PLANT’S HEARTBEAT THRILLS SCIENTISTS AT
OXFORD MEETING
Hindu Savant causes further sensation by
showing “blood” of plant flowing
AUDIENCE SITS ABSORBED
Watches with rapt attention as lecturer submits
snapdragon to death struggle
The New York Times
August 1, 1926, page 1
William James used to preach the “will to believe.”
For my part, I should wish
to preach the “will to doubt.”…
What is wanted is not the will to believe,
but the wish to find out, which is
the exact opposite.
BERTRAND RUSSELL,
Sceptical Essays (1928)
IN GREECE of the second century A.D., during the reign of the Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius, there lived a master con man named Alexander of Abonutichus. Handsome, clever and totally unscrupulous, in the words of one of his contemporaries, he “went about living on occult pretensions.” In his most famous imposture, “he rushed into the marketplace, naked except for a gold-spangled loincloth; with nothing but this and his scimitar, and shaking his long, loose hair, like fanatics who collect money in the name of Cybele, he climbed onto a lofty altar and delivered a harangue” predicting the advent of a new and oracular god. Alexander then raced to the construction site of a temple, the crowd streaming after him, and discovered-where he had previously buried it-a goose egg in which he had sealed up a baby snake. Opening the egg, he announced the snakelet as the prophesied god. Alexander retired to his house for a few days, and then admitted the breathless crowds, who observed his body now entwined with a large serpent: the snake had grown impressively in the interim.
The serpent was, in fact, of a large and conveniently docile variety, procured for this purpose earlier in Macedonia, and outfitted with a linen head of somewhat human countenance. The room was dimly lit. Because of the press of the crowd, no visitor could stay for very long or inspect the serpent very carefully. The opinion of the multitude was that the seer had indeed delivered a god.
Alexander then pronounced the god ready to answer written questions delivered in sealed envelopes. When alone, he would lift off or duplicate the seal, read the message, remake the envelope and attach a response. People flocked from all over the Empire to witness this marvel, an oracular serpent with the head of a man. In those cases where the oracle later proved not just ambiguous but grossly wrong, Alexander had a simple solution: he altered his record of the response he had given. And if the question of a rich man or woman revealed some weakness or guilty secret, Alexander did not scruple at extortion. The result of all this imposture was an income equivalent today to several hundred thousand dollars per year and fame rivaled by few men of his time.
We may smile at Alexander the Oracle-Monger. Of course we all would like to foretell the future and make contact with the gods. But we would not nowadays be taken in by such a fraud. Or would we? M. Lamar Keene spent thirteen years as a spiritualist medium. He was pastor of the New Age Assembly Church in Tampa, a trustee of the Universal Spiritualist Association, and for many years a leading figure in the mainstream of the American spiritualist movement. He is also a self-confessed fraud who believes, from first-hand knowledge, that virtually all spirit readings, séances and mediumistic messages from the dead are conscious deceptions, contrived to exploit the grief and longing we feel for deceased friends and relatives. Keene, like Alexander, would answer questions given to him in sealed envelopes-in this case not in private, but on the pulpit. He viewed the contents with a concealed bright lamp or by smearing lighter fluid, either of which can render the envelope momentarily transparent. He would find lost objects, present people with astounding revelations about their private lives which “no one could know,” commune with the spirits and materialize ectoplasm in the darkness of the séance-all based on the simplest tricks, an unswerving self-confidence, and most of all, on the monumental credulity, the utter lack of skepticism he found in his parishioners and clients. Keene believes, as did Harry Houdini, that not only is such fraud rampant among the spiritualists, but also that they are highly organized to exchange data on potential clients, in order to make the revelations of the séance more astonishing. Like the viewing of Alexander’s serpent, the séances all take place in darkened rooms-because the deception would be too easily penetrated in the light. In his peak-earning years, Keene earned about as much, in equivalent purchasing power, as Alexander of Abonutichus.
From Alexander’s time to our own-indeed, probably for as long as human beings have inhabited this planet-people have discovered they could make money by pretending to arcane or occult knowledge. A charming and enlightening account of some of these bamboozles can be found in a remarkable book published in 1852 in London, Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds, by Charles Mackay. Bernard Baruch claimed that the book saved him millions of dollars-presumably by alerting him to which idiot schemes he should not invest his money in. Mackay’s treatment ranges from alchemy, prophecy and faith healing, to haunted houses, the Crusades, and the “influence of politics and religion on the hair and beard.” The value of the book, like the account of Alexander the Oracle-Monger, lies in the remoteness of the frauds and delusions described. Many of the impostures do not have a contemporary ring and only weakly engage our passions: it becomes clear how people in other times were deceived. But after reading many such cases, we begin to wonder what the comparable contemporary versions are. People’s feelings are as strong as they always were, and skepticism is probably as unfashionable today as in any other age. Accordingly, there ought to be bamboozles galore in contemporary society. And there are.
In Alexander’s time, as in Mackay’s, religion was the source of most accepted insights and prevailing world views. Those intent on duping the public often did so in religious language. This is, of course, still being done, as the testimony of penitent spiritualists and other late-breaking news amply attest. But in the past hundred years-whether for good or for ill-science has emerged in the popular mind as the primary means of penetrating the secrets of the universe, so we should expect many contemporary bamboozles to have a scientific ring. And they do.
Within the last century or so, many claims have been made at the edge or border of science-assertions that excite popular interest and, in many cases, that would be of profound scientific importance if only they were true. We will shortly examine a representative sampling of them. These claims are out of the ordinary, a break from the humdrum world, and often imply something hopeful: for example, that we have vast, untapped powers, or that unseen forces are about to save us from ourselves, or that there is a still unacknowledged pattern and harmony to the universe. Well, science does sometimes make such claims-as, for example, the realization that the hereditary information we pass from generation to generation is encoded in a single long molecule called DNA, in the discovery of universal gravitation or continental drift, in the tapping of nuclear energy, in research on the origin of life or on the early history of the universe. So if some additional claim is made-for example, that it is possible to float in the air unaided, by a special effort of will-what is so different about that? Nothing. Except for the matter of proof. Those who claim that levitation occurs have an obligation to demonstrate their contention before skeptics, under controlled conditions. The burden of proof is on them, not on those who might be dubious. Such claims are too important to think about carelessly. Many assertions about levitation have been made in the last hundred years, but motion pictures of well-illuminated people rising unassisted fifteen feet into the air have never been taken under conditions which exclude fraud. If levitation were possible, its scientific and, more generally, its human implications would be enormous. Those who make uncritical observations or fraudulent claims lead us into error and deflect us from the major human goal of understanding how the word works. It is for this reason playing fast and loose with the truth is a very serious matter.
CONSIDER WHAT is sometimes called astral projection. Under conditions of religious ecstasy or hypnagogic sleep, or sometimes under the influence of a hallucinogen, people report the distinct sensation of stepping outside the body, leaving it, floating effortlessly to some other place in the room (often near the ceiling), and only at the end of the experience remerging with the body. If such a thing can actually happen, it is certainly of great importance; it implies something about the nature of human personality and even about the possibility of “life after death.” Indeed, some people who have had near-death experiences, or who have been declared clinically dead and then revived, report similar sensations. But the fact that a sensation is reported does not mean that it occurred as claimed. There might, for example, be a common experience or wiring defect in human neuroanatomy that under certain circumstances always leads to the same illusion of astral projection. (See Chapter 25.)
There is a simple way to test astral projection. In your absence, have a friend place a book face up on a high and inaccessible shelf in the library. Then, if you ever have an astral projection experience, float to the book and read the title. When your body reawakens and you correctly announce what you have read, you will have provided some evidence for the physical reality of astral projection. But, of course, there must be no other way for you to know the title of the book, such as sneaking a peek when no one else is around, or being told by your friend or by someone your friend tells. To avoid the latter possibility, the experiment should be done “double blind”; that is, someone quite unknown to you who is entirely unaware of your existence must select and place the book and judge whether your answer is correct. To the best of my knowledge no demonstration of astral projection has ever been reported under such controlled circumstances with skeptics in attendance. I conclude that while astral projection is not excluded, there is little reason to believe in it. On the other hand, there is some evidence accumulated by Ian Stevenson, a University of Virginia psychiatrist, that young children in India and the Near East report in great detail a previous life in a moderately distant locale which they have never visited, while further inquiry demonstrates that a recently deceased person fits the child’s description very well. But this is not an experiment performed under controlled conditions, and it is at least possible that the child has overheard or been given information about which the investigator is unaware. Stevenson’s work is probably the most interesting of all contemporary research on “extrasensory perception.”
IN UPSTATE NEW YORK in 1848 there lived two little girls, Margaret and Kate Fox, about whom marvelous stories were told. In their presence could be heard mysterious rapping noises, later understood to be coded messages from the spirit world: Ask the spirits anything-one rap signifies no, three raps signify yes. The Fox sisters became a sensation, embarked on nationwide tours organized by their elder sister, and became the focus of rapt attention from European intellectuals and literati such as Elizabeth Barrett Browning. The “manifestations” brought about by the Fox sisters are the origins of modern spiritualism, the belief that by some special effort of will a few gifted people are able to communicate with the spirits of the dead. Keene’s associates owe a substantial debt to the Fox sisters.
Forty years after the first “manifestations,” provoked by an uneasy conscience, Margaret Fox produced a signed confession. The raps were made-in a standing position with no apparent effort or movement-by cracking the toe and ankle joints, very much like cracking knuckles. “And that is the way we began. First, as a mere trick to frighten mother, and then, when so many people came to see us children, we were ourselves frightened, and for self-preservation forced to keep it up. No one suspected us of any trick because we were such young children. We were led on by my sister purposely and by mother unintentionally.” The eldest sister, who organized their tours, seems to have been fully conscious of the fraud. Her motive was money.
The most instructive aspect of the Fox case is not that so many people were bamboozled; but rather that after the hoax was confessed, after Margaret Fox made a public demonstration, on the stage of a New York theater, of her “preternatural big toe,” many who had been taken in still refused to acknowledge the fraud. They pretended that Margaret had been coerced into the confession by some rationalist Inquisition. People are rarely grateful for a demonstration of their credulity.
IN 1869 THE FIGURE of a larger-than-life stone man was unearthed by a farmer “while digging a well” near the village of Cardiff in western New York. Clergymen and scientists alike asserted that it was a fossilized human being from ages past, perhaps a confirmation of the Biblical account: “There were giants in those days.” Many commented on the detail of the figure, seemingly far finer than a mere artisan could have carved from stone. Why, there were even networks of tiny blue veins. But others were less impressed, including Andrew Dickson White, the first president of Cornell University, who declared it to be a pious fraud, and execrable sculpture to boot. A meticulous examination then revealed it to be of very recent origin, whereupon it emerged that the Cardiff Giant was merely a statue, a hoax engineered by George Hull of Binghamton, who described himself as “tobacconist, inventor, alchemist, atheist,” a busy man. The “blue veins” were a natural pattern in the sculpted rock. The object of the deception was to fleece tourists.
But this uncomfortable revelation did not faze the American entrepreneur P. T. Barnum, who offered $60,000 for a three-month lease on the Cardiff Giant. When Barnum failed to secure it for traveling exhibition (the owners were making too much money to give it up), he simply had a copy made and exhibited it, to the awe of his customers and the enrichment of his pocketbook. The Cardiff Giant that most Americans have seen is this copy. Barnum exhibited a fake fake. The original is today languishing at the Farmer’s Museum in Cooperstown, New York. Both Barnum and H. L. Mencken are said to have made the depressing observation that no one ever lost money by underestimating the intelligence of the American public. The remark has worldwide application. But the lack is not in intelligence, which is in plentiful supply; rather, the scarce commodity is systematic training in critical thinking.
IN THE EARLY YEARS of the twentieth century there was a horse in Germany who could read, do mathematics and exhibit a deep knowledge of world political affairs. Or so it seemed. The horse was called Clever Hans. He was owned by Wilhelm von Osten, an elderly Berliner whose character was such, everyone said, that fraud was out of the question. Delegations of distinguished scientists viewed the equine marvel and pronounced it genuine. Hans would reply to mathematical problems put to him with coded taps of his foreleg, and would answer nonmathematical questions by nodding his head up and down or shaking it side to side in the conventional Western way. For example, someone would say, “Hans, how much is twice the square root of nine, less one?” After a moment’s pause Hans would dutifully raise his right foreleg and tap five times. Was Moscow the capital of Russia? Head shake. How about St. Petersburg? Nod.
The Prussian Academy of Sciences sent a commission, headed by Oskar Pfungst, to take a closer look; Osten, who believed fervently in Hans’s powers, welcomed the inquiry. Pfungst noticed a number of interesting regularities. Sometimes, the more difficult the question, the longer it took Hans to answer; or when Osten did not know the answer, Hans exhibited a comparable ignorance; or when Osten was out of the room, or when the horse was blindfolded, no correct answers were forthcoming. But other times Hans would get the right answer in a strange place, surrounded by skeptics, with Osten not only out of the room, but out of town. The solution eventually became clear. When a mathematical question was put to Hans, Osten would become slightly tense, for fear Hans would make too few taps. When Hans, however, reached the correct number of taps, Osten unconsciously and imperceptibly nodded or relaxed-imperceptibly to virtually all human observers, but not to Hans, who was rewarded with a sugar cube for correct answers. Even teams of skeptics would watch Hans’s foot as soon as the question was put and make gestural or postural responses when the horse reached the right answer. Hans was totally ignorant of mathematics, but very sensitive to unconscious nonverbal cues. Similar signs were unknowingly transmitted to the horse when verbal questions were posed. Clever Hans was aptly named; he was a horse who had conditioned one human being and discovered that other human beings he had never before met would provide him the needed cues. But despite the unambiguous nature of Pfungst’s evidence, similar stories of counting, reading and politically sage horses, pigs and geese have continued to plague the gullible of many nations. [2]
ONE OF THE MOST striking apparent instances of extrasensory perception is the precognitive experience, when a person has a compelling perception of an imminent disaster, the death of a loved one, or a communication from a long-lost friend, and the predicted event then transpires. Many who have had such experiences report that the emotional intensity of the precognition and its subsequent verification provide an overpowering sense of contact with another realm of reality. I have had such an experience myself. Many years ago I awoke in the dead of night in a cold sweat, with the certain knowledge that a close relative had suddenly died. I was so gripped with the haunting intensity of the experience that I was afraid to place a long-distance phone call, for fear that the relative would trip over the telephone cord (or something) and make the experience a self-fulfilling prophecy. In fact, the relative is alive and well, and whatever psychological roots the experience may have, it was not a reflection of an imminent event in the real world.
However, suppose the relative had in fact died that night. You would have had a difficult time convincing me that it was merely coincidence. But it is easy to calculate that if each American has such a premonitory experience a few times in his lifetime, the actuarial statistics alone will produce a few apparent precognitive events somewhere in America each year. We can calculate that this must occur fairly frequently, but to the rare person who dreams of disaster, followed rapidly by its realization, it is uncanny and awesome. Such a coincidence must happen to someone every few months. But those who experience a correct precognition understandably resist its explanation by coincidence.
After my experience I did not write a letter to an institute of parapsychology relating a compelling predictive dream which was not borne out by reality. That is not a memorable letter. But had the death I dreamt actually occurred, such a letter would have been marked down as evidence for precognition. The hits are recorded, the misses are not. Thus human nature unconsciously conspires to produce a biased reporting of the frequency of such events.
THESE CASES-Alexander the Oracle-Monger, Keene, astral projection, the Fox sisters, the Cardiff Giant, Clever Hans and precognitive dreams-are typical of claims made on the boundary or edge of science. An amazing assertion is made, something out of the ordinary, marvelous or awesome-or at least not tedious. It survives superficial scrutiny by lay people and, sometimes, more detailed study and more impressive endorsement by celebrities and scientists. Those who accept the validity of the assertion resist all attempts at conventional explanation. The most common correct explanations are of two sorts. One is conscious fraud, usually by those with a financial interest in the outcome, as with the Fox sisters and the Cardiff Giant. Those who accept the phenomena have been bamboozled. The other explanation often applies when the phenomena are uncommonly subtle and complex, when nature is more intricate than we have guessed, when deeper study is required for understanding; Clever Hans and many precognitive dreams fit this second explanation. Here, very often, we bamboozle ourselves.
I have chosen the foregoing cases for another reason. They are all closely involved with everyday life-human or animal behavior, evaluating the reliability of evidence, occasions for the exercise of common sense. None of these cases involve technological complexities or arcane theoretical developments. We do not need an advanced degree in physics, let us say, to have our skeptical hackles rise at the pretensions of modern spiritualists. Nevertheless, these hoaxes, impostures and misapprehensions have captivated millions. How much more dangerous and difficult to assess must be borderline claims at the edge of less familiar sciences-about cloning, say, or cosmic catastrophes or lost continents or unidentified flying objects?
I make a distinction between those who perpetrate and promote borderline belief systems and those who accept them. The latter are often taken by the novelty of the systems, and the feeling of insight and grandeur they provide. These are in fact scientific attitudes and scientific goals. It is easy to imagine extraterrestrial visitors who looked like human beings, and flew space vehicles and even airplanes like our own, and taught our ancestors civilization. This does not strain our imaginative powers overly and is sufficiently similar to familiar Western religious stories to seem comfortable. The search for Martian microbes of exotic biochemistry, or for interstellar radio messages from intelligent beings biologically very dissimilar is more difficult to grasp and not as comforting. The former view is widely purveyed and available; the latter much less so. Yet I think many of those excited by the idea of ancient astronauts are motivated by sincere scientific (and occasionally religious) feelings. There is a vast untapped popular interest in the deepest scientific questions. For many people, the shoddily thought out doctrines of borderline science are the closest approximation to comprehensible science readily available. The popularity of borderline science is a rebuke to the schools, the press and commercial television for their sparse, unimaginative and ineffective efforts at science education; and to us scientists, for doing so little to popularize our subject.
Advocates of ancient astronauts-the most notable being Erich von Däniken in his book Chariots of the Gods?-assert that there are numerous pieces of archaeological evidence that can be understood only by past contact by extraterrestrial civilizations with our ancestors. An iron pillar in India; a plaque in Palenque, Mexico; the pyramids of Egypt; the stone monoliths (all of which, according to Jacob Bronowski, resemble Benito Mussolini) on Easter Island; and the geometrical figures in Nazca, Peru, are all alleged to have been manufactured by or under the supervision of extraterrestrials. But in every case the artifacts in question have plausible and much simpler explanations. Our ancestors were no dummies. They may have lacked high technology, but they were as smart as we, and they sometimes combined dedication, intelligence and hard work to produce results that impress even us. The ancient-astronaut idea, interestingly, is popular among bureaucrats and politicians in the Soviet Union, perhaps because it preserves the old religious ideas in an acceptably modern scientific context. The most recent version of the ancient-astronaut story is the claim that the Dogon people in the Republic of Mali have an astronomical tradition concerning the star Sirius which they could only have acquired by contact with an alien civilization. This seems, in fact, to be the correct explanation, but it has nothing to do with astronauts, ancient or modern. (See Chapter 6.)
It is not surprising that pyramids have played a role in ancient-astronaut writings; ever since the Napoleonic invasions of Egypt impressed ancient Egyptian civilization on the consciousness of Europe, they have been the focus of a great deal of nonsense. Much has been written about supposed numerological information stored in the dimensions of the pyramids, especially the great pyramid of Gizeh, so that, for example, the ratio of height to width in certain units is said to be the time between Adam and Jesus in years. In one famous case a pyramidologist was observed filing a protuberance so that the observations and his speculations would be in better accord. The most recent manifestation of interest in pyramids is “pyranridology,” the contention that we and our razor blades feel better and last longer inside pyramids than we and they do inside cubes. Maybe. I find living in cubical dwellings depressing, and for most of our history human beings did not live in such quarters. But the contentions of pyramidology, under appropriately controlled conditions, have never been verified. Again, the burden of proof has not been met.
The Bermuda Triangle “mystery” has to do with unexplained disappearances of ships and airplanes in a vast region of the ocean around Bermuda. The most reasonable explanation for these disappearances (when they actually occur; many of the alleged disappearances turn out simply never to have happened) is that the vessels sank. I once objected on a television program that it seemed strange for ships and airplanes to disappear mysteriously but never trains; to which the host, Dick Cavett, replied, “I can see you’ve never waited for the Long Island Railroad.” As with the ancient-astronaut enthusiasts, the Bermuda Triangle advocates use sloppy scholarship and rhetorical questions. But they have not provided compelling evidence. They have not met the burden of proof.
