include the observations of those who met or knew Herzen. Works of intellectual history attempt to trace influences and tease a coherent philosophy or worldview out of Herzen's largely topi­cal, publicistic writings. Literary studies explore Herzen's transition from romanticism to naturalism in the :830s and :840s, and finally to the devel­opment of his own groundbreaking style of confessional prose in the :850s.

Beyond the above rubrics, an intriguing parallel developed between Her­zen scholarship in Soviet Russia and, mutatis mutandis, in the West after World War II. Both were dominated for some time by a larger-than-life, authoritative commentator who has influenced much of later scholarship. During the Soviet era, Lenin's interpretation had to be heeded or, at the very least, cunningly worked around, even while quoting him de rigueur at every possible juncture. Admittedly of a different nature and degree, it may be argued that a fair amount of Herzen scholarship in the West has been inspired by Berlin's interpretation and approach, not only by dint of the essays which treat Herzen and his circle,⁸⁹ but in a much subtler yet more pervasive sense. In the last sixty years, a number of key Western scholars who wrote some of the most important studies on Herzen's thought were directly influenced by Berlin, and corresponded with him on the subject throughout his life. ⁹⁰ Berlin's influence was not restricted to those in the

West. Russian scholars such as Elsberg have considered Berlin's analysis of Herzen as emblematic of the contemporary "ideological battle over Her­zen's legacy."⁹¹ To Elsberg, as Berlin, an "authentic" understanding of Her­zen could be used to support or critique contemporary worldviews, political systems, and regimes. The debate over the interpretation of Herzen went beyond mere literary analysis.

There have been studies that have examined Herzen in regard to particular years or stages in his life,⁹² or the cities in Russia in which he resided.⁹³ A number of monographs have been based on Herzen's nexus of interactions and associations with certain European nations.⁹⁴ Herzen's English period has still to attract comparable dedicated studies, and the publication of a selection of his essays, with commentary and explanation, is a long-awaited and significant contribution to Herzen scholarship which will allow English readers for the first time to appreciate Herzen's landmark essays and subtle discourse. A study of Herzen's writings during his Bell years shows him in all his brilliance, complexity, and, indeed, inconsistencies, as an idealistic, non-compromising, engaged emigre, straddled between the immaculate structures of pure philosophy, the soaring ideals of a lofty social, egalitarian morality, and the exigencies and limitations of a terribly imperfect world.

Herzen's years in the West solidified and crystallized his belief that Rus­sia had to follow its own path in finding solutions to its distinctive prob­lems. Picking up on a line of argument that had already been suggested in one form or other in the 1830s and 1840s, Herzen asserted that Russia's isolation from the West could play in its favor, allowing it to bypass the deleterious features of an ill and declining Western civilization, which was hampered by alien conventions such as Roman contracts and codes cre­ated to regulate European individualism. Antipodal to this conception of a decadent West was Herzen's central image of an idealized mir, the Rus­sian peasant village or commune. The mir, which became the keystone of Herzen's mature thought and his great hope for an indigenous, egalitarian solution to Russia's problems, became so attractive to Herzen in part due to his pressing need to find an organic, nonviolent answer to issues that Europe itself could not fully solve.

In this regard, England provided a useful model—an island that had fol­lowed its own course in a gradual manner, over the span of centuries, from the Magna Carta to the development of an elected parliament and inde­pendent judiciary, with a long tradition of civic duty, a vigorous free press, and a relatively high degree of personal liberty. In this environment Her- zen was allowed to operate, unencumbered by government, authorities, or censorship, despite Russia's pleas to shut him down. Moreover, during his years in London Herzen became apprised of the very different perspective of English intellectuals on events occurring on the Continent, especially those of i848.⁹⁵

In the ideational realm, during his Bell years, Herzen was profoundly influenced by two English thinkers, J. S. Mill and Robert Owen. Mill's writ­ings, especially on liberty, struck a chord with Herzen, who agreed with much of Mill's critique on herd-like behaviour of the contented masses, the sameness, banality, and lack of individual expression that was increasingly characterizing modern European society. Herzen found in Mill the perfect support for the argument that Russia could not rely on Western solutions, because the West itself was ill, exhausted, and in decline. Herzen utilized Robert Owen, whom he regarded as an exemplary champion of socialism, in a similar fashion. It was not the authorities who caused Owen's plans to founder, but the lack of support and understanding from the broad masses, whose Western, bourgeois individualism made them numb to higher ide­als and the rewards of social solidarity.