Flying saucers, or UFOs, are well known to almost everyone. But seeing a strange light in the sky does not mean that we are being visited by beings from the planet Venus or a distant galaxy named Spectra. It might, for example, be an automobile headlight reflected off a high-altitude cloud, or a flight of luminescent insects, or an unconventional aircraft, or a conventional aircraft with unconventional lighting patterns, such as a high-intensity searchlight used for meteorological observations. There are also a number of cases-closer encounters with some highish index numeral-where one or two people claim to have been taken aboard an alien spaceship, prodded and probed with unconventional medical instruments, and released. But in these cases we have only the unsubstantiated testimony, no matter how heartfelt and seemingly sincere, of one or two people. To the best of my knowledge there are no instances out of the hundreds of thousands of UFO reports filed since 1947-not a single one-in which many people independently and reliably report a close encounter with what is clearly an alien spacecraft.
Not only is there an absence of good anecdotal evidence; there is no physical evidence either. Our laboratories are very sophisticated. A product of alien manufacture might readily be identified as such. Yet no one has ever turned up even a small fragment of an alien spacecraft that has passed any such physical test-much less the logbook of the starship captain. It is for these reasons that in 1977 NASA declined an invitation from the Executive Office of the President to undertake a serious investigation of UFO reports. When hoaxes and mere anecdotes are excluded, there seems to be nothing left to study.
Once I spied a bright, “hovering” UFO, and pointing it out to some friends in a restaurant, soon found myself in the midst of a throng of patrons, waitresses, cooks and proprietors milling about on the sidewalk, pointing up into the sky with fingers and forks, and making gasps of astonishment. People were somewhere between delighted and awestruck. But when I returned with a pair of binoculars which clearly showed the UFO to be an unconventional aircraft (a NASA weather airplane, as it later turned out), there was uniform disappointment. Some felt embarrassed at the public exposure of their credulity. Others were simply disappointed at the evaporation of a good story, something out of the ordinary-a visitor from another world.
In many such cases we are not unbiased observers. We have an emotional stake in the outcome-perhaps merely because the borderline belief system, if true, makes the world a more interesting place; but perhaps because there is something there that strikes more deeply into the human psyche. If astral projection actually occurs, then it is possible for some thinking and perceiving part of me to leave my body and effortlessly travel to other places-an exhilarating prospect. If spiritualism is real, then my soul will survive the death of my body-possibly a comforting thought. If there is extrasensory perception, then many of us possess latent talents that need only be tapped to make us more powerful than we are. If astrology is right, then our personalities and destinies are intimately tied to the rest of the cosmos. If elves and goblins and fairies truly exist (there is a lovely Victorian picture book showing photographs of six-inch-high undraped ladies with gossamer wings conversing with Victorian gentlemen), then the world is a more intriguing place than most adults have been led to believe. If we are now being or in historical times have been visited by representatives from advanced and benign extraterrestrial civilizations, perhaps the human predicament is not so dire as it seems; perhaps the extraterrestrials will save us from ourselves. But the fact that these propositions charm or stir us does not guarantee their truth. Their truth depends only on whether the evidence is compelling; and my own, and sometimes reluctant, judgment is that compelling evidence for these and many similar propositions simply does not (at least as yet) exist.
What is more, many of these doctrines, if false, are pernicious. In simplistic popular astrology we judge people by one of twelve character types depending on their month of birth. But if the typing is false, we do an injustice to the people we are typing. We place them in previously collected pigeonholes and do not judge them for themselves, a typing familiar in sexism and racism.
The interest in UFOs and ancient astronauts seems at least partly the result of unfulfilled religious needs. The extraterrestrials are often described as wise, powerful, benign, human in appearance, and sometimes they are attired in long white robes. They are very much like gods and angels, coming from other planets rather than from heaven, using spaceships rather than wings. There is a little pseudoscientific overlay, but the theological antecedents are clear: in many cases the supposed ancient astronauts and UFO occupants are deities, feebly disguised and modernized, but easily recognizable. Indeed, a recent British survey suggests that more people believe in extraterrestrial visitations than in God.
Classical Greece was replete with stories in which the gods came down to Earth and conversed with human beings. The Middle Ages were equally rich in apparitions of saints and Virgins. Gods, saints and Virgins were all recorded repeatedly over centuries by people of the highest apparent reliability. What has happened? Where have all the Virgins gone? What has happened to the Olympian gods? Have these beings simply abandoned us in recent and more skeptical times? Or could these early reports reflect the superstition and credulity and unreliability of witnesses? And this suggests a possible social danger from the proliferation of UFO cultism: if we believe that benign extraterrestrials will solve our problems, we may be tempted to exert less than our full measure of effort to solve them ourselves-as has occurred in millennialist religious movements many times in human history.
All the really interesting UFO cases depend on believing that one or a few witnesses were not bamboozling or bamboozled. Yet the opportunity for deception in eyewitness accounts is breathtaking: (1) When a mock robbery is staged for a law school class, few of the students can agree on the number of intruders, their clothing, weapons or comments, the sequence of events or the time the robbery took. (2) Teachers are presented with two groups of children who have, unknown to them, tested equally well on all examinations. But the teachers are informed that one group is smart and the other dumb. The subsequent grades reflect that initial and erroneous assessment, independent of the performance of the students. Predispositions bias conclusions. (3) Witnesses are shown a motion picture of an automobile accident. They are then asked a series of questions such as “Did the blue car run the stop sign?” A week later, when questioned again, a large proportion of the witnesses claim to have seen a blue car-despite the fact that no remotely blue car is in the film. There seems to be a stage, shortly after an eyewitness event, in which we verbalize what we think we have seen and then forever after lock it into our memories. We are very vulnerable in that stage, and any prevailing beliefs-in Olympian gods or Christian saints or extraterrestrial astronauts, say-can unconsciously influence our eyewitness account.
Those skeptical of many borderline belief systems are not necessarily those afraid of novelty. For example, many of my colleagues and I are deeply interested in the possibility of life, intelligent or otherwise, on other planets. But we must be careful not to foist our wishes and fears upon the cosmos. Instead, in the usual scientific tradition, our objective is to find out what the answers really are, independent of our emotional predispositions. If we are alone, that is a truth worth knowing also. No one would be more delighted than I if intelligent extraterrestrials were visiting our planet. It would make my job enormously easier. Indeed, I have spent more time than I care to think about on the UFO and ancient astronaut questions. And public interest in these matters is, I believe, at least in part, a good thing. But our openness to the dazzling possibilities presented by modern science must be tempered by some hard-nosed skepticism. Many interesting possibilities simply turn out to be wrong. An openness to new possibilities and a willingness to ask hard questions are both required to advance our knowledge. And the asking of tough questions has an ancillary benefit: political and religious life in America, especially in the last decade and a half, has been marked by an excessive public credulity, an unwillingness to ask difficult questions, which has produced a demonstrable impairment in our national health. Consumer skepticism makes quality products. This may be why governments and churches and school systems do not exhibit unseemly zeal in encouraging critical thought. They know they themselves are vulnerable.
Professional scientists generally have to make a choice in their research goals. There are some objectives that would be very important if achieved, but that promise so small a likelihood of success that no one is willing to pursue them. (For many years this was the case in the search for extraterrestrial intelligence. The situation has changed mainly because advances in radio technology now permit us to construct enormous radio telescopes with sensitive receivers to pick up any messages that might be sent our way. Never before in human history was this possible.) There are other scientific objectives that are perfectly tractable but of entirely trivial significance. Most scientists choose a middle course. As a result, very few scientists actually plunge into the murky waters of testing or challenging borderline or pseudo-scientific beliefs. The chance of finding out something really interesting-except about human nature-seems small, and the amount of time required seems large. I believe that scientists should spend more time in discussing these issues, but the fact that a given contention lacks vigorous scientific opposition in no way implies that scientists think it is reasonable.
There are many cases where the belief system is so absurd that scientists dismiss it instantly but never commit their arguments to print. I believe this is a mistake. Science, especially today, depends upon public support. Because most people have, unfortunately, a very inadequate knowledge of science and technology, intelligent decision making on scientific issues is difficult. Some pseudoscience is a profitable enterprise, and there are proponents who not only are strongly identified with the issue in question but also make large amounts of money from it. They are willing to commit major resources to defending their contentions. Some scientists seem unwilling to engage in public confrontations on borderline science issues because of the effort required and the possibility that they will be perceived to lose a public debate. But it is an excellent opportunity to show how science works at its murkier borders, and also a way to convey something of its power as well as its pleasures.
There is stodgy immobility on both sides of the borders of the scientific enterprise. Scientific aloofness and opposition to novelty are as much a problem as public gullibility. A distinguished scientist once threatened to sic then Vice President Spiro T. Agnew on me if I persisted in organizing a meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science in which both proponents and opponents of the extraterrestrial-spacecraft hypothesis of UFO origins would be permitted to speak. Scientists offended by the conclusions of Immanuel Velikovsky’s Worlds in Collision and irritated by Velikovsky’s total ignorance of many well-established scientific facts successfully and shamefully pressured Velikovsky’s publisher to abandon the book-which was then put out by another firm, much to its profit-and when I arranged for a second AAAS symposium to discuss Velikovsky’s ideas, I was criticized by a different leading scientist who argued that any public attention, no matter how negative, could only aid Velikovsky’s cause.
But these symposia were held, the audiences seemed to find them interesting, the proceedings were published, and now youngsters in Duluth or Fresno can find some books presenting the other side of the issue in their libraries. (See Chapter 5.) If science is presented poorly in schools and the media, perhaps some interest can be aroused by well-prepared, comprehensible public discussions at the edge of science. Astrology can be used for discussions of astronomy; alchemy for chemistry; Velikovskian catastrophism and lost continents such as Atlantis for geology; and spiritualism and Scientology for a wide range of issues in psychology and psychiatry.
There are still many people in the United States who believe that if a thing appears in print it must be true. Since so much undemonstrated speculation and rampant nonsense appears in books, a curiously distorted view of what is true emerges. I was amused to read-in the furor that followed the premature newspaper release of the contents of a book by H. R. Haldeman, a former presidential assistant and convicted felon-what the editor in chief of one of the largest publishing companies in the world had to say: “We believe a publisher has an obligation to check out the accuracy of certain controversial non-fiction works. Our procedure is to send the book out for an objective reading by an independent authority in the field.” This is by an editor whose firm has in fact published some of the most egregious pseudoscience of recent decades. But books presenting the other side of the story are now becoming available, and in the section below I have listed a few of the more prominent pseudoscientific doctrines and recent attempts at their scientific refutation. One of the contentions criticized-that plants have emotional lives and musical preferences-had a brief flurry of interest a few years ago, including weeks of conversations with vegetables in Gary Trudeau’s “Doonesbury” comic strip. As an epigraph to this chapter (on the death struggle of the snapdragon) shows, it is an old contention. Perhaps the only encouraging point is that it is being greeted more skeptically today than it was in 1926.
While many recent borderline doctrines are widely promoted, skeptical discussion and dissection of their fatal flaws are not so widely known. This table is a guide to some of these critiques.
Bermuda Triangle::The Bermuda Triangle Mystery-Solved,
Laurence Kusche, Harper & Row,1975
Spiritualism::A Magician Among the Spirits,Harry Houdini, Harper, 1924
The Psychic Mafia,M. Lamar Keene, St. Martin’s Press,
1976
Uri Geller::The Magic of Uri Geller,James Randi, Ballantine, 1975
Atlantis and other “lost continents”::Legends of the Earth: Their GeologicOrigins,Dorothy B. Vitaliano, Indiana UniversityPress, 1973 Lost Continents,L. Sprague de Camp, Ballantine,1975
UFOs::UFOs Explained,Philip Klass, Random House, 1974
UFOs: A Scientific Debate,
Carl Sagan and Thornton Page, eds.,
Norton, 1973
Ancient Astronauts::The Space Gods Revealed: A Close
Look at the Theories of Erich von Däniken,
Ronald Story, Harper & Row, 1976
The Ancient Engineers,
L. Sprague de Camp, Ballantine, 1973
Velikovsky:::Scientists Confront Velikovsky,
Worlds in Collision::Donald Goldsmith, ed., Cornell
University Press, 1977
The Emotional Lives of Plants::“Plant ‘Primary Perception,’ ”
K. A. Horowitz and others, Science,
189: 478-480 (1975)
A FEW YEARS AGO a committee of scientists, magicians and others was organized to provide some focus for skepticism on the border of science. This nonprofit organization is called “The Committee for the Scientific Investigation of Claims of the Paranormal” and is at 923 Kensington Avenue, Buffalo, N.Y. 14215. It is beginning to do some useful work, including in its publications the latest news on the confrontation between the rational and the irrational-a debate that goes back to the encounters between Alexander the Oracle-Monger and the Epicureans, who were the rationalists of his day. The committee has also made official protests to the networks and the Federal Communications Commission about television programs on pseudoscience that are particularly uncritical. An interesting debate has gone on within the committee between those who think that all doctrines that smell of pseudoscience should be combated and those who believe that each issue should be judged on its own merits, but that the burden of proof should fall squarely on those who make the proposals. I find myself very much in the latter camp. I believe that the extraordinary should certainly be pursued. But extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence.
Scientists are, of course, human. When their passions are excited they may abandon temporarily the ideals of their discipline. But these ideals, the scientific method, have proved enormously effective. Finding out the way the world really works requires a mix of bunches, intuition and brilliant creativity; it also requires skeptical scrutiny of every step. It is the tension between creativity and skepticism that has produced the stunning and unexpected findings of science. In my opinion the claims of borderline science pall in comparison with hundreds of recent activities and discoveries in real science, including the existence of two semi-independent brains within each human skull; the reality of black holes; continental drift and collisions; chimpanzee language; massive climatic changes on Mars and Venus; the antiquity of the human species; the search for extraterrestrial life; the elegant self-copying molecular architecture that controls our heredity and evolution; and observational evidence on the origin, nature and fate of the universe as a whole.
But the success of science, both its intellectual excitement and its practical application, depend upon the self-correcting character of science. There must be a way of testing any valid idea. It must be possible to reproduce any valid experiment. The character or beliefs of the scientist are irrelevant; all that matters is whether the evidence supports his contention. Arguments from authority simply do not count; too many authorities have been mistaken too often. I would like to see these very effective scientific modes of thought communicated by the schools and the media; and it would certainly be an astonishment and delight to see them introduced into politics. Scientists have been known to change their minds completely and publicly when presented with new evidence or new arguments. I cannot recall the last time a politician displayed a similar openness and willingness to change.
Many of the belief systems at the edge or fringe of science are not subject to crisp experimentation. They are anecdotal, depending entirely on the validity of eyewitnesses who, in general, are notoriously unreliable. On the basis of past performance most such fringe systems will turn out to be invalid. But we cannot reject out of hand, any more than we can accept at face value, all such contentions. For example, the idea that large rocks can drop from the skies was considered absurd by eighteenth-century scientists; Thomas Jefferson remarked about one such account that he would rather believe that two Yankee scientists lied than that stones fell from the heavens. Nevertheless, stones do fall from the heavens. They are called meteorites, and our preconceptions have no bearing on the truth of the matter. But the truth was established only by a careful analysis of dozens of independent witnesses to a common meteorite fall, supported by a great body of physical evidence, including meteorites recovered from the eaves of houses and the furrows of plowed fields.
Prejudice means literally pre-judgment, the rejection of a contention out of hand, before examining the evidence. Prejudice is the result of powerful emotions, not of sound reasoning. If we wish to find out the truth of a matter we must approach the question with as nearly open a mind as we can, and with a deep awareness of our own limitations and predispositions. On the other hand, if after carefully and openly examining the evidence, we reject the proposition, that is not prejudice. It might be called “post-judice.” It is certainly a prerequisite for knowledge.
Critical and skeptical examination is the method used in everyday practical matters as well as in science. When buying a new or used car, we think it prudent to insist on written warranties, test drives and checks of particular parts. We are very careful about car dealers who are evasive on these points. Yet the practitioners of many borderline beliefs are offended when subjected to similarly close scrutiny. Many who claim to have extrasensory perception also claim that their abilities decline when they are carefully watched. The magician Uri Geller is happy to warp keys and cutlery in the vicinity of scientists-who, in their confrontations with nature, are used to an adversary who fights fair; but is greatly affronted at the idea of performances before an audience of skeptical magicians-who, understanding human limitations, are themselves able to perform similar effects by sleight of hand. Where skeptical observation and discussion are suppressed, the truth is hidden. The proponents of such borderline beliefs, when criticized, often point to geniuses of the past who were ridiculed. But the fact that some geniuses were laughed at does not imply that all who are laughed at are geniuses. They laughed at Columbus, they laughed at Fulton, they laughed at the Wright brothers. But they also laughed at Bozo the Clown.
The best antidote for pseudoscience, I firmly believe, is science:
There is an African fresh-water fish that is blind. It generates a standing electric field, through perturbations in which it distinguishes between predators and prey and communicates in a fairly elaborate electrical language with potential mates and other fish of the same species. This involves an entire organ system and sensory capability completely unknown to pretechnological human beings.
There is a kind of arithmetic, perfectly reasonable and self-contained, in which two times one does not equal one times two.
Pigeons-one of the least prepossessing animals on Earth-are now found to have a remarkable sensitivity to magnetic-field strengths as small as one hundred thousandth that of the Earth’s magnetic dipole. Pigeons evidently use this sensory capability for navigation and sense their surroundings by their magnetic signatures: metal gutters, electrical power lines, fire escapes and the like-a sensory modality glimpsed by no human being who ever lived.
Quasars seem to be explosions of almost unimaginable violence in the hearts of galaxies which destroy millions of worlds, many of them perhaps inhabited.
In an East African volcanic ash flow 3.5 million years old there are footprints-of a being about four feet high with a purposeful stride that may be the common ancestor of apes and men. Nearby are the prints of a knuckle-walking primate corresponding to no animal yet discovered.
Each of our cells contains dozens of tiny factories called mitochondria which combine our food with molecular oxygen in order to extract energy in convenient form. Recent evidence suggests that billions of years ago the mitochondria were free organisms which have slowly evolved into a mutually dependent relation with the cell. When many-celled organisms arose, the arrangement was retained. In a very real sense, then, we are not a single organism, but an array of about ten trillion beings and not all of the same kind.
Mars has a volcano almost 80,000 feet high which was constructed about a billion years ago. An even larger volcano may exist on Venus.
Radio telescopes have detected the cosmic black-body background radiation, the distant echo of the event called the Big Bang. The fires of creation are being observed today.
I could continue such a list almost indefinitely. I believe that even a smattering of such findings in modern science and mathematics is far more compelling and exciting than most of the doctrines of pseudoscience, whose practitioners were condemned as early as the fifth century B.C. by the Ionian philosopher Heraclitus as “night-walkers, magicians, priests of Bacchus, priestesses of the wine-vat, mystery-mongers.” But science is more intricate and subtle, reveals a much richer universe, and powerfully evokes our sense of wonder. And it has the additional and important virtue-to whatever extent the word has any meaning-of being true.
No testimony is sufficient to establish a miracle,
unless… its falsehood would be more
miraculous than the fact
which it endeavors to establish.
DAVID HUME,
Of Miracles
HUMANITY HAS already achieved interstellar spaceflight. With a gravitational assist from the planet Jupiter, the Pioneer 10 and 11 and the Voyager 1 and 2 spacecraft have been boosted into trajectories that will leave the solar system for the realm of the stars. They are very slow-moving spacecraft despite the fact that they are the fastest objects ever launched by our species. They will take tens of thousands of years to travel typical interstellar distances. Unless some special effort is made to redirect them, they will never enter another planetary system in all the tens of billions of years of future history of the Milky Way Galaxy. The star-to-star distances are too large. They are doomed to wander forever in the dark between the stars. But even so, these spacecraft have messages attached to them for the remote contingency that at some future time, alien beings might intercept the spacecraft and wonder about the beings who launched them on these prodigious journeys. [3]
If we are capable of such constructions at our comparatively backward technological state, might not a civilization thousands or millions of years more advanced than ours, on a planet of another star, be capable of fast and directed interstellar travel? Interstellar spaceflight is time-consuming, difficult and expensive for us, and perhaps also for other civilizations with substantially greater resources than ours. But it surely would be unwise to contend that conceptually novel approaches to the physics or engineering of interstellar spaceflight will not be discovered by us sometime in the future. It is evident that for economy, efficiency and convenience, interstellar radio transmission is much superior to interstellar spaceflight, and this is the reason that our own efforts have concentrated strongly on radio communication. But radio communication is clearly inappropriate for contact with a pretechnological society or species. No matter how clever or powerful the transmission, no such radio message would have been received or understood on Earth before the present century. And there has been life on our planet for about four billion years, human beings for several million, and civilization for perhaps ten thousand.
It is not inconceivable that there is a kind of Galactic Survey, established by cooperating civilizations on many planets throughout the Milky Way Galaxy, which keeps an eye (or some equivalent organ) on emerging planets and seeks out undiscovered worlds. But the solar system is very far from the center of the Galaxy and could well have eluded such searches. Or survey ships may come here, but only every ten million years, say-with none having arrived during historical times. However, it is also possible that a few survey teams have arrived recently enough in human history for their presence to have been noted by our ancestors, or even for human history to have been affected by the contact.
The Soviet astrophysicist I. S. Shklovskii and I discussed this possibility in our book, Intelligent Life in the Universe, in 1966. We examined a range of artifacts, legends and folklore from many cultures and concluded that not one of these cases provided even moderately convincing evidence for extraterrestrial contact. There are always more plausible alternative explanations based on known human abilities and behavior. Among the cases discussed were a number later accepted by Erich von Däniken and other uncritical writers as valid evidence for extraterrestrial contact: Sumerian legends and astronomical cylinder seals; the Biblical stories of the Slavonic Enoch and of Sodom and Gomorrah; the Tassili frescoes in North Africa; the machined metal cube allegedly found in ancient geological sediments and said to be displayed in a museum in Austria; and so on. Over the years I have continued to look as deeply as I am able into such stories and have found very few that require more than passing attention.
In the long litany of “ancient astronaut” pop archaeology, the cases of apparent interest have perfectly reasonable alternative explanations, or have been misreported, or are simple prevarications, hoaxes and distortions. This description applies to arguments about the Piri Reis map, the Easter Island monoliths, the heroic drawings on the plains of Nazca, and various artifacts from Mexico, Uzbekistan and China.
And yet, it would be so easy for an advanced extraterrestrial civilization to leave a completely unambiguous calling card of their visit. For example, many nuclear physicists believe that there is an “island of stability” of atomic nuclei, near a hypothetical superheavy atom with about 114 protons and about 184 neutrons. All chemical elements heavier than uranium (with 238 protons and neutrons in its nucleus) spontaneously decay in cosmically short periods of time. But there is reason to think that the binding between protons and neutrons is such that stable elements would be produced if nuclei having about 114 protons and 184 neutrons could be constructed. Such a construction is just beyond our present technology, and clearly beyond the technology of our ancestors. A metal artifact containing such elements would be unambiguous evidence of an advanced extraterrestrial civilization in our past. Or consider the element technetium, whose most stable form has 99 protons and neutrons. Half of it radioactively decays to other elements in about 200,000 years, half of the remainder is gone in another 200,000 years, and so on. As a result, any technetium formed by stars with the other elements billions of years ago must all be gone by now. Thus, terrestrial technetium can only be of artificial origin, as its very name indicates. A technetium artifact could have only one meaning. Similarly, there are common elements on Earth that are immiscible; for example, aluminum and lead. If you melt them together, the lead, being considerably heavier, sinks to the bottom. The aluminum floats to the top. However, in the zero g conditions of spaceflight there is no gravity in the melt to pull the heavier lead down, and exotic alloys such as AL/Pb can be produced. One of the objectives of NASA’s early Shuttle missions will be to test out such alloying techniques. Any message written on an aluminum/lead alloy and retrieved from an ancient civilization would certainly commend itself to our attention today.
It is also possible that the content rather than the material of the message would clearly point to a science or technology beyond the abilities of our ancestors: for example, a vector calculus rendition of Maxwell’s equations (with or without magnetic monopoles), or a graphical representation of the Planck black-body distribution for several different temperatures, or a derivation of the Lorentz transformation of special relativity. Even if the ancient civilization could not understand such writings, they might revere them as holy. But no cases of this sort have emerged-despite what is clearly a profitable market for tales of ancient or modern extraterrestrial astronauts. There have been debates on the purity of magnesium samples from purported crashed UFOs, but their purity was within the competence of American technology at the time of the incident. A supposed star map said to be retrieved (from memory) from the interior of a flying saucer does not, as alleged, resemble the relative positions of the nearest stars like the Sun; in fact, a close examination shows it to be not much better than the “star map” which would be produced if you took an old-fashioned quill pen and splattered a few blank pages with ink spots. With one apparent exception, there are no stories sufficiently detailed to dispose of other explanations and sufficiently accurate to portray correctly modern physics or astronomy to a prescientific or pretechnical people. The one exception is the remarkable mythology surrounding the star Sirius that is held by the Dogon people of the Republic of Mali.
There are at most a few hundred thousand Dogon alive today, and they have been studied intensively by anthropologists only since the 1930s. There are some elements of their mythology that are reminiscent of the legends of the ancient Egyptian civilization, and some anthropologists have assumed a weak Dogon cultural connection with ancient Egypt. The helical risings of Sirius were central to the Egyptian calendar and used to predict the inundations of the Nile. The most striking aspects of Dogon astronomy have been recounted by Marcel Griaule, a French anthropologist working in the 1930s and 1940s. While there is no reason to doubt Griaule’s account, it is important to note that there is no earlier Western record of these remarkable Dogon folk beliefs and that all the information has been funneled through Griaule. The story has recently been popularized by a British writer, R. K. G. Temple.
In contrast to almost all prescientific societies, the Dogon hold that the planets as well as the Earth rotate about their axes and revolve about the Sun. This is a conclusion that can, of course, be achieved without high technology, as Copernicus demonstrated, but it is a very rare insight among the peoples of the Earth. It was taught, however, in ancient Greece by Pythagoras and by Philolaus, who perhaps held, in Laplace’s words, “that the planets were inhabited and that the stars were suns, disseminated in space, being themselves centers of planetary systems.” Such teachings, among a wide variety of contradictory ideas, might be just an inspired lucky guess.
The ancient Greeks believed there were only four elements-earth, fire, water and air-from which all else was constructed. Among the pre-Socratic philosophers there were those who made special advocacy for each one of these elements. If it had later turned out that the universe was indeed made more of one of these elements than another, we should not attribute remarkable prescience to the pre-Socratic philosopher who made the proposal. One of them was bound to be right on statistical grounds alone. In the same way, if we have several hundred or several thousand cultures, each with its own cosmology, we should not be astounded if, every now and then, purely by chance, one of them proposes an idea that is not only correct but also impossible for them to have deduced.
But, according to Temple, the Dogon go further. They hold that Jupiter has four satellites and that Saturn is encircled by a ring. It is perhaps possible that individuals of extraordinary eyesight under superb seeing conditions could, in the absence of a telescope, have observed the Galilean satellites of Jupiter and the rings of Saturn. But this is at the bare edge of plausibility. Unlike every astronomer before Kepler, the Dogon are said to depict the planets moving correctly in elliptical, not circular, orbits.
More striking still is the Dogon belief about Sirius, the brightest star in the sky. They contend that it has a dark and invisible companion star which orbits Sirius (and, Temple says, in an elliptical orbit) once every fifty years. They state that the companion star is very small and very heavy, made of a special metal called “Sagala” which is not found on Earth.
The remarkable fact is that the visible star, Sirius A, does have an extraordinary dark companion, Sirius B, which orbits it in an elliptical orbit once each 50.04 ±0.09 years. Sirius B is the first example of a white dwarf star discovered by modern astrophysics. Its matter is in a state called “relativistically degenerate,” which does not exist on Earth, and since the electrons are not bound to the nuclei in such degenerate matter, it can properly be described as metallic. Since Sirius A is called the Dog Star, Sirius B has sometimes been dubbed “The Pup.”
At first glance the Sirius legend of the Dogon seems to be the best candidate evidence available today for past contact with an advanced extraterrestrial civilization. As we begin a closer look at this story, however, let us remember that the Dogon astronomical tradition is purely oral, that it dates with certainty only from the 1930s and that the diagrams are written with sticks in sand. (Incidentally, there is some evidence that the Dogon like to frame pictures with an ellipse, and that Temple may be mistaken about the claim that the planets and Sirius B move in elliptical orbits in Dogon mythology.)
When we examine the full body of Dogon mythology we find a very rich and detailed structure of legend-much richer, as many anthropologists have remarked, than those of their near geographical neighbors. Where there is a rich array of legends there is, of course, a greater chance of an accidental correspondence of one of the myths with a finding of modern science. A very spare mythology is much less likely to make such an accidental concordance. But when we examine the rest of Dogon mythology, do we find other cases hauntingly reminiscent of some unexpected findings in modern science?
The Dogon cosmogony describes how the Creator examined a plaited basket, round at the mouth and square at the bottom. Such baskets are still in use in Mali today. The Creator up-ended the basket and used it as a model for the creation of the world-the square base represents the sky and the round mouth the Sun. I must say that this account does not strike me as a remarkable anticipation of modern cosmological thinking. In the Dogon representation of the creation of the Earth, the Creator implants in an egg two pairs of twins, each pair comprised of a male and a female. The twins are intended to mature within the egg and fuse to become a single and “perfect” androgynous being. The Earth originates when one of the twins breaks from the egg before maturation, whereupon the Creator sacrifices the other twin in order to maintain a certain cosmic harmony. This is a variegated and interesting mythology, but it does not seem to be qualitatively different from many of the other mythologies and religions of humanity.
The hypothesis of a companion star to Sirius might have followed naturally from the Dogon mythology, in which twins play a central role, but there does not seem to be any explanation this simple about the period and density of the companion of Sirius. The Dogon Sirius myth is too close to modern astronomical thinking and too precise quantitatively to be attributed to chance. Yet there it sits, immersed in a body of more or less standard prescientific legend. What can the explanation be? Is there any chance that the Dogon or their cultural ancestors might actually have been able to see Sirius B and observe its period around Sirius A?
White dwarfs such as Sirius B evolve from stars called red giants, which are very luminous and, it will be no surprise to hear, red. Ancient writers of the first few centuries A.D. actually described Sirius as red-certainly not its color today. In a conversation piece by Horace called “Hoc Quoque Tiresia” (How to Get Rich Quickly) there is a quotation from an unspecified earlier work that says: “The red dog star’s heat split the speechless statues.” As a result of these less than compelling ancient sources there has been a slight temptation among astrophysicists to consider the possibility that the white dwarf Sirius B was a red giant in historical times and visible with the naked eye, completely swamping the light of Sirius A. In that case perhaps there was a slightly later time in the evolution of Sirius B when its brightness was comparable to that of Sirius A, and the relative motion of the two stars about each other could be discerned with the unaided eye. But the best recent information from the theory of stellar evolution suggests that there simply is not enough time for Sirius B to have reached its present white dwarf state if it had been a red giant a few centuries before Horace. What is more, it would seem extraordinary that no one except the Dogon noticed these two stars circling each other every fifty years, each alone being one of the brightest stars in the sky. There was an extremely competent school of observational astronomers in Mesopotamia and in Alexandria in the preceding centuries-to say nothing of the Chinese and Korean astronomical schools-and it would be astonishing if they had noticed nothing. [4] Is our only alternative, then, to believe that representatives of an extraterrestrial civilization have visited the Dogon or their ancestors?
The Dogon have knowledge impossible to acquire without the telescope. The straightforward conclusion is that they had contact with an advanced technical civilization. The only question is, which civilization-extraterrestrial or European? Far more credible than an ancient extraterrestrial educational foray among the Dogon might be a comparatively recent contact with scientifically literate Europeans who conveyed to the Dogon the remarkable European myth of Sirius and its white dwarf companion, a myth that has all the superficial earmarks of a splendidly inventive tall story. Perhaps the Western contact came from a European visitor to Africa, or from the local French schools, or perhaps from contacts in Europe by West Africans inducted to fight for the French in World War I.
The likelihood that these stories arise from contact with Europeans rather than extraterrestrials has been increased by a recent astronomical finding: a Cornell University research team led by James Elliot, employing a high-altitude airborne observatory over the Indian Ocean, discovered in 1977 that the planet Uranus is surrounded by rings-a finding never hinted at by ground-based observations. Advanced extraterrestrial beings viewing our solar system upon approach to Earth would have little difficulty discovering the rings of Uranus. But European astronomers in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries would have had nothing to say in this regard. The fact that the Dogon do not talk of another planet beyond Saturn with rings suggests to me that their informants were European, not extraterrestrial.
In 1844 the German astronomer F. W. Bessel discovered that the long-term motion of Sirius itself (Sirius A) was not straight but, rather, wavy against the background of more distant stars. Bessel proposed that there was a dark companion to Sirius whose gravitational influence was producing the observed sinusoidal motion. Since the period of the wiggle was fifty years, Bessel deduced that the dark companion had a fifty-year period in the joint motion of Sirius A and B about their common center of mass.
Eighteen years later Alvan G. Clark, during the testing of a new 18½-inch refracting telescope, accidentally discovered the companion, Sirius B, by direct visual observation. From the relative motions, Newtonian gravitational theory permits us to estimate the masses of Sirius A and B. The companion turns out to have a mass just about the same as the Sun’s. But Sirius B is almost ten thousand times fainter than Sirius A, even though their masses are about the same and they are just the same distance from the Earth. These facts can be reconciled only if Sirius B has a much smaller radius or a much lower temperature. But in the late nineteenth century it was believed by astronomers that stars of the same mass had approximately the same temperature, and by the turn of the century it was widely held that the temperature of Sirius B was not remarkably low. Spectroscopic observations by Walter S. Adams in 1915 confirmed this contention. Hence, Sirius B must be very small. We know today that it is only as big as the Earth. Because of its size and color it is called a white dwarf. But if Sirius B is much smaller than Sirius A, its density must be very much greater. Accordingly, the concept of Sirius B as an extremely dense star was widely held in the first few decades of this century.
The peculiar nature of the companion of Sirius was extensively reported in books and in the press. For example, in Sir Arthur Stanley Eddington’s book The Nature of the Physical World, we read: “Astronomical evidence seems to leave practically no doubt that in the so-called white dwarf stars the density of matter far transcends anything of which we have terrestrial experience; in the Companion of Sirius, for example, the density is about a ton to the cubic inch. This condition is explained by the fact that the high temperature and correspondingly intense agitation of the material breaks up (ionises) the outer electron system of the atoms, so that the fragments can be packed much more closely together.” Within a year of its 1928 publication, this book saw ten reprintings in English. It was translated into many languages, including French. The idea that white dwarfs were made of electron degenerate matter had been proposed by R. H. Fowler in 1925 and quickly accepted. On the other hand, the proposal that white dwarfs were made of “relativistically degenerate” matter was first made in the period 1934 to 1937, in Great Britain, by the Indian astrophysicist S. Chandrasekhar; the idea was greeted with substantial skepticism by astronomers who had not grown up with quantum mechanics. One of the most vigorous skeptics was Eddington. The debate was covered in the scientific press and was accessible to the intelligent layman. All this was occurring just before Griaule encountered the Dogon Sirius legend.
In my mind’s eye I picture a Gallic visitor to the Dogon people, in what was then French West Africa, in the early part of this century. He may have been a diplomat, an explorer, an adventurer or an early anthropologist Such people-for example, Richard Francis Burton-were in West Africa many decades earlier. The conversation turns to astronomical lore. Sirius is the brightest star in the sky. The Dogon regale the visitor with their Sirius mythology. Then, smiling politely, expectantly, they inquire of their visitor what his Sirius myths might be. Perhaps he refers before answering to a well-worn book in his baggage. The white dwarf companion of Sirius being a current astronomical sensation, the traveler exchanges a spectacular myth for a routine one. After he leaves, his account is remembered, retold, and eventually incorporated into the corpus of Dogon mythology-or at least into a collateral branch (perhaps filed under “Sirius myths, bleached peoples’ account”). When Marcel Griaule makes mythological inquiries in the 1930s and 1940s, he has his own European Sirius myth played back to him.
THIS FULL-CYCLE RETURN of a myth to its culture of origin through an unwary anthropologist might sound unlikely if there were not so many examples of it in anthropological lore. I here recount a few cases:
In the first decade of the twentieth century a neophyte anthropologist was collecting accounts of ancient traditions from Native American populations in the Southwest. His concern was to write down the traditions, almost exclusively oral, before they vanished altogether. The young Native Americans had already lost appreciable contact with their heritage, and the anthropologist concentrated on elderly members of the tribe. One day he found himself sitting outside a hogan with an aged but lively and cooperative informant.
“Tell me about the ceremonies of your ancestors at the birth of a child.”
“Just one moment.”
The old Indian slowly shuffled into the darkened depths of the hogan. After a fifteen-minute interval he reappeared with a remarkably useful and detailed description of postpartum ceremonials, including rituals connected with breach presentation, afterbirth, umbilical cord, first breath and first cry. Encouraged and writing feverishly, the anthropologist systematically went through the full list of rites of passage, including puberty, marriage, childbearing and death. In each case the informant disappeared into the hogan only to emerge a quarter of an hour later with a rich set of answers. The anthropologist was astonished. Could, he wondered, there be a yet older informant, perhaps infirm and bedriden, within the hogan? Eventually he could resist no longer and summoned the courage to ask his informant what he did at each retreat into the hogan. The old man smiled, withdrew for the last time, and returned clutching a well-thumbed volume of the Dictionary of American Ethnography, which had been compiled by anthropologists in the previous decade. The poor white man, he must have thought, is eager, well-meaning and ignorant. He does not have a copy of this marvelous book which contains the traditions of my people. I shall tell him what it says.
My other two stories recount the adventures of an extraordinary physician, Dr. D. Carleton Gajdusek, who for many years has studied kuru, a rare viral disease, among the inhabitants of New Guinea. For this work he was the recipient of the 1976 Nobel Prize for Medicine. I am grateful to Dr. Gajdusek for taking the trouble to check my memory of his stories, which I first heard from him many years ago. New Guinea is an island on which mountainous terrain separates-in a manner similar to but more completely than the mountains of ancient Greece-one valley people from another. As a result there is a great profusion and variety of cultural traditions.
In the spring of 1957 Gajdusek and Dr. Vincent Zigas, a medical officer with the Public Health Service of what was then called the Territory of Papua and New Guinea, traveled with an Australian administrative patrol officer from the Purosa Valley through the ranges of the South Fore cultural and linguistic-group region to the village of Agakamatasa on an exploratory visit into “uncontrolled territory.” Stone implements were still in use, and there remained a tradition of cannibalism within one’s own living group. Gajdusek and his party found cases of kuru, which is spread by cannibalism (but most often not through the digestive tract), in this most remote of the South Fore villages. They decided to spend a few days, moving into one of the large and traditional wa’e, or men’s houses (the music from one of which, incidentally, was sent to the stars on the Voyager phonograph record). The windowless, low-doored, smoky thatched house was partitioned so that the visitors could neither stand erect nor stretch out. It was divided into many sleeping compartments, each with its own small fire, around which men and boys would huddle in groups to sleep and keep warm during the cold nights at an elevation of more than 6,000 feet, an altitude higher than Denver. To accommodate their visitors, the men and boys gleefully tore out the interior structure of half of the ceremonial men’s house, and during two days and nights of pouring rain Gajdusek and his companions were housebound on a high, windswept, cloud-covered ridge. The young Fore initiates wore bark strands braided into their hair, which was covered with pig grease. They wore huge nose pieces, the penises of pigs as armbands, and the genitalia of opossums and tree-climbing kangaroos as pendants around their necks.
The hosts sang their traditional songs all through the first night and on through the following rainy day. In return, “to enhance our rapport with them,” as Gajdusek says, “we began to sing songs in exchange-among them such Russian songs as ‘Otchi chornye,’ and ‘Moi kostyor v tumane svetit’…” This was received very well, and the Agakamatasa villagers requested many dozens of repetitions in the smoky South Fore longhouse to the accompaniment of the driving rainstorm.