It is precisely at this stage of his life, witnessing the wide berth of civic freedom allowed to both individuals and groups in England, yet observing the inability of society to advance further and capitalize on the possibili­ties at hand, that Herzen developed his theory on the cardinal importance of educating the people, a vital requirement without which real progress could not be made. External changes in the system were not enough, and there was little to be gained by simply altering the structure of government and allowing the masses to do as they pleased. Herzen learned during his London years that, if anything, the English were more conformist and less likely to speak out than those on the Continent, precisely because of the fact that they already enjoyed a fair degree of personal freedom, and required lit­tle more from life than the illusion that they were exercising their freedom, or, at least, could do so if they desired.⁹⁶ In Mill and Owen, Herzen found both champions and foils for his own doctrine of liberty and socialism, with both figures demonstrating the pitfalls of Western society in its inability to provide a proper vehicle for the ideals they espoused. Paradoxically, Herzen enlisted Mill to counter the aspirations of Russia's liberals, who hoped that reforms would lead to a bourgeois Western model. Herzen, via Mill, and through his own experience in the West, pointed out the shallowness and futility of such limited aspirations.

Herzen believed a fitting vehicle for both individual freedom and so­cial equality should be searched for not in the decadent West but in a spe­cifically Russian institution and structure. Ensconced deep in the Russian countryside, immune to the maladies of the West, was the peasant com­mune. Instead of the West providing solutions for Russia, Russia would provide for itself, and perhaps even suggest a model for the West as well. Herzen's views coalesced into a doctrine that combined the romantic, folk, communal image of the mir with a program of advancing the people to a state of conscious recognition so that they could take hold of their own destiny.⁹⁷ In 1861, at the height of the influence of The Bell, Herzen first ut­tered the catchphrases which became the battle cries of the next generation, "zemlia i volia" ("land and freedom") and "V narod!" ("To the people!"). During Herzen's English period he also adopted the biological, evolution­ary theory that was just beginning to influence modern patterns of thought.

During Herzen's years in England he significantly modified his earlier views and integrated his personal observations on English society, the theory of English philosophers and social thinkers—especially Mill and Owen— and new scientific paradigms. In England, with his new set of liberal con­tacts, and under the influence of a socialism that was evolving in a public forum, Herzen fully developed a custom-made theory for progress and de­velopment in Russia, one that influenced the narodniki (populists) of the following decades.

After a series of painful and stormy years on the European continent, Herzen arrived at a new and profound understanding of his life and the world around him in England. This period, essentially the last major chap­ter of both literary and practical achievement in his life, represents the consummation and fulfillment of all parts of his character, an integrated Herzen who, for the first time, was able to bring his idealist, utopian visions closer to the ground, and who managed to complement his writings with concrete activity in the West, establishing a landmark publishing enterprise which had a profound impact on Russia itself. Gurvich-Lishchiner main­tains that Herzen strove "to reconstruct a harmonious integrity of vision of the person and the world."⁹⁸ For Herzen, this was both a literary endeavor, in the form of an original style of memoir, Past and Thoughts, begun in earnest almost immediately upon his arrival in England, and a practical effort to engage with the world and the movement of history, as was done through the Free Russian Press. Both enterprises mark a new and impor­tant phase in Herzen's varied and winding career, and both projects are in­extricably entwined. In his mature years (post 1852), Herzen moved closer to the view that real social change begins first with individual development, inner strength, and the construction of character, Bildung." His experience of England only served to strengthen this notion, particularly in regard to Mill's inner aesthetic, which sought to defend individuality and the "integ­rity of self against the homogeneity of Western industrial democracies."¹⁰⁰

Herzen's extended exposure to English life, culture, and thought, a so­journ on English soil which comprised the longest amount of time he was to spend in any foreign land,¹⁰¹ may be regarded as the culmination of a lifelong search for a harmony between one's inner, spiritual life, practical deeds in the world, and the relationship with one's community and nation. The fruits of this search are expressed most clearly and eloquently in The Bell, essays and articles of a particular era that address the eternal questions of self and humanity.

Notes

Rambaud writes of issues of The Bell "spread out" on the emperor's table: "Les numeros proscrits penetraient cependant par milliers en Russie et, etales sur la table de l'empereur, lui denon^aient les iniquites les plus cachees." Alfred Rambaud, Histoire de la Russie depuis les origines jusqu'a l'annee 1877 (Paris: Hachette, 1878), 677.

S togo berega (From the Other Shore), widely regarded as Herzen's chef d'oeuvre, first appeared in German as Vom anderen Ufer: Aus dem Russischen Manuskript (Hamburg: Hoffmann und Campe, 1850); in 1855 Herzen's London press published the Russian text under his pseudonym Iskander. Herzen wrote "letters" of his experiences in the West, beginning with his "Letters from Avenue Marigny," published in Nekrasov's Contempo­rary in 1847. These and other such letters from the 1847-52 period were published as Pis'ma iz Frantsii i Italii (Letters from France and Italy) (London: Trtibner, 1855).

"He did not like London. He spoke English very badly; he made few acquaintances there; and he writes with some asperity of the people and their habits." J. D. Duff, fore­word to The Memoirs of Alexander Herzen (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1923), xiii. These contentions persisted. "As for the English, he met few among them . . . On the whole, little attention was paid to him in England, and he responded with mingled admiration and dislike for his hosts." Isaiah Berlin, introduction to Alexander Herzen, From the Other Shore, trans. M. Budberg (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1956), xii.

"Takogo otshel'nichestva ia nigde ne mog naiti, kak v Londone." A. I. Gertsen, Sobranie sochinenii v tridtsati tomakh (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Akademii nauk SSSR, 1954­66), 11:10.

In 1894 Milyukov delivered six public lectures, which included mention of the De­cembrists and Herzen. Within months he was dismissed from teaching and sent into exile for two years. Undeterred, Milyukov set to work in Ryazan and published a series of sympathetic feuilletons on the romantic and emotional life of the "idealists" of the 1830s: Stankevich, Belinsky, and Herzen. See P. Miliukov, "Liubov' u idealistov tridtsatikh godov," Russkiia vedomosti 34 (issue numbers 276, 282, 289, 305, 335, 345) (1896).

As late as 1904, Boborykin, in his article on the Russian intelligentsia, still does not allow himself to mention Herzen by name, but instead refers to him as the "publisher of The Bell and From the Other Shore." P. Boborykin, "Russkaia intelligentsiia," Russkaia mysl' 25, no. 12 (1904): 82.

Ch. Vetrinskii (Vasilii Evgrafovich Cheshikhin-Vetrinskii), Gertsen (St. Petersburg: Svetoch, 1908).

P. N. Miliukov, Vospominaniia (1859-1917), ed. M. M. Karpovich and B. I. El'kin, vol. 1 (New York: Izdatel'stvo Imeni Chekhova, 1955), 145.

P. Miliukov, "Pamiati Gertsena," Mir Bozhii, 9, no. 2, section 2 (February i900): i7-2i.

Paul N. Miliukov, Russia To-Day and To-Morrow (New York: Macmillan, i922),

359.

See Iv. Il. Petrunkevich, Iz zapisok obshchestvennogo deiatelia: Vospominaniia, ed. A. A. Kizevetter (Prague, i934; Berlin: Petropolis-Verlag), 337.

His real name was Razumnik Vasil'evich Ivanov.

Ivanov-Razumnik, Istoriia russkoi obshchestvennoi mysli ^907), 3rd ed. (St. Peters­burg: M. M. Stasiulevich, i9ii), 365-4:4.

Ivanov-Razumnik, "Gertsen i Mikhailovskii," in A. I. Gertsen ^905; Petrozavod: Kolos, i920), 46-76. Ivanov-Razumnik exemplifies the hazards of the scholar who dared write in a free and unhindered way during the first years of the Bolshevik regime. He published studies on Herzen, Chernyshevsky, Lavrov, and Mikhailovsky, and fa­vored populism over Marxism. With the consolidation of the new order, he soon found himself blacklisted, and then incarcerated for periods between i92i and i94i.

See Ivanov-Razumnik, "O smysle zhizni," 2nd ed. (St. Peterburg, i9i0). For more on Ivanov-Razumnik's writings on Herzen, see N. V. Kuzina, "A. I. Gertsen v sochineniiakh i tvorcheskom soznanii R. V. Ivanova-Razumnika i9i0-i920 gg.," in Gertsenovskie chteniia (Kirov: Dept. kul'tury i iskusstva Kirovskoi oblasti, 2002), i2-i7.

See Kirik Levin, A. I. Gertsen: Lichnost', ideologiia (Moscow: Dennitsa, Tipografiia Voennogo Komissariata Moskovskoi oblasti, i9i8; 2nd ed.: Gosudarstvennoe Izdatel'stvo, i922), v.

An edition of Herzen's writings in ten small volumes began to be published in the West five years after his death, but this represented only a fraction of his total output. Herzen's Bell essays are almost completely absent, and sections of other texts are miss­ing. See Sochineniia A. I. Gertsena spredisloviem (Oeuvres d'Alexandre Herzen) (Geneva: H. Georg, i875-79).

See V. Ia. Bogucharskii, "Poslednii period zhizni (i857-i870 gg.)," in Aleksandr Ivanovich Gertsen (Moscow: Gosudarstvennoe Izdatel'stvo, i920/i92i), И4-62.

Iurii M. Steklov, A. I. Gertsen (Iskander): 1812-1870 (Moscow: Gosudarstvennoe Izdatel'stvo, i920; 2nd ed., Gosudarstvennoe Izdatel'stvo, i923).

See, for example, the treatment of Herzen in general historiographical overviews such as Nikolai L. Rubinshtein, Russkaia istoriografiia (Moscow: OGIZ/Gospolitizdat, i94i), 204-8.

Lenin's laudatory pronouncement declares that Herzen's Bell "broke the slavish silence" and "valiantly championed the liberation of the peasants." V. I. Lenin, "Pamiati Gertsena," Sotsial-Demokrat, no. 26, May 8 (April 25), i9i2.

A striking example of this genre is the work of A. I. Volodin ^933-2004), which is essentially a composite of selected passages followed by tendentious interpretation in which he "reveals" the "dialectical materialism" ensconced in Herzen's outlook. See Aleksandr I. Volodin, Gertsen (Moscow: Mysl', i970).