Some years later Gajdusek was engaged in the collection of indigenous music in another part of the South Fore region and asked a group of young men to run through their repertoire of traditional songs. To Gajdusek’s amazement and amusement, they produced a somewhat altered but still clearly recognizable version of “Otchi chornye.” Many of the singers apparently thought the song traditional, and later still Gajdusek found the song imported even farther afield, with none of the singers having any idea of its source.
We can easily imagine some sort of world ethnomusicology survey coming to an exceptionally obscure part of New Guinea and discovering that the natives had a traditional song which sounded in rhythm, music and words remarkably like “Otchi chornye.” If they were to believe that no previous contact of Westerners with these people had occurred, a great mystery could be posited.
Later that same year Gajdusek was visited by several Australian physicians, eager to understand the remarkable findings about the transmission of kuru from patient to patient by cannibalism. Gajdusek described the theories of the origin of many diseases held by the Fore people, who did not believe that illnesses were caused by the spirits of the dead or that malicious deceased relatives, jealous of the living, inflicted disease on those of their surviving kinsmen who offended them, as the pioneering anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski had recounted for the coastal peoples of Melanesia. Instead, the Fore attributed most diseases to malicious sorcery, which any offended and avenging male, young or old, could execute without the aid of specially trained sorcerers. There was a special sorcery explanation for kuru, but also for chronic lung disease, leprosy, yaws, and so on. These beliefs had been long-established and firmly held, but as the Fore people witnessed yaws yielding entirely to the penicillin injections of Gajdusek and his group, they quickly agreed that the sorcery explanation of yaws was in error and abandoned it; it has never resurfaced in subsequent years. (I wish Westerners would be as quick to abandon obsolete or erroneous social ideas as the Fore of New Guinea.) Modern treatment of leprosy caused its sorcery explanation to disappear as well, although more slowly, and the Fore people today laugh at these backward early opinions on yaws and leprosy. But the traditional views on the origin of kuru have maintained themselves, since the Westerners have been unable to cure or explain, in a manner satisfactory to them, the origin and nature of this disease. Thus, the Fore people remain intensely skeptical of Western explanations for kuru and retain firmly their view that malicious sorcery is the cause.
One of the Australian physicians, visiting an adjacent village with one of Gajdusek’s native informants as translator, spent the day examining kuru patients and independently acquiring information. He returned the same evening to inform Gajdusek that he was mistaken about people not believing in the spirits of the dead as the cause of disease, and that he was further in error in holding that they had abandoned the idea of sorcery as the cause of yaws. The people held, he continued, that a dead body could become invisible and that the unseen spirit of the dead person could enter the skin of a patient at night through an imperceptible break, and induce yaws. The Australian’s informant had even sketched with a stick in the sand the appearance of these ghostly beings. They carefully drew a circle and a few squiggly lines within. Outside the circle, they explained, it was black; inside the circle, bright-a sand portrait of malevolent and pathogenic spirits.
Upon inquiry of the young translator, Gajdusek discovered that the Australian physician had conversed with some of the older men of the village who were well known to Gajdusek and who were often his house and laboratory guests. They had attempted to explain that the shape of the “germ” producing yaws was spiral-the spirochete form they had seen many times through Gajdusek’s dark-field microscope. They had to admit it was invisible-it could be seen only through the microscope-and when pressed by the Australian physician on whether this “represented” the dead person, they had to admit that Gajdusek had stressed that it could be caught from close contact with yaws lesions, as, for example, by sleeping with a person with yaws.
I can well remember the first time I looked through a microscope. After focusing my eyes up near the ocular only to examine my eyelashes, and then peering further into the pitch-black interior of the barrel, I finally managed to look straight down the microscope tube to be dazzled by an illuminated disc of light. It takes a little while for the eye to train itself to examine what is in the disc. Gajdusek’s demonstration to the Fore people was so powerful-after all, the alternatives entirely lacked so concrete a reality-that many accepted his story, even apart from his ability to cure the disease with penicillin. Perhaps some considered the spirochetes in the microscope an amusing example of white-man myth and minor magic, and when another white man arrived querying the origin of disease, they politely returned to him the idea they believed he would be comfortable with. Had Western contact with the Fore people ceased for fifty years, it seems to me entirely possible that a future visitor would discover to his astonishment that the Fore people somehow had knowledge of medical microbiology, despite their largely pretechnological culture.
All three of these stories underline the almost inevitable problems encountered in trying to extract from a “primitive” people their ancient legends. Can you be sure that others have not come before you and destroyed the pristine state of the native myth? Can you be sure that the natives are not humoring you or pulling your leg? Bronislaw Malinowski thought he had discovered a people in the Trobriand Islands who had not worked out the connection between sexual intercourse and childbirth. When asked how children were conceived, they supplied him with an elaborate mythic structure prominently featuring celestial intervention. Amazed, Malinowski objected that was not how it was done at all, and supplied them instead with the version so popular in the West today-including a nine-month gestation period. “Impossible,” replied the Melanesians. “Do you not see that woman over there with her six-month-old child? Her husband has been on an extended voyage to another island for two years.” Is it more likely that the Melanesians were ignorant of the begetting of children or that they were gently chiding Malinowski? If some peculiar-looking stranger came into my town and asked me where babies came from, I’d certainly be tempted to tell him about storks and cabbages. Pre-scientific people are people. Individually they are as clever as we are. Field interrogation of informants from a different culture is not always easy.
I wonder if the Dogon, having heard from a Westerner an extraordinarily inventive myth about the star Sirius-a star already important in their own mythology-did not carefully play it back to the visiting French anthropologist. Is this not more likely than a visit by extraterrestrial spacefarers to ancient Egypt, with one cluster of hard scientific knowledge, in striking contradiction to common sense, preserved by oral tradition, over the millennia, and only in West Africa?
There are too many loopholes, too many alternative explanations for such a myth to provide reliable evidence of past extraterrestrial contact. If there are extraterrestrials, I think it much more likely that unmanned planetary spacecraft and large radiotelescopes will prove to be the means of their detection.
When the movement of the comets is considered and we reflect on the laws of gravity, it will be readily perceived that their approach to the Earth might there cause the most woeful events, bring back the universal deluge, or make it perish in a deluge of fire, shatter it into small dust, or at least turn it from its orbit, drive away its Moon, or, still worse, the Earth itself outside the orbit of Saturn, and inflict upon us a winter several centuries long, which neither men nor animals would be able to bear. The tails even of comets would not be unimportant phenomena, if the comets in taking their departure left them in whole or in part in our atmosphere.
J. H. LAMBERT,
Cosmologische Briefe über
die Einrichtung des Weltbaues (1761)
However dangerous might be the shock of a comet, it might be so slight, that it would only do damage at the part of the Earth where it actually struck; perhaps even we might cry quits if while one kingdom were devastated, the rest of the Earth were to enjoy the rarities which a body which came from so far might bring to it. Perhaps we should be very surprised to find that the debris of these masses that we despised were formed of gold and diamonds; but who would be the most astonished, we, or the comet-dwellers, who would be cast on our Earth? What strange beings each would find the other!
MAUPERTUIS,
Lettre sur la comète (1752)
SCIENTISTS, like other human beings, have their hopes and fears, their passions and despondencies-and their strong emotions may sometimes interrupt the course of clear thinking and sound practice. But science is also self-correcting. The most fundamental axioms and conclusions may be challenged. The prevailing hypotheses must survive confrontation with observation. Appeals to authority are impermissible. The steps in a reasoned argument must be set out for all to see. Experiments must be reproducible.
The history of science is full of cases where previously accepted theories and hypotheses have been entirely overthrown, to be replaced by new ideas that more adequately explain the data. While there is an understandable psychological inertia-usually lasting about one generation-such revolutions in scientific thought are widely accepted as a necessary and desirable element of scientific progress. Indeed, the reasoned criticism of a prevailing belief is a service to the proponents of that belief; if they are incapable of defending it, they are well advised to abandon it. This self-questioning and error-correcting aspect of the scientific method is its most striking property, and sets it off from many other areas of human endeavor where credulity is the rule.
The idea of science as a method rather than as a body of knowledge is not widely appreciated outside of science, or indeed in some corridors inside of science. For this reason I and some of my colleagues in the American Association for the Advancement of Science have advocated a regular set of discussions at the annual AAAS meeting of hypotheses that are on the borderlines of science and that have attracted substantial public interest. The idea is not to attempt to settle such issues definitively, but rather to illustrate the process of reasoned disputation, to show how scientists approach a problem that does not lend itself to crisp experimentation, or is unorthodox in its interdisciplinary nature, or otherwise evokes strong emotions.
Vigorous criticism of new ideas is a commonplace in science. While the style of the critique may vary with the character of the critic, overly polite criticism benefits neither the proponents of new ideas nor the scientific enterprise. Any substantive objection is permissible and encouraged; the only exception being that ad hominem attacks on the personality or motives of the author are excluded. It does not matter what reason the proponent has for advancing his ideas or what prompts his opponents to criticize them: all that matters is whether the ideas are right or wrong, promising or retrogressive.
For example, here is a summary-of a type that is unusual but not extremely rare-of a paper submitted to the scientific journal Icarus, by a qualified referee: “It is the opinion of this reviewer that this paper is absolutely unacceptable for publication in Icarus. It is based on no sound scientific research, and at best it is incompetent speculation. The author has not stated his assumptions; the conclusions are unclear, ambiguous and without basis; credit is not given to related work; the figures and tables are unclearly labeled; and the author is obviously unfamiliar with the most basic scientific literature…” The referee then goes on to justify his remarks in detail. The paper was rejected for publication. Such rejections are commonly recognized as a boon to science as well as a favor to the author. Most scientists are accustomed to receiving (somewhat milder) referees’ criticisms every time they submit a paper to a scientific journal. Almost always the criticisms are helpful. Often a paper revised to take these critiques into account is subsequently accepted for publication. As another example of forthright criticism in the planetary science literature, the interested reader might wish to consult “Comments on The Jupiter Effect” by J. Meeus (1975) [5] and the commentary on it in Icarus.
Vigorous criticism is more constructive in science than in some other areas of human endeavor because in science there are adequate standards of validity that can be agreed upon by competent practitioners the world over. The objective of such criticism is not to suppress but rather to encourage the advance of new ideas: those that survive a firm skeptical scrutiny have a fighting chance of being right, or at least useful.
EMOTIONS IN THE scientific community have run very high on the issue of Immanuel Velikovsky’s work, especially his first book, Worlds in Collision, published in 1950. I know that some scientists were irked because Velikovsky was compared to Einstein, Newton, Darwin and Freud by New York literati and an editor of Harper’s, but this pique arises from the frailty of human nature rather than the judgment of the scientist. The two together often inhabit the same individual. Others were dismayed at the use of Indian, Chinese, Aztec, Assyrian or Biblical texts to argue for extremely heterodox views in celestial mechanics. Also, I suspect, not many physicists or celestial mechanicians are comfortably fluent in such languages or are familiar with such texts.
My own view is that no matter how unorthodox the reasoning process or how unpalatable the conclusions, there is no excuse for any attempt to suppress new ideas-least of all by scientists. Therefore I was very pleased that the AAAS held a discussion on Worlds in Collision, in which Velikovsky took part.
In reading the critical literature in advance, I was surprised at how little of it there is and how rarely it approaches the central points of Velikovsky’s thesis. In fact, neither the critics nor the proponents of Velikovsky seem to have read him carefully, and I even seem to find some cases where Velikovsky has not read Velikovsky carefully. Perhaps the publication of most of the AAAS symposium (Goldsmith, 1977) as well as the present chapter, the principal conclusions of which were presented at the symposium, will help to clarify the issues.
In this chapter I have done my best to analyze critically the thesis of Worlds in Collision, to approach the problem both on Velikovsky’s terms and on mine-that is, to keep firmly in mind the ancient writings that are the focus of his argument, but at the same time to confront his conclusions with the facts and the logic I have at my command.
Velikovsky’s principal thesis is that major events in the history of both the Earth and the other planets in the solar system have been dominated by catastrophism rather than by uniformitarianism. These are fancy words used by geologists to summarize a major debate they had during the infancy of their science which apparently culminated, between 1785 and 1830, in the work of James Hutton and Charles Lyell, in favor of the uniformitarians. Both the names and the practices of these two sects evoke familiar theological antecedents. A uniformitarian holds that landforms on Earth have been produced by processes we can observe to be operating today, provided they operate over immense vistas of time. A catastrophist holds that a small number of violent events, occupying much shorter periods of time, are adequate. Catastrophism began largely in the minds of those geologists who accepted a literal interpretation of the Book of Genesis, and in particular the account of the Noahic flood. It is clearly no use arguing against the catastrophist viewpoint to say that we have never seen such a catastrophe in our lifetimes. The hypothesis requires only rare events. But if we can show that there is adequate time for processes we can all observe operating today to produce the landform or event in question, then there is at least no necessity for the catastrophist hypothesis. Obviously both uniformitarian and catastrophic processes can have been at work-and almost certainly both were-in the history of our planet.
Velikovsky holds that in the relatively recent history of the Earth there has been a set of celestial catastrophes, near-collisions with comets, small planets and large planets. There is nothing absurd in the possibility of cosmic collisions. Astronomers in the past have not hesitated to invoke collisions to explain natural phenomena. For example, Spitzer and Baade (1951) proposed that extragalactic radio sources may be produced by the collisions of whole galaxies, containing hundreds of billions of stars. This thesis has now been abandoned, not because cosmic collisions are unthinkable, but because the frequency and properties of such collisions do not match what is now known about such radio sources. A still popular theory of the energy source of quasars is multiple stellar collisions at the centers of galaxies-where, in any case, catastrophic events must be common.
Collisions and catastrophism are part and parcel of modern astronomy, and have been for many centuries (see the epigraphs at the beginning of this chapter). For example, in the early history of the solar system, when there were probably many more objects about than there are now-including objects on very eccentric orbits-collisions may have been frequent. Lecar and Franklin (1973) investigate hundreds of collisions occurring in a period of only a few thousand years in the early history of the asteroid belt, to understand the present configuration of this region of the solar system. In another paper, entitled “Cometary Collisions and Geological Periods,” Harold Urey (1973) investigates a range of consequences, including the production of earthquakes and the heating of the oceans, which might attend the collision with the Earth of a comet of average mass of about 1018 grams. The Tunguska event of 1908, in which a Siberian forest was leveled, is often attributed to the collision with the Earth of a small comet. The cratered surfaces of Mercury, Mars, Phobos, Deimos and the Moon bear eloquent testimony to the fact that there have been abundant collisions during the history of the solar system. There is nothing unorthodox about the idea of cosmic catastrophes, and this is a view that has been common in solar system physics at least back to the late-nineteenth-century studies of the lunar surface by G. K. Gilbert, the first director of the U.S. Geological Survey.
What, then, is all the furor about? It is about the time scale and the adequacy of the purported evidence. In the 4.6 billion-year history of the solar system, many collisions must have occurred. But have there been major collisions in the last 3,500 years, and can the study of ancient writings demonstrate such collisions? That is the nub of the issue.
VELIKOVSKY has called attention to a wide range of stories and legends, held by diverse peoples, separated by great distances, which stories show remarkable similarities and concordances. I am not expert in the cultures or languages of any of these peoples, but I find the concatenation of legends Velikovsky has accumulated stunning. It is true that some experts in these cultures are less impressed. I can remember vividly discussing Worlds in Collision with a distinguished professor of Semitics at a leading university. He said something like “The Assyriology, Egyptology, Biblical scholarship and all of that Talmudic and Midrashic pilpul is, of course, nonsense; but I was impressed by the astronomy.” I had rather the opposite view. But let me not be swayed by the opinions of others. My own position is that if even 20 percent of the legendary concordances that Velikovsky produces are real, there is something important to be explained. Furthermore, there is an impressive array of cases in the history of archaeology-from Heinrich Schliemann at Troy to Yigael Yadin at Masada-where the descriptions in ancient writings have subsequently been validated as fact.
Now, if a variety of widely separated cultures share what is palpably the same legend, how can this be understood? There seem to be four possibilities: common observation, diffusion, brain wiring and coincidence. Let us consider these in turn.
Common Observation: One explanation is that the cultures in question all witnessed a common event and interpreted it in the same way. There may, of course, be more than one view of what this common event was.
Diffusion: The legend originated within one culture only, but during the frequent and distant migrations of mankind, gradually spread with some changes among many apparently diverse cultures. A trivial example is the Santa Claus legend in America which evolved from the European Saint Nicholas (Claus is short for Nicholas in German), the patron saint of children, and which ultimately is derived from pre-Christian tradition.
Brain Wiring: A hypothesis sometimes also known as racial memory or the collective unconscious. It holds that there are certain ideas, archetypes, legendary figures, and stories that are intrinsic to human beings at birth, perhaps in the same way that a newborn baboon knows to fear a snake, and a bird raised in isolation from other birds knows how to build a nest. It is apparent that if a tale derived from observation or from diffusion resonated with the “brain wiring,” it is more likely to be culturally retained.
Coincidence: Purely by chance two independently derived legends may have similar content. In practice, this hypothesis fades into the brain-wiring hypothesis.
IF WE ARE TO ASSESS critically such apparent concordances, there are some obvious precautions that must first be taken. Do the stories really say the same thing or have the same essential elements? If they are interpreted as due to common observations, do they date from the same period? Can we exclude the possibility of physical contact between representatives of the cultures in question in or before the epoch under discussion? Velikovsky is clearly opting for the common-observation hypothesis, but he seems to dismiss the diffusion hypothesis far too casually; for example, he says (page 303 [6]): “How could unusual motifs of folklore reach isolated islands, where the aborigines do not have any means of crossing the sea?” I am not sure which islands and which aborigines Velikovsky refers to here, but it is apparent that the inhabitants of an island had to have gotten there somehow. I do not think that Velikovsky believes in a separate creation in the Gilbert and Ellice Islands, say. For Polynesia and Melanesia there is now extensive evidence of abundant sea voyages of lengths of many thousands of kilometers within the last millennium, and probably much earlier (Dodd, 1972).
Or how, for example, would Velikovsky explain the fact that the Toltec name for “god” seems to have been teo, as in the great pyramid city of Teotihuacán (“City of the Gods”) near present-day Mexico City, where it is called San Juan Teotihuacán? There is no common celestial event that could conceivably explain this concordance. Toltec and Nahuatl are non-Indoeuropean languages, and it seems unlikely that the word for “god” would be wired into all human brains. Yet teo is a clear cognate of the common Indoeuropean root for “god,” preserved, among other places, in the words “deity” and “theology.” The preferred hypotheses in this case are coincidence or diffusion. There is some evidence for pre-Columbian contact between the Old and New Worlds. But coincidence is also not to be taken lightly: if we compare two languages, each with tens of thousands of words, spoken by human beings with identical larynxes, tongues and teeth, it should not be surprising if a few words are coincidentally identical. Likewise, we should not be surprised if a few elements of a few legends are coincidentally identical. But I believe that all of the concordances Velikovsky produces can be explained away in this manner.
Let us take an example of Velikovsky’s approach to this question. He points to certain concordant stories, directly or vaguely connected with celestial events, that refer to a witch, a mouse, a scorpion or a dragon (pages 77, 264, 305, 306, 310). His explanation: divers comets, upon close approach to the Earth, were tidally or electrically distorted and gave the form of a witch, a mouse, a scorpion or a dragon, clearly interpretable as the same animal to culturally isolated peoples of very different backgrounds. No attempt is made to show that such a clear form-for example, a woman riding a broomstick and topped by a pointed hat-could have been produced in this way, even if we grant the hypothesis of a close approach to the Earth by a comet. Our experience with Rorschach and other psychological projective tests is that different people see the same nonrepresentational image in different ways. Velikovsky even goes so far as to believe that a close approach to the Earth by “a star” he evidently identifies with the planet Mars so distorted it that it took on the clear shape (page 264) of lions, jackals, dogs, pigs and fish; and in his opinion this explains the worship of animals by the Egyptians. This is not very impressive reasoning. We might just as well assume that the whole menagerie was capable of independent flight in the second millennium B.C. and be done with it. A much more likely hypothesis is diffusion. Indeed, I have in a different context spent a fair amount of time studying the dragon legends on the planet Earth, and I am impressed at how different these mythical beasts, all called dragons by Western writers, really are.
As another example, consider the argument of Chapter 8, Part 2 of Worlds in Collision. Velikovsky claims a world-wide tendency in ancient cultures to believe at various times that the year has 360 days, that the month has thirty-six days, and that the year has ten months. Velikovsky offers no justification in physics for this, but argues that ancient astronomers could hardly have been so poor at their trade as to slip five days each year or six days each lunation. Fairly soon the night would be brilliant with moonlight at the astrologically official new moon, snowstorms would be falling in July, and the astrologers would be hung by their ears. Having had some experience with modern astronomers, I am not as confident as Velikovsky is in the unerring computational precision of ancient astronomers. Velikovsky proposes that these aberrant calendrical conventions reflect real changes in the length of the day, month and/or year-and that they are evidence of close approaches to the Earth-Moon system by comets, planets and other celestial visitors.
There is an alternative explanation, which derives from the fact that there are not a whole number of lunations in a solar year, nor a whole number of days in a lunation. These incommensurabilities will be galling to a culture that has recently invented arithmetic but has not yet gotten as far as large numbers or fractions. As an inconvenience, these incommensurabilities are felt even today by religious Muslims and Jews who discover that Ramadan and Passover, respectively, occur from year to year on rather different days of the solar calendar. There is a clear whole-number chauvinism in human affairs, most easily discerned in discussing arithmetic with four-year-olds; and this seems to be a much more plausible explanation of these calendrical irregularities, if they existed.
Three hundred and sixty days a year provides an obvious (temporary) convenience for a civilization with base-60 arithmetic, as the Sumerian, Akkadian, Assyrian and Babylonian cultures. Likewise, thirty days per month or ten months per year might be attractive to enthusiasts of base-10 arithmetic. I wonder if we do not see here an echo of the collision between chauvinists of base-60 arithmetic and chauvinists of base-10 arithmetic, rather than a collision of Mars with Earth. It is true that the tribe of ancient astrologers may have been dramatically depleted as the various calendars rapidly slipped out of phase, but that was an occupational hazard, and at least it removed the mental agony of dealing with fractions. In fact, sloppy quantitative thinking appears to be the hallmark of this whole subject.
An expert on early time-reckoning (Leach, 1957) points out that in ancient cultures the first eight or ten months of the year are named, but the last few months, because of their economic unimportance in an agricultural society, are not. Our month December, named after the Latin decem, means the tenth, not the twelfth, month. (September = seventh, October = eighth, November = ninth, as well.) Because of the large numbers involved, prescientific peoples characteristically do not count days of the year, although they are assiduous in counting months. A leading historian of ancient science and mathematics, Otto Neugebauer (1957), remarks that, both in Mesopotamia and in Egypt, two separate and mutually exclusive calendars were maintained: a civil calendar whose hallmark was computational convenience, and a frequently updated agricultural calendar-messier to deal with, but much closer to the seasonal and astronomical realities. Many ancient cultures solved the two-calendar problem by simply adding a five-day holiday on at the end of the year. I hardly think that the existence of 360-day years in the calendrical conventions of prescientific peoples is compelling evidence that then there really were 360 rather than 365¼ rotations in one revolution of Earth about the Sun.
This question can, in principle, be resolved by examining coral growth rings, which are now known to show with some accuracy the number of days per month and the number of days per year, the former only for intertidal corals. There appears to be no sign of major excursions in recent times from the present number of days in a lunation or a year, and the gradual shortening (not lengthening) of the day and the month with respect to the year as we go back in time is found to be consistent with tidal theory and the conservation of energy and angular momentum within the Earth-Moon system, without appeal to cometary or other exogenous intervention.
Another problem with Velikovsky’s method is the suspicion that vaguely similar stories may refer to quite different periods. This question of the synchronism of legends is almost entirely ignored in Worlds in Collision, although it is treated in some of Velikovsky’s later works. For example (page 31), Velikovsky notes that the idea of four ancient ages terminated by catastrophe is common to Indian as well as to Western sacred writing. However, in the Bhagavad Gita and in the Vedas, widely divergent numbers of such ages, including an infinity of them, are given; but, more interesting, the duration of the ages between major catastrophes is specified (see, for example, Campbell, 1974) as billions of years. This does not match very well Velikovsky’s chronology, which requires hundreds or thousands of years. Here Velikovsky’s hypothesis and the data that purport to support it differ by a factor of about a million. Or (page 91) vaguely similar discussions of vulcanism and lava flows in Greek, Mexican and Biblical traditions are quoted. There is no attempt made to show that they refer to even approximately comparable times and, since lava has flowed in historical times in all three areas, no common exogenous event is necessary to interpret such stories.
Despite copious references, there also seem to me to be a large number of critical and undemonstrated assumptions in Velikovsky’s argument. Let me mention just a few of them. There is the very interesting idea that any mythological references by any people to any god that also corresponds to a celestial body represents in fact a direct observation of that celestial body. It is a daring hypothesis, although I am not sure what one is to do with Jupiter appearing as a swan to Leda, and as a shower of gold to Danaë. On page 247 the hypothesis that gods and planets are identical is used to date the time of Homer. In any case, when Hesiod and Homer refer to Athena being born full-grown from the head of Zeus, Velikovsky takes Hesiod and Homer at their word and assumes that the celestial body Athena was ejected by the planet Jupiter. But what is the celestial body Athena? Repeatedly it is identified with the planet Venus (Part 1, Chapter 9, and many other places in the text). One would scarcely guess from reading Worlds in Collision that the Greeks characteristically identified Aphrodite with Venus, and Athena with no celestial body whatever. What is more, Athena and Aphrodite were “contemporaneous” goddesses, both being born at the time Zeus was king of the gods. On page 251 Velikovsky notes that Lucian “is unaware that Athene is the goddess of the planet Venus.” Poor Lucian seems to be under the misconception that Aphrodite is the goddess of the planet Venus. But in the footnote on page 361 there appears to be a slip, and here Velikovsky for the first and only time uses the form “Venus (Aphrodite).” On page 247 we hear of Aphrodite, the goddess of the Moon. Who, then, was Artemis, the sister of Apollo the Sun, or, earlier, Selene? There may be good justification, for all I know, in identifying Athena with Venus, but it is far from the prevailing wisdom either now or two thousand years ago, and it is central to Velikovsky’s argument. It does not increase our confidence in the presentation of less familiar myths when the celestial identification of Athena is glossed over so lightly.
Other critical statements which are given extremely inadequate justification, and which are central to one or more of Velikovsky’s major themes, are: the statement (page 283) that “Meteorites, when entering the earth’s atmosphere, make a frightful din,” when they are generally observed to be silent; the statement (page 114) that “a thunderbolt, when striking a magnet, reverses the poles of the magnet”; the translation (page 51) of “Barad” as meteorites; and the contention (page 85) “as is known, Pallas was another name for Typhon.” On page 179 a principle is implied that when two gods are hyphenated in a joint name, it indicates an attribute of a celestial body-as, for example, Ashteroth-Karnaim, a horned Venus, which Velikovsky interprets as a crescent Venus and evidence that Venus was once close enough to Earth to have its phases discernible to the naked eye. But what does this principle imply, for example, for the god Ammon-Ra? Did the Egyptians see the sun (Ra) as a ram (Ammon)?
There is a contention (page 63) that instead of the tenth plague of Exodus killing the “first born” of Egypt, what is intended is the killing of the “chosen.” This is a rather serious matter and at least raises the suspicion that where the Bible is inconsistent with Velikovsky’s hypothesis, Velikovsky retranslates the Bible. The foregoing queries may all have simple answers, but the answers are not to be found easily in Worlds in Collision.
I do not mean to suggest that all of Velikovsky’s legendary concordances and ancient scholarship are similarly flawed, but many of them seem to be, and the remainder may well have alternative, for example diffusionist, origins.
With the situation in legend and myth as fuzzy as this, any corroboratory evidence from other sources would be welcomed by those who support Velikovsky’s argument. I am struck by the absence of any confirming evidence in art. There is a wide range of paintings, bas-reliefs, cylinder seals and other objets d’art produced by humanity and going back to at least 10,000 B.C. They represent all of the subjects, especially mythological subjects, important to the cultures that created them. Astronomical events are not uncommon in such works of art. Recently (Brandt, et al., 1974), impressive evidence has been uncovered in cave paintings in the American Southwest of contemporary observations of the Crab Supernova event of the year 1054, which was also recorded in Chinese, Japanese and Arab annals. Appeals have been made to archaeologists for information on cave painting representations of the earlier Gum Supernova (Brandt, et al., 1971). But supernova events are not nearly so impressive as the close approach of another planet with attendant interplanetary tendrils and lightning discharges connecting it to Earth. There are many unflooded caves at high altitudes, distant from the sea. If the Velikovskian catastrophes occurred, why are there no contemporary graphic records of them?
I therefore cannot find the legendary base of Velikovsky’s hypothesis at all compelling. If, nevertheless, his notion of recent planetary collisions and global catastrophism were strongly supported by physical evidence, we might be tempted to give it some credence. If the physical evidence is not, however, very strong, the mythological evidence will surely not stand by itself.
LET ME GIVE a short summary of my understanding of the basic features of Velikovsky’s principal hypothesis. I will relate it to the events described in the Book of Exodus, although the stories of many other cultures are said to be consistent with the events described in Exodus:
The planet Jupiter disgorged a large comet, which made a grazing collision with Earth around 1500 B.C. The various plagues and Pharaonic tribulations of the Book of Exodus all derive directly or indirectly from this cometary encounter. Material which made the river Nile turn to blood drops from the comet. The vermin described in Exodus are produced by the comet-flies and perhaps scarabs drop out of the comet, while indigenous terrestrial frogs are induced by the heat of the comet to multiply. Earthquakes produced by the comet level Egyptian but not Hebrew dwellings. (The only thing that does not seem to drop from the comet is cholesterol to harden Pharaoh’s heart.)
All this evidently falls from the coma of the comet, because at the moment that Moses lifts his rod and stretches out his hand, the “Red Sea” parts-due either to the gravitational tidal field of the comet or to some unspecified electrical or magnetic interaction between the comet and the “Red Sea.” Then, when the Hebrews have successfully crossed, the comet has evidently passed sufficiently farther on for the parted waters to flow back and drown the host of Pharaoh. The Children of Israel during their subsequent forty years of wandering in the Wilderness of Sin are nourished by manna from heaven, which turns out to be hydrocarbons (or carbohydrates) from the tail of the comet.
Another reading of Worlds in Collision makes it appear that the plagues and the Red Sea events represent two different passages of the comet, separated by a month or two. Then after the death of Moses and the passing of the mantle of leadership to Joshua, the same comet comes screeching back for another grazing collision with the Earth. At the moment that Joshua says “Sun, stand thou still upon Gibeon; and thou, Moon, in the valley of Ajalon,” the Earth-perhaps because of tidal interaction again, or perhaps because of an unspecified magnetic induction in the crust of the Earth-obligingly ceases its rotation, to permit Joshua victory in battle. The comet then makes a near-collision with Mars, so violent as to eject it out of its orbit so it makes two near-collisions with the Earth which destroy the army of Sennacherib, the Assyrian king, as he was making life miserable for some subsequent generation of Israelites. The net result was to eject Mars into its present orbit and the comet into a circular orbit around the Sun, where it became the planet Venus-which previously, Velikovsky believes, did not exist. The Earth meantime had somehow begun rotating again at almost exactly the same rate as before these encounters. No subsequent aberrant planetary behavior has occurred since about the seventh century B.C., although it might have been common in the Second Millennium.
That this is a remarkable story no one-proponents and opponents alike-will disagree. Whether it is a likely story is, fortunately, amenable to scientific inquiry. Velikovsky’s hypothesis makes certain predictions and deductions: that comets are ejected from planets; that comets are likely to make near or grazing collisions with planets; that vermin live in comets and in the atmospheres of Jupiter and Venus; that carbohydrates can be found in the same places; that enough carbohydrates fell in the Sinai peninsula for nourishment during forty years of wandering in the desert; that eccentric cometary or planetary orbits can be circularized in a period of hundreds of years; that volcanic and tectonic events on Earth and impact events on the Moon were contemporaneous with these catastrophes; and so on. I will discuss each of these ideas, as well as some others-for example, that the surface of Venus is hot, which is clearly less central to his hypothesis, but which has been widely advertised as powerful post hoc support of it. I will also examine an occasional additional “prediction” of Velikovsky-for example, that the Martian polar caps are carbon or carbohydrates. My conclusion is that when Velikovsky is original he is very likely wrong, and that when he is right the idea has been pre-empted by earlier workers. There are also a large number of cases where he is neither right nor original. The question of originality is important because of circumstances-for example, the high surface temperature of Venus-which are said to have been predicted by Velikovsky at a time when everyone else was imagining something very different. As we shall see, this is not quite the case.
In the following discussion, I will try to use simple quantitative reasoning as much as possible. Quantitative arguments are obviously a finer mesh with which to sift hypotheses than qualitative arguments. For example, if I say that a large tidal wave engulfed the Earth, there is a wide range of catastrophes-from the flooding of littoral regions to global inundation-which might be pointed to as support for my contention. But if I specify a tide 100 miles high, I must be talking about the latter, and moreover, there might be some critical evidence to counterindicate or support a tide of such dimensions. However, so as to make the quantitative arguments tractable to the reader who is not very familiar with elementary physics, I have tried, particularly in the Appendices (following the References), to state all the essential steps in the quantitative development, using the simplest arguments that preserve the essential physics. Perhaps I need not mention that such quantitative testing of hypotheses is entirely routine in the physical and biological sciences today. By rejecting the hypotheses that do not meet these standards of analysis, we are able to move swiftly to hypotheses in better concordance with the facts.
There is one further point about scientific method that must be made. Not all scientific statements have equal weight. Newtonian dynamics and the laws of conservation of energy and angular momentum are on extremely firm footing. Literally millions of separate experiments have been performed on their validity-not just on Earth, but, using the observational techniques of modern astrophysics, elsewhere in the solar system, in other star systems, and even in other galaxies. On the other hand, questions on the nature of planetary surfaces, atmospheres and interiors are on much weaker footing, as the substantial debates on these matters by planetary scientists in recent years clearly indicate. A good example of this distinction is the appearance 1975 of Comet Kohoutek. This comet had first been observed at a great distance from the Sun. On the basis of the early observations, two predictions were made. The first concerned the orbit of Comet Kohoutek-where it would be found at future times, when it would be observable from the Earth before sunrise, when after sunset-predictions based on Newtonian dynamics. These predictions were correct to within a gnat’s eyelash. The second prediction concerned the brightness of the comet. This was based on the guessed rate of vaporization of cometary ices to make a large cometary tail which brightly reflects sunlight. This prediction was painfully in error, and the comet-far from rivaling Venus in brightness-could not be seen at all by most naked-eye observers. But vaporization rates depend on the detailed chemistry and geometrical form of the comet, which we know poorly at best. The same distinction between well-founded scientific arguments, and arguments based on a physics or chemistry that we do not fully understand, must be borne in mind in any analysis of Worlds in Collision. Arguments based on Newtonian dynamics or the conservation laws of physics must be given very great weight. Arguments based on planetary surface properties, for example, must have correspondingly lesser weights. We will find that Velikovsky’s arguments run into extremely grave difficulties on both these scores, but the one set of difficulties is far more damaging than the other.
VELIKOVSKY’S hypothesis begins with an event that has never been observed by astronomers and that is inconsistent with much that we know about planetary and cometary physics, namely, the ejection of an object of planetary dimensions from Jupiter, perhaps by its collision with some other giant planet. Such a propagation of catastrophes, Velikovsky promised, would be “the theme of the sequel to Worlds in Collision” (page 373). Thirty years later, no sequel of this description has appeared. From the fact that the aphelia (the greatest distances from the Sun) of the orbits of short-period comets have a statistical tendency to lie near Jupiter, Laplace and other early astronomers hypothesized that Jupiter was the source of such comets. This is an unnecessary hypothesis because we now know that long-period comets may be transferred to short-period trajectories by the perturbations of Jupiter; this view has not been advocated for a century or two except by the Soviet astronomer V. S. Vsekhsviatsky, who seems to believe that the moons of Jupiter eject comets out of giant volcanoes.
To escape from Jupiter, such a comet must have a kinetic energy of ½ mv.2, where m is the cometary mass and v. is the escape velocity from Jupiter, which is about 60 km/sec. Whatever the ejection event-volcanoes or collisions-some significant fraction, at least 10 percent, of this kinetic energy will go into heating the comet. The minimum kinetic energy per unit mass ejected is then ¼ v.2 = 1.3 × 1012 ergs per gram, and the quantity that goes into heating is more than 2.5 × 1012 erg/gram. The latent heat of fusion of rock is about 4 × 109 ergs per gram. This is the heat that must be applied to convert hot solid rock near the melting point into a fluid lava. About 1011 ergs/gm must be applied to raise rocks at low temperatures to their melting point. Thus, any event that ejected a comet or a planet from Jupiter would have brought it to a temperature of at least several thousands of degrees, and whether composed of rocks, ices or organic compounds, would have completely melted it. It is even possible that it would have been entirely reduced to a rain of self-gravitating small dust particles and atoms, which does not describe the planet Venus particularly well. (Incidentally, this would appear to be a good Velikovskian argument for the high temperature of the surface of Venus, but, as described below, this is not his argument.)
Another problem is that the escape velocity from the Sun’s gravity at the distance of Jupiter is about 20 km/sec. The ejection mechanism from Jupiter does not, of course, know this. Thus, if the comet leaves Jupiter at velocities less than about 60 km/sec, the comet will fall back to Jupiter; if greater than about [(20)2 + (60)2]1/2 = 63 km/sec, it will escape from the solar system. There is only a narrow and therefore unlikely range of velocities consistent with Velikovsky’s hypothesis.
A further problem is that the mass of Venus is very large-more than 5 × 1027 grams, or possibly larger originally, on Velikovsky’s hypothesis, before it passed close to the Sun. The total kinetic energy required to propel Venus to Jovian escape velocity is then easily calculated to be on the order of 1041 ergs, which is equivalent to all the energy radiated by the Sun to space in an entire year, and one hundred million times more powerful than the largest solar flare ever observed. We are asked to believe, without any further evidence or discussion, an ejection event vastly more powerful than anything on the Sun, which is a far more energetic object than Jupiter.
Any process that makes large objects makes more small objects. This is especially true in a situation dominated by collisions, as in Velikovsky’s hypothesis. Here the comminution physics is well known and a particle one-tenth as large as our biggest particle should be a hundred or a thousand times more abundant. Indeed, Velikovsky has stones falling from the skies in the wake of his hypothesized planetary encounters, and imagines Venus and Mars trailing swarms of boulders; the Mars swarm, he says, led to the destruction of the armies of Sennacherib. But if this is true, if we had near-collisions with objects of planetary mass only thousands of years ago, we should have been bombarded by objects of lunar mass hundreds of years ago; and bombardment by objects that can make craters a mile or so across should be happening every second Tuesday. Yet there is no sign, on either the Earth or the Moon, of frequent recent collisions with such lower mass objects. Instead, the few objects that, as a steady-state population, are moving in orbits that might collide with the Moon are just adequate, over geological time, to explain the number of craters observed on the lunar maria. The absence of a great many small objects with orbits crossing the orbit of the Earth is another fundamental objection to Velikovsky’s basic thesis.
“THAT A COMET may strike our planet is not very probable, but the idea is not absurd” (page 40.) This is precisely correct: it remains only to calculate the probabilities, which Velikovsky has unfortunately left undone.
Fortunately, the relevant physics is extremely simple and can be performed to order of magnitude even without any consideration of gravitation. Objects on highly eccentric orbits, traveling from the vicinity of Jupiter to the vicinity of the Earth, are traveling at such high speeds that their mutual gravitational attraction to the object with which they are about to have a grazing collision plays a negligible role in determining the trajectory. The calculation is performed in Appendix 1, where we see that a single “comet” with aphelion (far point from the Sun) near the orbit of Jupiter and perihelion (near point to the Sun) inside the orbit of Venus should take at least 30 million years before it impacts the Earth. We also find in Appendix 1 that if the object is a member of the currently observed family of objects on such trajectories, the lifetime against collision exceeds the age of the solar system.