See Aleksei T. Pavlov, Ot dvorianskoi revoliutsionnosti k revoliutsionnomu demokra- tizmu (ideinaia evoliutsiia Gertsena) (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Moskovskogo universiteta, ^:977^ ^ll4.

See Ia. El'sberg, "Esteticheskie vzgliadi A. I. Gertsena," in A. I. Gertsen: 1812-1870, ed. I. G. Klabunovskii and B. P. Koz'min (Moscow: Gosudarstvennyi Literaturnyi muzei, i946), 22.

Ioann S. Novich (Fainshtein), Dukhovnaia drama Gertsena (Moscow: Khudozhe- stvennaia literatura, i937), i6.

See Zinaida P. Bazileva, "Kolokol" Gertsena (1857-1867 gg.) (Moscow: Gosudar- stvennoe Izdatel'stvo politicheskoi Literatury, i949), 289. Another such work examines the atheistic outlook of Herzen and Ogaryov in The Bell, focusing on their discussion of freedom of conscience, and their critiques of religion, clericalism, and the social posi­tion of the Orthodox church. This brief study, too, is composed largely of a patchwork of excerpts and extended passages from the two authors, and begins and ends with Lenin's words. See Valentina S. Panova, "Kolokol" Gertsena i Ogar'eva ob ateizme, religii I tserkvi (Moscow: Mysl', i983).

See "Kratkaia bibliografiia sochinenii Gertsena i literatury o nem," in A. I. Gertsen: Seminarii, by M. I. Gillel'son, E. N. Dryzhakova, and M. K. Perkal' (Moscow: Pros- veshchenie, i965), ii9-2i.

See Liudmila E. Tatarinova, A. I. Gertsen (Moscow: Mysl', i980), 86-i8i.

See Zinaida V. Smirnova, Sotsial'naia filosofiia A. I. Gertsena (Moscow: Nauka, i973). Indicative of many such studies, the chronological chapters of Smirnova's work focus largely on the development of Herzen's thought in the i830s and i840s, culminat­ing in his reactions to the i848 revolutions.

Natal'ia M. Pirumova, Istoricheskie vzgliady A. I. Gertsena (Moscow: Gosudar- stvennoe Izdatel'stvo polit. Lit-y, i956).

A. I. Gertsen, Sobranie Sochinenii v tridtsati tomakh (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo akademii nauk SSSR, i954-66). The work (herein: Sobranie sochinenii) comprises 33 separate books, plus index.

Letopis' zhizni i tvorchestva A. I. Gertsena (1812-1870), vols. i-5 (Moscow: Nauka, i974-90).

Natan Ia. Eidel'man, Gertsen protiv samoderzhaviia: Sekretnaia istoriia Rossii XVIII- XIX vekov i Vol'naia russkaia pechat' (Moscow: Mysl', i973). See also the collection of Eidelman's essays on the issue of freedom of speech and Herzen's efforts with the Free Russian Press: N. Ia. Eidel'man, Svobodnoe slovo Gertsena (Moscow: Editorial URSS, i999). This volume contains several essays on The Bell, including "Anonymous Corre­spondents of Kolokol," originally published as "Anonimnye korrespondenty 'Kolokola' " in Problemy izucheniia Gertsena (Moscow: ANSSSR, ^63), 25^79; and "Secret Corre­spondents of Polestar," originally published as Tainye korrespondenty "Poliarnoi zvezdy" (Moscow: Mysl', i966).

Herzen could only find one justification for the pain of his self-imposed exile, and this was the absolute necessity to live in an environment of free speech and the impera­tive to fight for those who lacked it. See S togo berega, in Sobranie sochinenii, 6:i3-i4. Not long after his arrival in London, Herzen realized his most momentous achievement, the establishment of his press. One of its first products was a small pamphlet addressed to his Russian brethren, a tiny manifesto declaring Herzen's deepest tenets and values. At the heart of it lies Herzen's maxim: "Without freedom of speech, man is not free." "Vol'noe russkoe knigopechatanie v Londone: Brat'iam na Rusi" (February i853), Doc. 2 in this collection.

This theme transcends the Soviet era. A few years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, interest revived in Herzen and Ogaryov's multi-pronged campaign against the "official" version of history presented in Baron Modest Korf's rendition of the Decem­brist revolt and the accession to the throne of Nicholas I. Herzen had refuted what he branded Korf's "servile" and "slavish" account in a notice appearing in The Bell 1, no. 4 (January 10, 1857), in a separate article, and a book: 14 dekabria 1825 i imperator Nikolai (London: Trtibner, 1858). A reprint of the latter, along with introduction, notes, and analysis, appeared as 14 dekabria 1825 goda i ego istolkovateli (Gertsen i Ogarev protiv barona Korfa), ed. E. L. Rudnitskoi, prepared by A. G. Tartakovskii (Moscow: Nauka, 1994).

See, for example, the creative approaches and new directions taken in Elena N. Dryzhakova, Gertsen na zapade: V labirinte nadezhd, slavy i otrechenii (St. Petersburg: Akademicheskii proekt, 1999) (this work devotes only 39 pages to Herzen's 1855-64 period); Vasilii F. Antonov, A. I. Gertsen: Obshchestvennyi ideal (Moscow: Editorial URSS, 2000); and Ruslan Khestanov, Aleksandr Gertsen: Improvizatsiiaprotiv doktriny (Moscow: Dom intellektual'noi knigi, 2001).

Raoul Labry, Herzen et Proudhon (Paris: Bossard, 1928); Raoul Labry, Alexandre Ivanovic Herzen, 1812-1870: Essai sur la formation et le developpement de ses idees (Paris: Editions Bossard, 1928).

Alexander Herzen, My Past and Thoughts: The Memoirs of Alexander Herzen, trans. Constance Garnett, 6 vols. (London: Chatto and Windus, 1924-27).

Edward Hallett Carr, The Romantic Exiles: A Nineteenth-Century Portrait Gallery (London: V. Gollancz, 1933; reprint: Harmondsworth, Eng.: Penguin, 1968).

Originally a restricted document, the report was published in its entirety as "The Arts in Russia Under Stalin," in The Soviet Mind: Russian Culture Under Communism, ed. Henry Hardy (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 2004).

"Russia and 1848" highlights Herzen's central role in the development of the Russian intelligentsia as a counterforce to the oppressive regime of Nicholas I. Berlin traces the emergence of a distinct Russian "native social and political outlook" against the backdrop of "the gigantic strait-jacket of bureaucratic and military control." It is this for­mation of a flank of moral opposition, spearheaded by Herzen, that Berlin identifies as a heroic Russian liberal voice in the face of repressive measures. See Isaiah Berlin, "Russia and 1848," Slavonic Review (Slavonic and East European Review) 26 (1948): 341, 359.

Berlin considered Marx to be the most influential of all nineteenth-century think­ers, though he took issue with several of his basic positions and tenets, such as his negative regard for nationalism. A decade after completion of his study on Marx, Berlin can be seen as offering the alternative refrain of Herzen, a socialist of strong national convictions: "In the 1950s Berlin went on to reveal to English and American readers the riches of nineteenth-century Russian populism and liberalism as represented by Herzen . . . and to argue something we need to remember today more than ever, that nationalism can be and has been an ally of liberalism." Alan Ryan, introduction to Isa­iah Berlin, Karl Marx: His Life and Environment (1939), 4th rev. ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), xvi.

See Isaiah Berlin, "The First and the Last: My Intellectual Path," New York Review of Books, May 14, 1998, pp. 10-11.

Berlin's activities stretched far beyond the halls of academia. Regarding Berlin's direct influence on Tom Stoppard's "Coast of Utopia" trilogy, see "The Coast of Utopia," Lincoln Center Theater Review 43 (2006). One critic writes that English Herzenism, led by the Berlin school, projects Herzen as "a post-war liberal in nineteenth-century cloth­ing." Thomas Harlan Campbell, "Restaging the Gercen 'Family Drama': Tom Stop­pard's Shipwreck and the Discourse of English 'Herzenism,' " Russian Literature 61, no. 1-2 (January 1-February 15, 2007): 207-43.

"To the analytical antinomies he addressed, Berlin affixed the dyad of East and West as he sought in the exertions of 19th century Russian writers a counterweight to the exaggerated pursuit of perfection emblematic of the Enlightenment. . . . Turgenev, Tolstoy, and Herzen, Berlin believed, were expositors of an alternative, corrective, vi­sion, sources for redress and repair for what ails the West's record of ideas. Herzen was his favorite. Berlin appreciated Herzen because he declined to pursue a singular coherent doctrine, and for his open temperament." Ira Katznelson, "Isaiah Berlin's Mo­dernity," Social Research 66, no. 4 (1999): 1087-88.

In the mid-1950s, having witnessed the fruits of Stalinism, Nazism, and the esca­lating Cold War, Berlin writes: "On the whole, it is Herzen's totalitarian opponents both of the Right and of the Left that have won." Isaiah Berlin, introduction to Herzen, From the Other Shore, trans. Budberg, xx.

" ' Lampert sees Herzen as Lampert writ large,' I remember Berlin telling me, when I was embarking on a doctorate on Herzen. Carr's retort, when I recounted this to him, was that 'Berlin sees Berlin as Herzen writ large.' " Edward Acton, "Eugene Lampert: Distinguished Scholar of Russian History" (obituary), Guardian, September 10, 2004, p. 29. In a letter of August 1938, Berlin writes: "Oh dear, Herzen. There is no writer, indeed no man I shd like to be like, to write like, more" [sic]. Flourishing: Letters, 1928-1946, ed. Henry Hardy (London: Pimlico, 2005), 279.