But let us take the number 30 million years to give the maximum quantitative bias in favor of Velikovsky. Therefore, the odds against a collision with the Earth in any given year is 3 × 107 to 1; the odds against it in any given millennium are 30,000 to 1. But Velikovsky has (see, e.g., page 388) not one but five or six near-collisions among Venus, Mars and the Earth-all of which seem to be statistically independent events; that is, by his own account, there does not seem to be a regular set of grazing collisions determined by the relative orbital periods of the three planets. (If there were, we would have to ask the probability that so remarkable a play in the game of planetary billiards could arise within Velikovsky’s time constraints.) If the probabilities are independent, then the joint probability of five such encounters in the same millennium is on the short side of (3 × 107/108)−5 = (3 × 104)−5 = 4.1 × 10−23, or almost 100 billion trillion to 1 odds. For six encounters in the same millennium the odds rise to (3 × 107/103)−6 = (3 × 104)−6 = 7.3 × 10−28, or about a trillion quadrillion to 1 odds. Actually, these are lower limits-both for the reason given above and because close encounters with Jupiter are likely to eject the impacting object out of the solar system altogether, rather as Jupiter ejected the Pioneer 10 spacecraft. These odds are a proper calibration of the validity of Velikovsky’s hypothesis, even if there were no other difficulties with it. Hypotheses with such small odds in their favor are usually said to be untenable. With the other problems mentioned both above and below, the probability that the full thesis of Worlds in Collision is correct becomes negligible.
MUCH OF THE indignation directed toward Worlds in Collision seems to have arisen from Velikovsky’s interpretation of the story of Joshua and related legends as implying that the Earth’s rotation was once braked to a halt. The image that the most outraged protesters seem to have had in mind is that in the movie version of H. G. Wells’s story “The Man Who Could Work Miracles”: The Earth is miraculously stopped from rotating but, through an oversight, no provision is made for objects that are not nailed down, which then continue moving at their usual rate and therefore fly off the Earth at a speed of 1,000 miles per hour. But it is easy to see (Appendix 2) that a gradual deceleration of the Earth’s rotation at 10−2g or so could occur in a period of much less than a day. Then no one would fly off, and even stalactites and other delicate geomorphological forms could survive. Likewise, we see in Appendix 2 that the energy required to brake the Earth is not enough to melt it, although it would result in a noticeable increase in temperature: the oceans would have been raised to the boiling point of water, an event that seems to have been overlooked by Velikovsky’s ancient sources.
These are, however, not the most serious objections to Velikovsky’s exegesis of Joshua. Perhaps the most serious is at the other end: How does the Earth get started up again, rotating at approximately the same rate of spin? The Earth cannot do it by itself, because of the law of the conservation of angular momentum. Velikovsky does not even seem to be aware that this is a problem.
Nor is there any hint that braking the Earth to a “halt” by cometary collision is any less likely than any other resulting spin. In fact, the chance of precisely canceling the Earth’s rotational angular momentum in a cometary encounter is tiny; and the probability that subsequent encounters, were they to occur, would start the Earth spinning again even approximately once every twenty-four hours is tiny squared.
Velikovsky is vague about the mechanism that is supposed to have braked the Earth’s rotation. Perhaps it is tidal gravitational; perhaps it is magnetic. Both of these fields produce forces that decline very rapidly with distance. While gravity declines as the inverse square of the distance, tides decline as the inverse cube, and the tidal couple as the inverse sixth power. The magnetic dipole field declines as the inverse cube and any equivalent magnetic tides fall off even more steeply than gravitational tides. Therefore, the braking effect is almost entirely at the distance of closest approach. The characteristic time of this closest approach is clearly about 2R/v, where R is the radius of the Earth and v the relative velocity of the comet and the Earth. With v about 25 km/sec, the characteristic time works out to be under ten minutes. This is the full time available for the total effect of the comet on the rotation of the Earth. The corresponding acceleration is less than 0.1 g, so armies still do not fly off into space. But the characteristic time for acoustic propagation within the Earth-the minimum time for an exterior influence to make itself felt on the Earth as a whole-is eighty-five minutes. Thus, no cometary influence even in grazing collision could make the Sun stand still upon Gibeon.
Velikovsky’s account of the history of the Earth’s rotation is difficult to follow. On page 236 we have an account of the motion of the Sun in the sky which by accident conforms to the appearance and apparent motion of the Sun as seen from the surface of Mercury, but not from the surface of the Earth; and on page 385 we seem to have an aperture to a wholesale retreat by Velikovsky-for here he suggests that what happened was not any change in the angular velocity of rotation of the Earth, but rather a motion in the course of few hours of the angular momentum vector of the Earth from pointing approximately at right angles to the ecliptic plane as it does today to pointing in the direction of the Sun, like the planet Uranus. Quite apart from extremely grave problems in the physics of this suggestion, it is inconsistent with Velikovsky’s own argument, because earlier he has laid great weight on the fact that Eurasian and Near Eastern cultures reported prolonged day, while North American cultures reported prolonged night. In this variant there would be no explanation of the reports from Mexico. I think I see in this instance Velikovsky hedging on or forgetting his own strongest arguments from ancient writings. On page 386 we have a qualitative argument, not reproduced, claiming that the Earth could have been braked to a halt by a strong magnetic field. The field strength required is not mentioned but would clearly (cf. calculations in Appendix 4) have to be enormous. There is no sign in rock magnetization of terrestrial rocks ever having been subjected to such strong field strengths and, what is equally important, we have quite firm evidence from both Soviet and American spacecraft that the magnetic-field strength of Venus is negligibly small-far less than the Earth’s own surface field of 0.5 gauss, which would itself have been inadequate for Velikovsky’s purpose.
REASONABLY enough, Velikovsky believes that a near-collision of another planet with the Earth might have had dramatic consequences here-by gravitational tidal, electrical or magnetic influences (Velikovsky is not very clear on this). He believes (pages 96 and 97) “that in the days of the Exodus, when the world was shaken and rocked… all volcanoes vomited lava and all continents quaked.” (My emphasis.)
There seems little doubt that earthquakes would have accompanied such a near-collision. Apollo lunar seismometers have found that moonquakes are most common during lunar perigee, when the Earth is closest to the Moon, and there are at least some hints of earthquakes at the same time. But the claim that there were extensive lava flows and volcanism involving “all volcanoes” is quite another story. Volcanic lavas are easily dated, and what Velikovsky should produce is a histogram of the number of lava flows on Earth as a function of time. Such a histogram will, I believe, show that not all volcanoes were active between 1500 and 600 B.C., and that there is nothing particularly remarkable about the volcanism of that epoch.
Velikovsky believes (page 115) that reversals of the geomagnetic field are produced by cometary close approaches. Yet the record from rock magnetization is clear-such reversals occur about every million years, and not in the last few thousand, and they recur more or less like clockwork. Is there a clock in Jupiter that aims comets at the Earth every million years? The conventional view is that the Earth experiences a polarity reversal of the self-sustaining dynamo that produces the Earth’s magnetic field; it seems a much more likely explanation.
Velikovsky’s contention that mountain building occurred a few thousand years ago is belied by all the geological evidence, which puts those times at tens of millions of years ago and earlier. The idea that mammoths were deep-frozen by a rapid movement of the Earth’s geographical pole a few thousands of years ago can be tested-for example, by carbon-14 or aminoacid racemization dating. I should be very surprised if a very recent age results from such tests.
Velikovsky believes that the Moon, not immune to the catastrophes which befell the Earth, had similar tectonic events occur on its surface a few thousand years ago, and that many of its craters were formed then (see Part 2, Chapter 9). There are some problems with this idea as well: samples returned from the Moon in the Apollo missions show no rocks melted more recently than a few hundred million years ago.
Furthermore, if lunar craters were to have formed abundantly 2,700 or 3,500 years ago, there must have been a similar production at the same time of terrestrial craters larger than a kilometer across. Erosion on the Earth’s surface is inadequate to remove any crater of this size in 2,700 years. There are not large numbers of terrestrial craters of this size and age; indeed, there is not a single one. On these questions Velikovsky seems to have ignored the critical evidence. When the evidence is examined, it strongly counterindicates his hypothesis.
Velikovsky believes that the close passage of Venus or Mars to the Earth would have produced tides at least miles high (pages 70 and 71); in fact, if these planets were ever tens of thousands of kilometers away, as he seems to think, the tides, both of water and of the solid body of our planet, would be hundreds of miles high. This is easily calculated from the height of the present water and body lunar tide, since the tide height is proportional to the mass of the tide-producing object and inversely proportional to the cube of the distance. To the best of my knowledge, there is no geological evidence for a global inundation of all parts of the world at any time between the sixth and fifteenth centuries B.C. If such floods had occurred, even if they were brief, they should have left some clear trace in the geological record. And what of the archaeological and paleontological evidence? Where are the extensive faunal extinctions of the correct date as a result of such floods? And where is the evidence of extensive melting in these centuries, near where the tidal distortion is greatest?
VELIKOVSKY’S thesis has some peculiar biological and chemical consequences, which are compounded by some straightforward confusions on simple matters. He seems not to know (page 16) that oxygen is produced by green-plant photosynthesis on Earth. He makes no note of the fact that Jupiter is composed primarily of hydrogen and helium, while the atmosphere of Venus, which he supposes to have arisen inside of Jupiter, is composed almost entirely of carbon dioxide. These matters are central to his ideas and pose them very grave difficulties. Velikovsky holds that the manna that fell from the skies in the Sinai peninsula was of cometary origin and therefore that there are carbohydrates on both Jupiter and Venus. On the other hand, he quotes copious sources for fire and naphtha falling from the skies, which he interprets as celestial petroleum ignited in the Earth’s oxidizing atmosphere (pages 53 through 58). Because Velikovsky believes in the reality and identity of both sets of events, his book displays a sustained confusion of carbohydrates and hydrocarbons; and at some points he seems to imagine that the Israelites were eating motor oil rather than divine nutriment during their forty years’ wandering in the desert.
Reading the text is made still more difficult by the apparent conclusion (page 366) of Martian polar caps made of manna, which are described ambiguously as “probably in the nature of carbon.” Carbohydrates have a strong 3.5 micron infrared absorption feature, due to the stretching vibration of the carbon-hydrogen bond. No trace of this feature was observed in infrared spectra of the Martian polar caps taken by the Mariner 6 and 7 spacecraft in 1969. On the other hand, Mariner 6, 7 and 9 and Viking 1 and 2 have acquired abundant and persuasive evidence for frozen water and frozen carbon dioxide as the constituents of the polar caps.
Velikovsky’s insistence on a celestial origin of petroleum is difficult to understand. Some of his references, for example in Herodotus, provide perfectly natural descriptions of the combustion of petroleum upon seepage to the surface in Mesopotamia and Iran. As Velikovsky himself points out (pages 55-56), the fire-rain and naphtha stories derive from precisely those regions of the Earth that have natural petroleum deposits. There is, therefore, a straightforward terrestrial explanation of the stories in question. The amount of downward seepage of petroleum in 2,700 years would not be very great. The difficulty in extracting petroleum from the Earth, which is the cause of certain practical problems today, would be greatly ameliorated if Velikovsky’s hypothesis were true. It is also very difficult to understand on his hypothesis how it is, if oil fell from the skies in 1500 B.C., that petroleum deposits are intimately mixed with chemical and biological fossils of tens to hundreds of millions of years ago. But this circumstance is readily explicable if, as most geologists have concluded, petroleum arises from decaying vegetation, of the Carboniferous and other early geological epochs, and not from comets.
Even stranger are Velikovsky’s views on extraterrestrial life. He believes that much of the “Vermin,” and particularly the flies referred to in Exodus, really fell from his comet-although he hedges on the extraterrestrial origin of frogs while approvingly quoting from the Iranian text, the Bundahis (page 183), which seems to admit a rain of cosmic frogs. Let us consider flies only. Shall we expect houseflies or Drosophila melanogaster in forthcoming explorations of the clouds of Venus and Jupiter? He is quite explicit: “Venus-and therefore also Jupiter-is populated by vermin” (page 369). Will Velikovsky’s hypothesis fall if no flies are found?
The idea that, of all the organisms on Earth, flies alone are of extraterrestrial origin is curiously reminiscent of Martin Luther’s exasperated conclusion that, while the rest of life was created by God, the fly must have been created by the Devil because there is no conceivable practical use for it. But flies are perfectly respectable insects, closely related in anatomy, physiology and biochemistry to the other insecta. The possibility that 4.6 billion years of independent evolution on Jupiter-even if it were physically identical to the Earth-would produce a creature indistinguishable from other terrestrial organisms is to misread seriously the evolutionary process. Flies have the same enzymes, the same nucleic acids and even the same genetic code (which translates nucleic acid information into protein information) as do all the other organisms on Earth. There are too many intimate associations and identities between flies and other terrestrial organisms for them to have separate origins, as any serious investigation clearly shows.
In Exodus, Chapter 9, it is said that the cattle of Egypt all died, but of the cattle of the Children of Israel there “died not one.” In the same chapter we find a plague that affects flax and barley but not wheat and rye. This fine-tuned host-parasite specificity is very strange for cometary vermin with no prior biological contact with Earth, but is readily explicable in terms of home-grown terrestrial vermin.
Then there is the curious fact that flies metabolize molecular oxygen. There is no molecular oxygen on Jupiter, nor can there be, because oxygen is thermodynamically unstable in an excess of hydrogen. Are we to imagine that the entire terminal electron transfer apparatus required for life to deal with molecular oxygen was adventitiously evolved on Jupiter by Jovian organisms hoping someday to be transported to Earth? This would be yet a bigger miracle than Velikovsky’s principal collisional thesis. Velikovsky makes (page 187) a lame aside on the “ability of many small insects… to live in an atmosphere devoid of oxygen,” which misses the point. The question is how an organism evolved on Jupiter could live in and metabolize an atmosphere rich in oxygen.
Next there is the problem of fly ablation. Small flies have just the same mass and dimensions as small meteors, which are burned up at an altitude of about 100 kilometers when they enter the Earth’s atmosphere on cometary trajectories. Ablation accounts for the visibility of such meteors. Not only would cometary vermin be transformed rapidly into fried flies on entrance into the Earth’s atmosphere; they would, as cometary meteors are today, be vaporized into atoms and never “swarm” over Egypt to the consternation of the Pharaoh. Likewise, the temperatures attendant to ejection of the comet from Jupiter, referred to above, would fry Velikovsky’s flies. Impossible to begin with, doubly fried and atomized, cometary flies do not well survive critical scrutiny.
Finally, there is a curious reference to intelligent extraterrestrial life in Worlds in Collision. On page 364 Velikovsky argues that the near-collisions of Mars with Earth and Venus “make it highly improbable that any higher forms of life, if they previously existed there, survived on Mars.” But when we examine the Mars as seen by Mariner 9 and Viking 1 and 2, we find that something over one-third of the planet has a modified cratered terrain somewhat reminiscent of the Moon and displays no sign of spectacular catastrophes other than ancient impacts. The other half to two-thirds of the planet shows almost no sign whatever of such impacts, but instead displays dramatic evidence of major tectonic activity, lava flows and vulcanism about a billion years ago. The small but detectable amount of impact cratering in this terrain shows that it was made much longer than several thousand years ago. There is no way to reconcile this picture with a view of a planet recently so devastated by impact catastrophism that all intelligent life would thereby have been eliminated. It is also by no means clear why, if all life on Mars were to be exterminated in such encounters, all life on Earth was not similarly exterminated.
MANNA, according to the etymology in Exodus, derives from the Hebrew words man-hu, which means “What is it?” Indeed, an excellent question! The idea of food falling from comets is not absolutely straightforward. Optical spectroscopy of comet tails, even before Worlds in Collision was published (1950), showed the presence of simple fragments of hydrocarbons, but no aldehydes-the building blocks of carbohydrates-were known then. They may nevertheless be present in comets. However, from the passage of Comet Kohoutek near the Earth, it is now known that comets contain large quantities of simple nitriles-in particular, hydrogen cyanide and methyl cyanide. These are poisons, and it is not immediately obvious that comets are good to eat.
But let us put this objection aside, grant Velikovsky his hypothesis, and calculate the consequences. How much manna is required to feed the hundreds of thousands of Children of Israel for forty years (see Exodus, Chapter 16, Verse 35)?
In Exodus, Chapter 16, Verse 20, we find that the manna left overnight was infested by worms in the morning-an event possible with carbohydrates but extremely unlikely with hydrocarbons. Moses may have been a better chemist than Velikovsky. This event also shows that manna was not storable. It fell every day for forty years according to the Biblical account. We will assume that the quantity that fell every day was just sufficient to feed the Children of Israel, although Velikovsky assures us (page 138) from Midrashic sources that the quantity that fell was adequate for two thousand years rather than a mere forty. Let us assume that each Israelite ate on the order of a third of a kilogram of manna per day, somewhat less than a subsistence diet. Then each will eat 100 kilograms per year and 4,000 kilograms in forty years. Hundreds of thousands of Israelites, the number explicitly mentioned in Exodus, will then consume something over a million kilograms of manna during the forty years’ wandering in the desert. But we cannot imagine the debris from the cometary tail falling each day, [7] preferentially on the portion of the Wilderness of Sin in which the Israelites happened to have wandered. This would be no less miraculous than the Biblical account taken at face value. The area occupied by a few hundred thousand itinerant tribesmen, wandering under a common leadership, is, very roughly, several times 10−7 the area of the Earth. Therefore, during the forty years of wandering, all of the Earth must have accumulated several times 1018 grams of manna, or enough to cover the entire surface of the planet with manna to a depth of about an inch. If this indeed happened, it would certainly be a memorable event, and may even account for the gingerbread house in “Hansel and Gretel.”
Now, there is no reason for the manna to have fallen only on Earth. In forty years the tail of the comet, if restricted to the inner solar system, would have traversed some 1010 km. Making only a modest allowance for the ratio of the volume of the Earth to the volume of the tail, we find that the mass of manna distributed to the inner solar system by this event is larger than 1028 grams. This is not only more massive by many orders of magnitude than the most massive comet known; it is already more massive than the planet Venus. But comets cannot be composed only of manna. (Indeed, no manna at all has been detected so far in comets.) Comets are known to be composed primarily of ices, and a conservative estimate of the ratio of the mass of the comet to the mass of the manna is much larger than 103. Therefore, the mass of the comet must be much larger than 1031 grams. This is the mass of Jupiter. If we were to accept Velikovsky’s Midrashic source above, we would deduce that the comet had a mass comparable to that of the Sun. Interplanetary space in the inner solar system should even today be filled with manna. I leave it to the reader to make his own judgment on the validity of Velikovsky’s hypothesis in the light of such calculations.
VELIKOVSKY’S prognostication that the clouds of Venus were made of hydrocarbons or carbohydrates has many times been hailed as an example of a successful scientific prediction. From Velikovsky’s general thesis and the calculations just described above, it is clear that Venus should be saturated with manna, a carbohydrate. Velikovsky says (page x) that “the presence of hydrocarbon gases and dust in the cloud envelope of Venus would constitute a crucial test” for his ideas. It is also not clear whether “dust” in the foregoing quotation refers to hydrocarbon dust or just ordinary silicate dust. On the same page Velikovsky quotes himself as saying, “On the basis of this research, I assume that Venus must be rich in petroleum gases,” which seems to be an unambiguous reference to the components of natural gas, such as methane, ethane, ethylene and acetylene.
At this point, a little history must enter our story. In the 1930s and early 1940s, the only astronomer in the world concerning himself with planetary chemistry was the late Rupert Wildt, once of Göttingen, and later at Yale. It was Wildt who first identified methane in the atmospheres of Jupiter and Saturn, and it was he who first proposed the presence of higher hydrocarbon gases in the atmospheres of these planets. Thus, the idea that “petroleum gases” might exist on Jupiter is not original with Velikovsky. Likewise, it was Wildt who proposed that formaldehyde might be a constituent of the atmosphere of Venus, and that a carbohydrate polymer of formaldehyde might constitute the clouds. The idea of carbohydrates in the clouds of Venus was not original with Velikovsky either, and it is difficult to believe that one who so thoroughly researched the astronomical literature of the 1930s and 1940s was unaware of these papers by Wildt which relate so closely to Velikovsky’s central theme. Yet there is no mention whatever of the Jupiter phase of Wildt’s work and only a footnote on formaldehyde (page 368), without references, and without any acknowledgment that Wildt had proposed carbohydrates on Venus. Wildt, unlike Velikovsky, understood well the difference between hydrocarbons and carbohydrates; moreover, he performed unsuccessful spectroscopic searches in the near-ultraviolet for the proposed formaldehyde monomer. Being unable to find the monomer, he abandoned the hypothesis in 1942. Velikovsky did not.