Offord comments that Berlin "established a hagiographic tradition" and that this, in part, accounts for the lack of critical examination of Herzen by later scholars. Derek Offord, "Alexander Herzen and James de Rothschild," Toronto Slavic Quarterly 19 (Win­ter 2007): 1.

Franco Venturi, Roots of Revolution (1952; London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, i960).

See Marc Raeff, "The Peasant Commune in the Political Thinking of Russian Publicists: Laissez-Faire Liberalism in the Reign of Alexander II" (Ph.D. thesis, Har­vard University, 1950). Also in this vein, in 1951 V. Pirozhkova completed a dissertation that considered the "collapse" of Herzen's utopian vision. Her dissertation was later published as Vera Piroschkow [Vera Aleksandrovna Pirozhkova], Alexander Herzen: Der Zusammenbruch einer Utopie (Munich: A. Pustet, 1961).

Martin Malia, Alexander Herzen and the Birth of Russian Socialism: 1812-1855 (Cam­bridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1961), 393.

Malia conceives of Herzen as a figure influenced to a great degree by the ideational and aesthetic constructs he formed in Russia. "The liberal institutions of England . . . so utterly failed to impress him." Martin E. Malia, "Schiller and the Early Russian Left," in Russian Thought and Politics, vol. 4, ed. H. McLean, M. Malia, and G. Fischer (Cam­bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1957), 197.

This omission was noted in Hare's review: "A study of Herzen's contribution to Russian socialism should surely take into account the most mature and influential pe­riod of his life, when after the death of Nicholas I (1855), he fascinated the new Emperor and a large Russian reading public through the pages of his London-published journal The Bell." Richard Hare, review of Alexander Herzen and the Birth of Russian Socialism, 1812-1855, by Martin Malia, Russian Review 21, no. 2 (April 1962): 191-92.

Aileen M. Kelly, "Herzen and Proudhon: Two Radical Ironists," in Views from the Other Shore (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1999), 84.

Monica Partridge, Alexander Herzen: 1812-1870 (Paris: Unesco, 1984), 83.

See Monica Partridge, "Alexander Herzen and the English Press," Slavonic and East European Review 36, no. 87 (June i958): 453; and Monica Partridge, "Alexander Herzen and England," in Alexander Herzen: Collected Studies, 2nd ed. (Nottingham: Astra, i993), ii5.

Edward Acton, Alexander Herzen and the Role of the Intellectual Revolutionary (Cam­bridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, i979), ix.

Acton argues that Herzen's "private ordeal" "did more than predispose him emo­tionally" in his thought and attitude. The "personal catastrophe" "touched him at the deepest level" and impacted "his basic approach to historical development." Acton, Al­exander Herzen, i05-8.

Judith E. Zimmerman, Midpassage: Alexander Herzen and European Revolution, 1847-1852 (Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh Press, ^89), xv.

Ibid., xii-xiii.

In earlier research, Zimmerman writes of Herzen: "I discovered that personal relations were far more important in determining political position than was pure ideol­ogy." Judith E. Zimmerman, "Herzen, Herwegh, Marx," in Imperial Russia 1700-1917: State, Society, Opposition; Essays in Honor of Marc Raeff, ed. E. Mendelsohn and M. Shatz (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, i988), 298.

Zimmerman, Midpassage, xii, xv, 222, 225.

See Abbott Gleason, Young Russia: The Genesis of Russian Radicalism in the 1860s (New York: Viking, i980), 84. Citations are pulled almost entirely from secondary sources. For example, the references to The Bell are all sourced from Bazileva's i949 monograph, and there are no citations in the chapter directly from Herzen's works.

K. N. Lomunov, "A. I. Gertsen v londonskii period ego zhizni," in Alexander Her- zen and European Culture, ed. Monica Partridge (Nottingham: Astra, ^84), i.

See N. O. Lossky, History of Russian Philosophy (New York: International Universi­ties Press, i95i), 57.

Zernov writes: "Herzen was the only leader of the intelligentsia who was more an agnostic than a dogmatic atheist and for this reason he remained on the fringe of the movement. He was never accepted whole-heartedly as their teacher by its more radical members." Nicolas Zernov, The Russian Religious Renaissance of the Twentieth Century (New York: Harper and Row, ^63), 20.

See V. V. Zen'kovskii, Istoriia russkoi filosofii (Paris: YMCA, i948), 278, 285-86.

"Herzen was not the first Russian political emigre . . . but Herzen was the first to look on emigration as a base from which one could try to influence intellectual and political developments at home." S. V. Utechin, Russian Political Thought: A Concise His­tory (London: J.M. Dent, ^63), H7, H9.

For example, Herzen believed that action was necessary to realize social goals, and that this presupposes the existence of freedom of will and action. However, the positivists that Herzen so admired tended to regard human freedom as an illusion, a chimera which has no basis in scientific observation or knowledge.

Frederick C. Copleston, Philosophy in Russia (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, i986), i-5, 93-99.