As I pointed out many years ago (Sagan, 1961), the vapor pressure of simple hydrocarbons in the vicinity of the clouds of Venus should make them detectable if they comprise the clouds. They were not detectable then, and in the intervening years, despite a wide range of analytic techniques used, neither hydrocarbons nor carbohydrates have been found. These molecules have been searched for by high-resolution ground-based optical spectroscopy, including Fourier transform techniques; by ultraviolet spectroscopy from the Wisconsin Experimental Package of the Orbiting Astronomical Observatory OAO-2; by ground-based infrared observations; and by direct entry probes of the Soviet Union and the United States. Not one of them has been found. Typical abundance upper limits on the simplest hydrocarbons and on aldehydes, the building blocks of carbohydrates, are a few parts per million (Connes, et al., 1967; Owen and Sagan, 1972). [The corresponding upper limits for Mars are also a few parts per million (Owen and Sagan, 1972)]. All observations are consistent in showing that the bulk of the Venus atmosphere is composed of carbon dioxide. Indeed, because the carbon is present in such an oxidized form, at best trace constituents of the simple reduced hydrocarbons could be expected. Observations on the wings of the critical 3.5 micron region show not the slightest trace of the C-H absorption feature common to both hydrocarbons and carbohydrates (Pollack, et al., 1974). All other absorption bands in the Venus spectrum, from the ultraviolet through the infrared, are now understood; none of them is due to hydrocarbons or carbohydrates. No specific organic molecule has ever been suggested that can explain with precision the infrared spectrum of Venus as it is now known.
Moreover, the question of the composition of the Venus clouds-a major enigma for centuries-was solved not long ago (Young and Young, 1973; Sill, 1972; Young, 1973; Pollack, et al., 1974). The clouds of Venus are composed of an approximately 75 percent solution of sulfuric acid. This identification is consistent with the chemistry of the Venus atmosphere, in which hydrofluoric and hydrochloric acid have also been found; with the real part of the refractive index, deduced from polarimetry, which is known to three significant figures (1.44); with the 11.2 micron and 3 micron (and, now, far-infrared) absorption features; and with the discontinuity in the abundance of water vapor above and below the clouds. These observed features are inconsistent with the hypothesis of hydrocarbon or carbohydrate clouds.
With such organic clouds now so thoroughly discredited, why do we hear about space-vehicle research having corroborated Velikovsky’s thesis? This also requires a story. On December 14, 1962, the first successful American interplanetary spacecraft, Mariner 2, flew by Venus. Built by the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, it carried, among other more important instruments, an infrared radiometer for which I happened to be one of four experimenters. This was at a time before even the first successful lunar Ranger spacecraft, and NASA was comparatively inexperienced in releasing the scientific findings. A press conference was held in Washington to announce the results, and Dr. L. D. Kaplan, one of the experimenters on our team, was delegated to describe the results to the assembled reporters. It is clear that when his time came, he described the results with somewhat the following flavor (these are not his exact words): “Our experiment was a two-channel infrared radiometer, one channel centered in the 10.4 micron CO2 hot band, the other in an 8.4 micron clear window in the gas phase of the Venus atmosphere. The objective was to measure absolute brightness temperatures and differential transmission between the two channels. A limb-darkening law was found in which the normalized intensity varied as mu to the power alpha, where mu is the arccosine of the angle between the local planetary normal and the line of sight, and-”
At some such point he was interrupted by impatient reporters, unused to the intricacies of science, who said something like “Don’t tell us the dull stuff; give us the real poop! How thick are the clouds, how high are they, and what are they made of?” Kaplan replied, quite properly, that the infrared radiometer experiment was not designed to test such questions, nor did it. But then he said something like “I’ll tell you what I think.” He went on to describe his view that the greenhouse effect, in which an atmosphere is transparent to visible sunlight but opaque to infrared emission from the surface, needed to keep the surface of Venus hot, might not work on Venus because the atmospheric constituents seemed to be transparent at a wavelength in the vicinity of 3.5 microns. If some absorber at this wavelength existed in the Venus atmosphere, the window could be plugged, the greenhouse effect retained, and the high surface temperature accounted for. He proposed that hydrocarbons would be splendid greenhouse molecules.
Kaplan’s cautions were not noted by the press, and the next day headlines could be found in many American newspapers saying: “Hydrocarbon Clouds Found on Venus by Mariner 2.” Meanwhile, back at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, several Laboratory publicists were in the process of writing a popular report on the mission, since called “Mariner: Mission to Venus.” One imagines them in the midst of writing, picking up the morning newspaper and saying, “Hey! I didn’t know we found hydrocarbon clouds on Venus.” And, indeed, that publication lists hydrocarbon clouds as one of the principal discoveries of Mariner 2: “At their base, the clouds are about 200 degrees F and probably are comprised of condensed hydrocarbons held in oily suspension.” (The report also opts for greenhouse heating of the Venus surface, but Velikovsky has chosen to believe only a part of what was printed.)
One now imagines the Administrator of NASA passing on the good tidings to the President in the annual report of the Space Administration; the President handing it on yet another step in his annual report to Congress; and the writers of elementary astronomy texts, always anxious to include the very latest results, enshrining this “finding” in their pages. With so many apparently reliable, high-level and mutually consistent reports that Mariner 2 found hydrocarbon clouds on Venus, it is no wonder that Velikovsky and several fair-minded scientists, inexperienced in the mysterious ways of NASA, might deduce that here is the classic test of a scientific theory: an apparently bizarre prediction, made before the observation, and then unexpectedly confirmed by experiment.
The true situation is very different, as we have seen. Neither Mariner 2 nor any subsequent investigation of the Venus atmosphere has found evidence for hydrocarbons or carbohydrates, in gas, liquid or solid phase. It is now known (Pollack, 1969) that carbon dioxide and water vapor adequately fill the 3.5 micron window. The Pioneer Venus mission in late 1978 found just the water vapor needed, along with the long-observed quantity of carbon dioxide, to account for the high surface temperature through the greenhouse effect. It is ironic that the Mariner 2 “argument” for hydrocarbon clouds on Venus in fact derives from an attempt to rescue the greenhouse explanation of the high surface temperature, which Velikovsky does not support. It is also ironic that Professor Kaplan was later a co-author of a paper that established a very low abundance of methane, a “petroleum gas,” in a spectroscopic examination of the Venus atmosphere (Connes, et al., 1967).
In summary, Velikovsky’s idea that the clouds of Venus are composed of hydrocarbons or carbohydrates is neither original nor correct. The “crucial test” fails.
ANOTHER CURIOUS circumstance concerns the surface temperature of Venus. While the high temperature of Venus is often quoted as a successful prediction and a support of Velikovsky’s hypothesis, the reasoning behind his conclusion and the consequences of his arguments do not seem to be widely known nor discussed.
Let us begin by considering Velikovsky’s views on the temperature of Mars (pages 367-368). He believes that Mars, being a relatively small planet, was more severely affected in its encounters with the more massive Venus and Earth, and therefore that Mars should have a high temperature. He proposes that the mechanism may be “a conversion of motion into heat,” which is a little vague, since heat is precisely the motion of molecules or, much more fantastic, by “interplanetary electrical discharges” which “could also initiate atomic fissions with ensuing radioactivity and emission of heat.”
In the same section, he baldly states, “Mars emits more heat than it receives from the Sun,” in apparent consistency with his collision hypothesis. This statement is, however, dead wrong. The temperature of Mars has been measured repeatedly by Soviet and American spacecraft and by ground-based observers, and the temperatures of all parts of Mars are just what is calculated from the amount of sunlight absorbed by the surface. What is more, this was well known in the 1940s, before Velikovsky’s book was published. And while he mentions four prominent scientists who were involved before 1950 in measuring the temperature of Mars, he makes no reference to their work, and explicitly and erroneously states that they concluded that Mars gave off more radiation than it received from the Sun.
It is difficult to understand this set of errors, and the most generous hypothesis I can offer is that Velikovsky confused the visible part of the electromagnetic spectrum, in which sunlight heats Mars, with the infrared part of the spectrum, in which Mars largely radiates to space. But the conclusion is clear. Mars, even more than Venus, by Velikovsky’s argument should be a “hot planet.” Had Mars proved to be unexpectedly hot, perhaps we would have heard of this as a further confirmation of Velikovsky’s views. But when Mars turns out to have exactly the temperature everyone expected it to have, we do not hear of this as a refutation of Velikovsky’s views. There is a planetary double standard at work.
When we now move on to Venus, we find rather similar arguments brought into play. I find it odd that Velikovsky does not attribute the temperature of Venus to its ejection from Jupiter (see Problem I, above), but he does not. Instead, we are told, because of its close encounter with the Earth and Mars, Venus must have been heated, but also (page 77) “the head of the comet… had passed close to the Sun and was in a state of candescence.” Then, when the comet became the planet Venus, it must still have been “very hot” and have “given off heat” (page ix). Again pre-1950 astronomical observations are referred to (page 370), which show that the dark side of Venus is approximately as hot as the bright side of Venus, to the level probed by middle-infrared radiation. Here Velikovsky accurately quotes the astronomical investigators, and from their work deduces (page 371) “the night side of Venus radiates heat because Venus is hot.” Of course!
What I think Velikovsky is trying to say here is that his Venus, like his Mars, is giving off more heat than it receives from the Sun, and that the observed temperatures on both the night and day sides are due more to the “candescence” of Venus than to the radiation it now receives from the Sun. But this is a serious error. The bolometric albedo (the fraction of sunlight reflected by an object at all wavelengths) of Venus is about 0.73, entirely consistent with the observed infrared temperature of the clouds of Venus of about 240°K; that is to say, the clouds of Venus are precisely at the temperature expected on the basis of the amount of sunlight that is absorbed there.
Velikovsky proposed that both Venus and Mars give off more heat than they receive from the Sun. He is wrong for both planets. In 1949 Kuiper (see References) suggested that Jupiter gives off more heat than it receives, and subsequent observations have proved him right. But of Kuiper’s suggestion Worlds in Collision breathes not a word.
Velikovsky proposed that Venus is hot because of its encounters with Mars and the Earth, and its close passage to the Sun. Since Mars is not anomalously hot, the high surface temperature of Venus must be attributed primarily to the passage of Venus near the Sun during its cometary incarnation. But it is easy to calculate how much energy Venus would have received during its close passage to the Sun and how long it would take for this energy to be radiated away into space. This calculation is performed in Appendix 3, where we find that all of this energy is lost in a period of months to years after the close passage to the Sun, and that there is no chance of any of that heat being retained at the present time in Velikovsky’s chronology. Velikovsky does not mention how close to the Sun Venus is supposed to have passed, but a very close passage compounds the already extremely grave collision physics difficulties outlined in Appendix 1. Incidentally, there is a slight hint in Worlds in Collision that Velikovsky believes that comets shine by emitted rather than reflected light. If so, this may be the source of some of his confusion regarding Venus.
Velikovsky nowhere states the temperature he believed Venus to be at in 1950. As mentioned above, on page 77 he says vaguely that the comet that later became Venus was in a state of “candescence,” but in the preface to the 1965 edition (page xi), he claims to have predicted “an incandescent state of Venus.” This is not at all the same thing, because of the rapid cooling after its supposed solar encounter (Appendix 3). Moreover, Velikovsky himself is proposing that Venus is cooling through time, so what precisely Velikovsky meant by saying that Venus is “hot” is to some degree obscure.
Velikovsky writes in the 1965 preface that his claim of a high surface temperature was “in total disagreement with what was known in 1946.” This turns out to be not quite the case. The dominant figure of Rupert Wildt again looms over the astronomical side of Velikovsky’s hypothesis. Wildt, who, unlike Velikovsky, understood the nature of the problem, predicted correctly that Venus and not Mars would be “hot.” In a 1940 paper in the Astrophysical Journal, Wildt argued that the surface of Venus was much hotter than conventional astronomical opinion had held, because of a carbon-dioxide greenhouse effect. Carbon dioxide had recently been discovered spectroscopically in the atmosphere of Venus, and Wildt correctly pointed out that the observed large quantity of CO2 would trap infrared radiation given off by the surface of the planet until the surface temperature rose to a higher value, so that the incoming visible sunlight just balanced the outgoing infrared planetary emission. Wildt calculated that the temperature would be almost 400°K, or around the normal boiling point of water (373°K = 212 °F = 100°C). There is no doubt that this was the most careful treatment of the surface temperature of Venus prior to the 1950s, and it is again odd that Velikovsky, who seems to have read all papers on Venus and Mars published in the Astrophysical Journal in the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s, somehow overlooked this historically significant work.
We now know from ground-based radio observations and from the remarkably successful direct entry and landing probes of the Soviet Union that the surface temperature of Venus is within a few degrees of 750°K (Marov, 1972). The surface atmospheric pressure is about ninety times that at the surface of the Earth, and is comprised primarily of carbon dioxide. This large abundance of carbon dioxide, plus the smaller quantities of water vapor which have been detected on Venus, are adequate to heat the surface to the observed temperature via the greenhouse effect. The Venera 8 descent module, the first spacecraft to land on the illuminated hemisphere of Venus, found it illuminated at the surface, and the Soviet experimenters concluded that the amount of sunlight reaching the surface and the atmospheric constitution were together adequate to drive the required radiative-convective greenhouse (Marov, et al., 1973). These results were confirmed by the Venera 9 and 10 missions, which obtained clear photographs, in sunlight, of surface rocks. Velikovsky is thus certainly mistaken when he says (page ix) “light does not penetrate the cloud cover,” and is probably mistaken when he says (page ix) the “greenhouse effect could not explain so high a temperature.” These conclusions received important additional support late in 1978 from the U.S. Pioneer Venus mission.
A repeated claim by Velikovsky is that Venus is cooling off with time. As we have seen, he attributes its high temperature to solar heating during a close solar passage. In many publications Velikovsky compares published temperature measurements of Venus, made at different times, and tries to show the desired cooling. An unbiased presentation of the microwave brightness temperatures of Venus-the only nonspacecraft data that apply to the surface temperature of the planet-are exhibited in Figure 1. The error bars represent the uncertainties in the measurement processes as estimated by the radio observers themselves. We see that there is not the faintest hint of a decline in temperature with time (if anything, there is a suggestion of an increase with time, but the error bars are sufficiently large that such a conclusion is also unsupported by the data). Similar results apply to measurements, in the infrared part of the spectrum, of cloud temperatures: they are lower in magnitude and do not decline with time. Moreover, the simplest considerations of the solution of the one-dimensional equation of heat conduction show that in the Velikovskian scenario essentially all the cooling by radiation to space would have occurred long ago. Even if Velikovsky were right about the source of the high Venus surface temperatures, his prediction of a secular temperature decrease would be erroneous.
FIGURE 1. Microwave brightness temperatures of Venus as a function of time (after a compilation by D. Morrison). There is certainly no evidence of a declining surface temperature. The wavelength of observation is denoted by Λ.
The high surface temperature of Venus is another of the so-called proofs of the Velikovsky hypothesis. We find that (1) the temperature in question was never specified; (2) the mechanism proposed for providing this temperature is grossly inadequate; (3) the surface of the planet does not cool off with time as advertised; and (4) the idea of a high surface temperature on Venus was published in the dominant astronomical journal of its time and with an essentially correct argument ten years before the publication of Worlds in Collision.
IN 1973 AN IMPORTANT aspect of the surface of Venus, verified by many later observations, was discovered by Dr. Richard Goldstein and associates, using the Goldstone radar observatory of the Jet Propulsion Laboratory. They found, from radar that penetrates Venus’ clouds and is reflected off its surface, that the planet is mountainous in places and cratered abundantly; perhaps, like parts of the Moon, saturation-cratered-i.e., so packed with craters that one crater overlaps the other. Because successive volcanic eruptions tend to use the same lava tube, saturation cratering is more characteristic of impact than of volcanic cratering mechanisms. This is not a conclusion predicted by Velikovsky, but that is not my point. These craters, like the craters in the lunar maria (plural for Latin mare, “sea”), on Mercury and in the cratered regions of Mars, are produced almost exclusively by the impact of interplanetary debris. Large crater-forming objects are not dissipated as they enter the Venus atmosphere, despite its high density. Now, the colliding objects cannot have arrived at Venus in the past ten thousand years; otherwise, the Earth would be as plentifully cratered. The most likely source of these collisions is the Apollo objects (asteroids whose orbits cross the orbit of the Earth) and small comets we have already discussed (Appendix 1). But for them to produce as many craters as Venus possesses, the cratering process on Venus must have taken billions of years. Alternatively, the cratering may have occurred more rapidly in the very earliest history of the solar system, when interplanetary debris was much more plentiful. But there is no way for it to have happened recently. On the other hand, if Venus was, several thousand years ago, in the deep interior of Jupiter, there is no way it could have accumulated such impacts there. The clear conclusion from the craters of Venus is, therefore, that Venus has for billions of years been an object exposed to interplanetary collisions-in direct contradiction to the fundamental premise of Velikovsky’s hypothesis.
The Venus craters are significantly eroded. Some of the rocks on the surface of the planet, as revealed by the Venera 9 and 10 photography, are quite young; others are severely eroded. I have described elsewhere possible mechanisms for erosion on the Venus surface-including chemical weathering and slow deformation at high temperatures (Sagan, 1976). However, these findings have no bearing whatever on the Velikovskian hypotheses: recent volcanic activity on Venus need no more be attributed to a close passage to the Sun or to Venus’ being in some vague sense a “young” planet than recent volcanic activity on Earth.
In 1967 Velikovsky wrote: “Obviously, if the planet is billions of years old, it could not have preserved its original heat; also, any radioactive process that can produce such heat must be of a very rapid decay [sic], and this again would not square with an age of the planet counted in billions of years.” Unfortunately, Velikovsky has failed to understand two classic and basic geophysical results. Thermal conduction is a much slower process than radiation or convection, and, in the case of the Earth, primordial heat makes a detectable contribution to the geothermal temperature gradient and to the heat flux from the Earth’s interior. The same applies to Venus. Also, the radionuclides responsible for radioactive heating of the Earth’s crust are long-lived isotopes of uranium, thorium and potassium-isotopes with half-lives comparable to the age of the planet. Again, the same applies to Venus.
If, as Velikovsky believes, Venus were completely molten only a few thousand years ago-from planetary collisions or any other cause-no more than a thin outer crust, at most ~ 100 meters thick, could since have been produced by conductive cooling. But the radar observations reveal enormous linear mountain ranges, ringed basins, and a great rift valley, with dimensions of hundreds to thousands of kilometers. It is very unlikely that such extensive tectonic or impact features could be stably supported over a liquid interior by such a thin and fragile crust.
THE IDEA that Venus could have been converted, in a few thousand years, from an object in a highly elongated or eccentric orbit to its present orbit, which is-except for Neptune-the most nearly perfect circular orbit of all the planets, is at odds with what we know about the three-body problem [8] in celestial mechanics. However, it must be admitted that this is not a completely solved problem, and that, while the odds are large, they are not absolutely overwhelming against Velikovsky’s hypothesis on this score. Furthermore, when Velikovsky invokes electrical or magnetic forces, with no effort to calculate their magnitude or describe in detail their effects, we are hard pressed to assess his ideas. However, simple arguments from the required magnetic energy density to circularize a comet show that the field strengths implied are unreasonably high (Appendix 4)-they are counterindicated by studies of rock magnetization.
We can also approach the problem empirically. Straightforward Newtonian mechanics is able to predict with remarkable accuracy the trajectories of spacecraft-so that, for example, the Viking orbiters were placed within 100 kilometers of their designated orbit; Venera 8 was placed precisely on the sunlit side of the equatorial terminator of Venus; and Voyager 1 was placed in exactly the correct entry corridor in the vicinity of Jupiter to be directed close to Saturn. No mysterious electrical or magnetic influences were encountered. Newtonian mechanics is adequate to predict, with great precision, for example, the exact moment when the Galilean satellites of Jupiter will eclipse each other.