Andrzej Walicki, A History of Russian Thought from the Enlightenment to Marxism (i973; Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, i979), П5-34, i62-80.

The notion of Herzen either as a liminal or transitionary figure is expressed by a number of scholars. Offord writes that "the emigre Herzen occupied political space somewhere between the liberals . . . and the militant young thinkers." Derek Offord, Nineteenth-Century Russia: Opposition to Autocracy (London: Pearson, 1999), 54. Scha- piro points out that although Herzen's positions of the 1850s are "reminiscent of the Slavophiles," Herzen was a Western-oriented, rationalist, revolutionary atheist, all of which was anathema to the Slavophiles. Leonard Schapiro, Rationalism and National­ism in Russian Nineteenth-Century Political Thought (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1967), 82-83.

Andrzej Walicki, The Slavophile Controversy: History of a Conservative Utopia in Nineteenth-Century Russian Thought (1964; Oxford: Clarendon, 1975), 173, 580.

See Russkaia intelligentsia: Istoriia i sud'ba, compiled by T. B. Kniazevskaia (Mos­cow: Nauka, 1999); Rossiia 2, no. 10 (1999) (Russkaia intelligentsiia i zapadnyi intel- lektualizm: Istoriia i tipologiia); Russian Intelligentsia, ed. Richard Pipes (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961); and Marc Raeff, Origins of the Russian Intelligentsia (New York: Harcourt Brace and World, 1966).

See V. G. Belinskii, "Vzgliad na russkiu literaturu 1847 goda," in Sobranie sochi­nenii, vol. 8 (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1982), 381.

See Lev. A. Plotkin, "Gertsen-belletrist," in O russkoi literature: A. I. Gertsen, I. S. Nikitin, D. I. Pisarev (Leningrad: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1986), 7-55.

See Ivan G. Pekhtelev, Gertsen-literaturnyi kritik (Moscow: Prosveshchenie, 1967).

See Leonid S. Radek, Gertsen i Turgenev: Literaturno-esteticheskaia polemika (Kishinev: Shtinnitsa, 1984).

See V. A. Rutintsev, Gertsen: Pisatel', 2nd ed. (Moscow: ANSSSR, 1963); Sof'ia D. Gurvich-Lishchiner, Tvorchestvo Gertsena v razvitii russkogo realizma serediny XIX veka (Moscow: Nasledie, 1994).

See A. I. Gertsen v russkoi kritike, intro. essay and notes by V. A. Putintsev (Mos­cow: Gosudarstvennaia Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1953).

Lidiia K. Chukovskaia, "Byloe i dumy" Gertsena (Moscow: Khud. lit-a, 1966), 143. Elizavetina asserts that Herzen crafted his particular "memoir-autobiographical genre" in order to impart more knowledge and understanding than other available literary forms. Galina G. Elizavetina, "Byloe i dumy" A. I. Gertsena (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1984), 154.

See Ulrike Hoffler-Preissmann, Die Technik des literarischen Portrats in Alexander Herzens "Byloe i dumy" (Mainz: Liber, 1982), 1-2, 140-41.

See Ulrich Schmid, Ichentwurfe: Die russische Autobiographie zwischen Avvakum und Gercen (Ztirich: Pano-Verlag, 2000), 327-69.

See Lidiia Ia. Ginzburg, O psikhologicheskoi proze, 2nd ed. (Leningrad: Khudo­zhestvennaia literatura, 1977), 251-52.

See Irina Paperno, "Intimacy and History: The Gercen Family Drama Reconsid­ered," Russian Literature 61, no. 1-2 (January 1-February 15, 2007): 1-65.

Gurvich-Lishchiner examines the influence of German writers, including Schiller, Goethe, and Heine. See Sof'ia D. Gurvich-Lishchiner, Tvorchestvo Aleksandra Gertsena i nemetskaia literatura: Ocherki i materialy (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2001).

S. Rozanova, Tolstoi i Gertsen (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1972).

A standard treatment may be found in "Zhurnal'no-izdatel'skaia deiatel'nost' A. I. Gertsena i N. P. Ogareva: 'Poliarnaia zvezda' i 'Kolokol,' " in Istoriia russkoi zhurnalistiki: XVIII-XIX vekov, ed. A. V. Zapadov (Moscow: Vysshaia shkola, 1963), 279-304.

Berlin wrote the introductions not only to translations of Herzen's writings but to the English translation of Venturi's Roots of Revolution and Raeff's Russian Intellectual History.

Malia began his doctoral thesis in i949, the year that Berlin came to Harvard as a visiting lecturer, and the very time that the latter was developing his ideas on Herzen and the Russian intelligentsia. Lampert began corresponding with Berlin in i950, and soon the theologian was drawn into his orbit, as was S. V. Utechin, who arrived at Ox­ford the same year, and who later made efforts to publish Berlin's writings in Russia. Andrzej Walicki met Berlin in early i960, writing that their first encounter became "the foundation of the moral and intellectual bond" that developed between them. Aileen Kelly wrote her doctoral dissertation under Berlin's supervision and coedited and intro­duced Berlin's Russian Thinkers.

See Ia. E. El'sberg (Shapershtein), "Ideinaia bor'ba vokrug naslediia Gertsena v nashe vremia," in Problemy izucheniia Gertsena (Moscow: ANSSSR, ^63), 432-48. Els- berg wrote a monograph on Herzen, referred to widely, that has gone through several editions (i948, i95i, i956, ^63), the last revision topping 700 pages.

Novich's study surveys Herzen's early years (primarily during the i830s). See Ioann S. Novich (Fainshtein), Molodoi Gertsen: Iskaniia, idei, obrazy, lichnost' (Moscow: Sovetskii pisatel', ^80). We have already noted Zimmerman's Midpassage, which cov­ers the Й47-52 period. Linkov focuses on Herzen's pro-Polish activities with the Land and Liberty movement: Iakov I. Linkov, Revoliutsionnaia bor'ba: A. I. Gertsen i N. P. Oga- rev i tainoe obshchestvo "Zemlia i volia" 1860-kh godov (Moscow: Nauka, ^64).

Perkal's pocket-size monograph covers Herzen's years in St. Petersburg (Й39- 4i and i846) with relatively little scholarly apparatus. See Mark K. Perkal', Gertsen v Peterburge (Leningrad: Lenizdat, i97i). See also the popular booklet by Viktor G. Smirnov, Gertsen v Novgorode (Leningrad: Lenizdat, ^85).

See Eberhard Reissner, Alexander Herzen in Deutschland (Berlin: Akademie- Verlag, i963); Ulrike Preissmann, Alexander Herzen und Italien (Mainz: Liber Verlag, i989); Nadja Bontadina, Alexander Herzen und die Schweiz: Das Verhaltnis des russischen Publizisten und Aristokraten zur einzigen Republik im Europa seiner Zeit (Bern: P. Lang, i999); L. P. Lanskii, "Gertsen i Frantsiia," Literaturnoe nasledstvo 96, "Gertsen i zapad," ed. S. A. Maklashin and L. P. Lanskii (Moscow: Nauka, ^85): 254-306.

See, for example, F. B. Smith, "The View from Britain: Tumults Abroad, Stability at Home," and J. H. Grainger, "The View from Britain: The Moralizing Island," in Intel­lectuals and Revolution: Socialism and the Experience of 1848, ed. Eugene Kamenka and F. B. Smith (London: E. Arnold, i979), 94-E20, i2i-30.

"Robert Ouen," Poliarnaia zvezda 6 (i86i): 286.

Yarmolinsky argues that Herzen's conception of the obshchina was a "fantasy- laden . . . social myth" created by "an expatriate who had never been close to the actuali­ties of Russian rural life." Avrahm Yarmolinsky, Road to Revolution: A Century of Russian Radicalism (London: Cassell, i957), i72.

S. Gurvich-Lishchiner, "Chaadaev-Gertsen-Dostoevskii: K probleme lichnosti i razuma v tvorcheskom soznanii," Voprosy literatury 3 (2004): 22i.

See Lina Steiner, "Gercen's Tragic Bildungsroman: Love, Autonomy, and Maturity in Aleksandr Gercen's Byloe i dumy," Russian Literature 6i, no. i-2 (January i-February i5, 2007): i39-73.

See Colin Heydt, Rethinking Mill's Ethics: Character and Aesthetic Education (London: Continuum, 2006). On Mill's exploration of "the sphere of imagination, self- culture, personal aesthetics" and that which is necessary "to secure to the individual an area within which his individuality may be exercised to the full," see Alan Ryan, "On Liberty: Beyond Duty to Personal Aesthetics," in The Philosophy of John Stuart Mill (Lon­don: Macmillan, 1970), 233. In his mature years, Herzen recognized that the element of inner freedom of conscience was of at least equal importance as that of freedom from the coercion of the state.

Of Herzen's approximately 30 years of literary activity, 23 years were spent abroad, with over half of those years spent in England.

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III

We have said a great deal about the revolution of 1848. Like the entire world, we were attracted to it. It even attracted its opponents; they also did not remain in place and move even further into their positions.

The attraction did not last long, but people had trouble going back to their old ways. [. . .]

And at the same time that revolution, beaten on all counts, gave up ev­erything that had been achieved since 1789, the frightened autocracy in Russia, having crushed Hungary without need or sense, threw itself into the persecution of thought, scholarship, and every kind of civic endeavor.

[1]

We are not the ones who reduced this to a bookish battle—that's the way it really was. The entire intellectual life of Russia in the thirties and forties was reduced to literature and teaching. This quarrel occupied no more than

[2] The Sovereign in the Avenue Marigny

But where is the first part? In the first issue of The Bell, it appeared ex­actly ten years ago on the occasion of a journey by the "widowed empress-