Comets, it is true, have somewhat less predictable orbits, but this is almost certainly because there is a boiling off of frozen ices as these objects approach the Sun, and a small rocket effect. The cometary incarnation of Venus, if it existed, might also have had such icy vaporization, but there is no way in which the rocket effect would have preferentially brought that comet into close passages with the Earth or Mars. Halley’s comet, which has probably been observed for two thousand years, remains on a highly eccentric orbit and has not been observed to show the slightest tendency toward circularization; yet it is almost as old as Velikovsky’s “comet.” It is extraordinarily unlikely that Velikovsky’s comet, had it ever existed, became the planet Venus.
THE PRECEDING ten points are the major scientific flaws in Velikovsky’s argument, as nearly as I can determine. I have discussed earlier some of the difficulties with his approach to ancient writings. Let me here list a few of the miscellaneous other problems I have encountered in reading Worlds in Collision.
On page 280 the Martian moons Phobos and Deimos are imagined to have “snatched some of Mars’ atmosphere” and to thereby appear very bright. But it is immediately clear that the escape velocity on these objects-perhaps 20 miles per hour-is so small as to make them incapable of retaining even temporarily any atmosphere; close-up Viking photographs show no atmosphere and no frost patches; and they are among the darkest objects in the solar system.
Beginning on page 281, there is a comparison of the Biblical Book of Joel and a set of Vedic hymns describing “maruts.” Velikovsky believes that the “maruts” were a host of meteorites that preceded and followed Mars during its close approach to Earth, which he also believes is described in Joel. Velikovsky says (page 286): “Joel did not copy from the Vedas nor the Vedas from Joel.” Yet, on page 288, Velikovsky finds it “gratifying” to discover that the words “Mars” and “marut” are cognates. But how, if the stories in Joel and the Vedas are independent, could the two words possibly be cognates?
On page 307 we find Isaiah making an accurate prediction of the time of the return of Mars for another collision with Earth “based on experience during previous perturbations.” If so, Isaiah must have been able to solve the full three-body problem with electrical and magnetic forces thrown in, and it is a pity that this knowledge was not also passed down to us in the Old Testament.
On pages 366 and 367 we find an argument that Venus, Mars and Earth, in their interactions, must have exchanged atmospheres. If massive quantities of terrestrial molecular oxygen (20 percent of our atmosphere) were transferred to Mars and Venus 3,500 years ago, they should be there still in massive amounts. The time scale for turnover of O2 in the Earth’s atmosphere is 2,000 years, and that is by a biological process. In the absence of abundant biological respiration, any O2 on Mars and Venus 3,500 years ago should still be there. Yet we know quite definitely from spectroscopy that O2 is at best a tiny constituent of the already extremely thin Martian atmosphere (and is likewise scarce on Venus). Mariner 10 found evidence of oxygen in the atmosphere of Venus-but tiny quantities of atomic oxygen in the upper atmosphere, not massive quantities of molecular oxygen in the lower atmosphere.
The dearth of O2 on Venus also renders untenable Velikovsky’s belief in petroleum fires in the lower Venus atmosphere-neither the fuel nor the oxidant is present in appreciable amounts. These fires, Velikovsky believed, would produce water, which would be photodissociated, yielding O. Thus Velikovsky requires significant deep atmospheric O2 to account for upper atmospheric O. In fact, the O found is understood very well in terms of the photochemical breakdown of the principal atmospheric constituent, CO2, into CO and O. These distinctions seem to have been lost on some of Velikovsky’s supporters, who seized on the Mariner 10 findings as a vindication of Worlds in Collision.
Since there is negligible oxygen and water vapor in the Martian atmosphere, Velikovsky argues, some other constituent of the Martian atmosphere must be derived from the Earth. The argument, unfortunately, is a non sequitur. Velikovsky opts for argon and neon, despite the fact that these are quite rare constituents of the Earth’s atmosphere. The first published argument for argon and neon as major constituents of the Martian atmosphere was made by Harrison Brown in the 1940s. More than trace quantities of neon are now excluded; about one percent argon was found by Viking. But even if large quantities of argon had been found on Mars, it would have provided no evidence for a Velikovskian atmospheric exchange-because the most abundant form of argon, 40Ar, is produced by the radioactive decay of potassium 40, which is expected in the crust of Mars.
A much more serious problem for Velikovsky is the relative absence of N2 (molecular nitrogen) from the Martian atmosphere. The gas is relatively unreactive, does not freeze out at Martian temperatures and cannot rapidly escape from the Martian exosphere. It is the major constituent of the Earth’s atmosphere but comprises only one percent of the Martian atmosphere. If such an exchange of gases occurred, where is all the N2 on Mars? These tests of the assumed gas exchange between Mars and the Earth, which Velikovsky advocates, are poorly thought out in his writings; and the tests contradict his thesis.
Worlds in Collision is an attempt to validate Biblical and other folklore as history, if not theology. I have tried to approach the book with no prejudgments. I find the mythological concordances fascinating, and worth further investigation, but they are probably explicable on diffusionist or other grounds. The scientific part of the text, despite all the claims of “proofs,” runs into at least ten very grave difficulties.
Of the ten tests of Velikovsky’s work described above, there is not one case where his ideas are simultaneously original and consistent with simple physical theory and observation. Moreover, many of the objections-especially Problems I, II, III and X-are objections of high weight, based on the motion and conservation laws of physics. In science, an acceptable argument must have a clearly set forth chain of evidence. If a single link in the chain is broken, the argument fails. In the case of Worlds in Collision, we have the opposite case: virtually every link in the chain is broken. To rescue the hypothesis requires special pleading, the vague invention of new physics, and selective inattention to a plethora of conflicting evidence. Accordingly, Velikovsky’s basic thesis seems to me clearly untenable on physical grounds.
Moreover, there is a dangerous potential problem with the mythological material. The supposed events are reconstructed from legends and folktales. But these global catastrophes are not present in the historical records or folklore of many cultures. Such strange omissions are accounted for, when they are noted at all, by “collective amnesia.” Velikovsky wants it both ways. Where concordances exist, he is prepared to draw the most sweeping conclusions from them. Where concordances do not exist, the difficulty is dismissed by invoking “collective amnesia.” With so lax a standard of evidence, anything can be “proved.”
I should also point out that a much more plausible explanation exists for most of the events in Exodus that Velikovsky accepts, an explanation that is much more in accord with physics. The Exodus is dated in I Kings as occurring 480 years before the initiation of the construction of the Temple of Solomon. With other supporting calculations, the date for the Biblical Exodus is then computed to be about 1447 B.C. (Covey, 1975). Other Biblical scholars disagree, but this date is consistent with Velikovsky’s chronology, and is astonishingly close to the dates obtained by a variety of scientific methods for the final and colossal volcanic explosion of the island of Thera (or Santorin) which may have destroyed the Minoan civilization in Crete and had profound consequences for Egypt, less than three hundred miles to the south. The best available radiocarbon date for the event, obtained from a tree buried in volcanic ash on Thera, is 1456 B.C. with an error in the method of at least plus or minus forty-three years. The amount of volcanic dust produced is more than adequate to account for three days of darkness in daytime, and accompanying events can explain earthquakes, famine, vermin and a range of familiar Velikovskian catastrophes. It also may have produced an immense Mediterranean tsunami, or tidal wave, which Angelos Galanopoulos (1964)-who is responsible for much of the recent geological and archaeological interest in Thera-believes can account for the parting of the Red Sea as well. [9] In a certain sense, the Galanopoulos explanation of the events in Exodus is even more provocative than the Velikovsky explanation, because Galanopoulos has presented moderately convincing evidence that Thera corresponds in almost all essential details to the legendary civilization of Atlantis. If he is right, it is the destruction of Atlantis rather than the apparition of a comet that permitted the Israelites to leave Egypt.
There are many strange inconsistencies in Worlds in Collision, but on the next-to-last page of the book, a breathtaking departure from the fundamental thesis is casually introduced. We read of a hoary and erroneous analogy between the structures of solar systems and of atoms. Suddenly we are presented with the hypothesis that the supposed errant motions of the planets, rather than being caused by collisions, are instead the result of changes in the quantum energy levels of planets attendant to the absorption of a photon-or perhaps several. Solar systems are held together by gravitational forces; atoms by electrical forces. While both forces depend on the inverse square of distance, they have totally different characters and magnitudes: as one of many differences, there are positive and negative electrical charges, but only one sign of gravitational mass. We understand both solar systems and atoms well enough to see that Velikovsky’s proposed “quantum jumps” of planets are based on a misunderstanding of both theories and evidence.
To the best of my knowledge, in Worlds in Collision there is not a single correct astronomical prediction made with sufficient precision for it to be more than a vague lucky guess-and there are, as I have tried to point out, a host of demonstrably false claims. The existence of strong radio emission from Jupiter is sometimes pointed to as the most striking example of a correct prediction by Velikovsky, but all objects give off radio waves if they are at temperatures above absolute zero. The essential characteristics of the Jovian radio emission-that it is nonthermal, polarized, intermittent radiation, connected with the vast belts of charged particles which surround Jupiter, trapped by its strong magnetic field-are nowhere predicted by Velikovsky. Further, his “prediction” is clearly not linked in its essentials to the fundamental Velikovskian theses.
Merely guessing something right does not necessarily demonstrate prior knowledge or a correct theory. For example, in an early science-fiction work dated 1949, Max Ehrlich imagined a near-collision of the Earth with another cosmic object, which filled the sky and terrorized the inhabitants of the Earth. Most frightening was the fact that on this passing planet was a natural feature which looked very much like a huge eye. This is one of many fictional and serious antecedents to Velikovsky’s idea that such collisions happen frequently. But that is not my point. In a discussion of how it is that the side of the Moon facing the Earth has large smooth maria while the averted face of the Moon is almost free of them, John Wood of the Smithsonian Astrophysical Observatory proposed that the side of the Moon now turned toward the Earth was once at the edge, or limb, of the Moon, on the leading hemisphere of the Moon’s motion about the Earth. In this position it swept up, billions of years ago, a ring of debris which surrounded the Earth and which may have been involved in the formation of the Earth-Moon system. By Euler’s laws, the Moon must then have altered its rotation axis to correspond to its new principal moment of inertia, so that its leading hemisphere then faced the Earth. The remarkable conclusion is that there would have been a time, according to Wood, when what is now the eastern limb of the Moon would have been facing the Earth. But the eastern limb of the Moon has an enormous collision feature, billions of years old, called Mare Orientale, which looks very much like a giant eye. No one has suggested that Ehrlich was relying upon a racial memory of an event three billion years old when he wrote The Big Eye. It is merely a coincidence. When enough fiction is written and enough scientific hypotheses are proposed, sooner or later there will be accidental concordances.
With these enormous liabilities, how is it that Worlds in Collision has been so popular? Here I can only guess. For one thing, it is an attempted validation of religion. The old Biblical stories are literally true, Velikovsky tells us, if only we interpret them in the right way. The Jewish people, for example, saved from Egyptian Pharaohs, Assyrian kings and innumerable other disasters by obliging cometary intervention, had every right, he seems to be saying, to believe themselves chosen. Velikovsky attempts to rescue not only religion but also astrology: the outcomes of wars, the fates of whole peoples, are determined by the positions of the planets. In some sense, his work holds out a promise of the cosmic connectedness of mankind-a sentiment with which I sympathize, but in a somewhat different context (The Cosmic Connection)-and the reassurance that ancient peoples and other cultures were not so very dumb, after all.
The outrage that seems to have seized many otherwise placid scientists upon colliding with Worlds in Collision has produced a chain of consequences. Some people are quite properly put off by the occasional pomposity of scientists, or are concerned by what they apprehend as the dangers of science and technology, or perhaps merely have difficulty understanding science. They may take some comfort in seeing scientists get their lumps.
In the entire Velikovsky affair, the only aspect worse than the shoddy, ignorant and doctrinaire approach of Velikovsky and many of his supporters was the disgraceful attempt by some who called themselves scientists to suppress his writings. For this, the entire scientific enterprise has suffered. Velikovsky makes no serious claim of objectivity or falsiflability. There is at least nothing hypocritical in his rigid rejection of the immense body of data that contradicts his arguments. But scientists are supposed to know better, to realize that ideas will be judged on their merits if we permit free inquiry and vigorous debate.
To the extent that scientists have not given Velikovsky the reasoned response his work calls for, we have ourselves been responsible for the propagation of Velikovskian confusion. But scientists cannot deal with all areas of borderline science. The thinking, calculations and preparation of this chapter, for example, took badly needed time away from my own research. But it was certainly not boring, and at the very least I had a brush with many an enjoyable legend.
The attempt to rescue old-time religion, in an age which seems desperately to be seeking some religious roots, some cosmic significance for mankind, may or may not be creditable. I think there is much good and much evil in the old-time religions. But I do not understand the need for half-measures. If we are forced to choose between them-and we decidedly are not-is the evidence not better for the God of Moses, Jesus and Muhammed than for the comet of Velikovsky?
[The French encyclopedist] Diderot paid a visit to the Russian Court at the invitation of the Empress. He conversed very freely, and gave the younger members of the Court circle a good deal of lively atheism. The Empress was much amused, but some of her councillors suggested that it might be desirable to check these expositions of doctrine. The Empress did not like to put a direct muzzle on her guest’s tongue, so the following plot was contrived. Diderot was informed that a learned mathematician was in possession of an algebraical demonstration of the existence of God, and would give it him before all the Court, if he desired to hear it. Diderot gladly consented: though the name of the mathematician is not given, it was Euler. He advanced towards Diderot, and said gravely, and in a tone of perfect conviction: Monsieur, (a + b n)/n = x, donc Dieu existe; répondez! [Sir, (a + bn)/n = x. Therefore God exists; reply!] Diderot, to whom algebra was Hebrew, was embarrassed and disconcerted; while peals of laughter arose on all sides. He asked permission to return to France at once, which was granted.
AUGUSTUS DE MORGAN,
A Budget of Paradoxes (1872)
THROUGHOUT human history there have been attempts to contrive rational arguments to convince skeptics of the existence of a God or gods. But most theologians have held that the ultimate reality of divine beings is a matter for faith alone and is inaccessible to rational endeavor. St. Anselm argued that since we can imagine a perfect being, he must exist-because he would not be perfect without the added perfection of existence. This so-called ontological argument was more or less promptly attacked on two grounds: (1) Can we imagine a completely perfect being? (2) Is it obvious that perfection is augmented by existence? To the modern ear such pious arguments seem to be about words and definitions rather than about external reality.
More familiar is the argument from design, an approach that penetrates deeply into issues of fundamental scientific concern. This argument was admirably summarized by David Hume: “Look round the world: contemplate the whole and every part of it; you will find it to be nothing but one great machine, subdivided into an infinite number of lesser machines… All these various machines, even their most minute parts, are adjusted to each other with an accuracy which ravishes into admiration all men who have ever contemplated them. The curious adapting of means to ends, throughout all nature, resembles exactly, though it much exceeds, the production of human contrivance; of human design, thought, wisdom, and intelligence. Since therefore the effects resemble each other, we are led to infer, by all the rules of analogy, that the causes also resemble; and that the Author of Nature is somewhat similar to the mind of man; though possessed of much larger faculties proportioned to the grandure of the work which he has executed.”
Hume then goes on to subject this argument, as did Immanuel Kant after him, to a devastating and compelling attack, notwithstanding which the argument from design continued to be immensely popular-as, for example, in the works of William Paley-through the early nineteenth century. A typical passage by Paley goes: “There cannot be a design without a designer; contrivance without a contrivor; order without choice; arrangement without anything capable of arranging; subserviency and relation to a purpose, without that which could intend a purpose; means suitable to an end, and executing their office and accomplishing that end, without the end ever having been contemplated, or the means accommodated to it. Arrangement, disposition of parts, subserviency of means to an end, relation of instruments to a use, imply the presence of intelligence and mind.”
It was not until the development of modern science, but most particularly the brilliant formulation of the theory of evolution by natural selection, put forth by Charles Darwin and Alfred Russel Wallace in 1859, that these apparently plausible arguments were fatally undermined.
There can, of course, be no disproof of the existence of God-particularly a sufficiently subtle God. But it is a kindness neither to science nor religion to leave unchallenged inadequate arguments for the existence of God. Moreover, debates on such questions are good fun, and at the very least, hone the mind for useful work. Not much of this sort of disputation is in evidence today, perhaps because new arguments for the existence of God which can be understood at all are exceedingly rare. One recent and modern version of the argument from design was kindly sent to me by its author, perhaps to secure constructive criticism.
NORMAN BLOOM is a contemporary American who incidentally believes himself to be the Second Coming of Jesus Christ. Bloom observes in Scripture and everyday life numerical coincidences which anyone else would consider meaningless. But there are so many such coincidences that, Bloom believes, they can be due only to an unseen intelligence, and the fact that no one else seems to be able to find or appreciate such coincidences convinces Bloom that he has been chosen to reveal God’s presence. Bloom has been a fixture at some scientific meetings where he harangues the hurrying, preoccupied crowds moving from session to session. Typical Bloom rhetoric is “And though you reject me, and scorn me, and deny me, YET ALL WILL BE BROUGHT ONLY BY ME. My will will be, because I have formed you out of the nothingness. You are the Creation of My Hands. And I will complete My Creation and Complete My Purpose that I have Purposed from of old. I AM THAT I AM. I AM THE LORD THY GOD IN TRUTH.” He is nothing if not modest, and the capitalization conventions are entirely his.
Bloom has issued a fascinating pamphlet, which states: “The complete faculty of Princeton University (including its officers and its deans and the chairmen of the departments listed here) has agreed that it cannot refute, nor show in basic error the proof brought to it, in the book, The New World dated Sept. 1974. This faculty acknowledges as of June 1, 1975 that it accepts as a proven truth THE IRREFUTABLE PROOF THAT AN ETERNAL MIND AND HAND HAS SHAPED AND CONTROLLED THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD THROUGH THOUSANDS OF YEARS.” A closer reading shows that despite Bloom’s distributing his proofs to over a thousand faculty members of Princeton University, and despite his offer of a $1,000 prize for the first individual to refute his proof, there was no response whatever. After six months he concluded that since Princeton did not answer, Princeton believed. Considering the ways of university faculty members, an alternative explanation has occurred to me. In any case, I do not think that the absence of a reply constitutes irrefutable support for Bloom’s arguments.
Princeton has apparently not been alone in treating Bloom inhospitably: “Yes, times almost without number, I have been chased by police for bringing you the gift of my writing… Is it not so that professors at a university are supposed to have the maturity and judgment and wisdom to be able to read a writing and determine for themselves the value of its contents? Is it that they require THOUGHT CONTROL POLICE to tell them what they should or should not read or think about? But, even at the astronomy department of Harvard University, I have been chased by police for the crime of distributing that New World Lecture, an irrefutable proof that the earth-moon-sun system is shaped by a controlling mind and hand. Yes, and THREATENED WITH IMPRISONMENT, IF I DARE BESMIRCH THE HARVARD CAMPUS WITH MY PRESENCE ONCE MORE… AND THIS IS THE UNIVERSITY THAT HAS UPON ITS SHIELD THE WORD VERITAS: VERITAS: VERITAS:-Truth, Truth, Truth. Ah, what hypocrites and mockers you are!”
The supposed proofs are many and diverse, all involving numerical coincidences which Bloom believes could not be due to chance. Both in style and content, the arguments are reminiscent of Talmudic textual commentary and cabalistic lore of the Jewish Middle Ages: for example, the angular size of the Moon or the Sun as seen from the Earth is half a degree. This is just 1/720 of the circle (360°) of the sky. But 720 = 6! = 6 × 5 × 4 × 3 × 2 × 1. Therefore, God exists. It is an improvement on Euler’s proof to Diderot, but the approach is familiar and infiltrates the entire history of religion. In 1658 Gaspar Schott, a Jesuit priest, announced in his Magia Universalis Naturae et Artis that the number of degrees of grace of the Virgin Mary is 2256 = 228 1.2 × 1077 (which, by and by, is very roughly the number of elementary particles in the universe).
Another Bloomian argument is described as “irrefutable proof that the God of Scripture is he who has shaped and controlled the history of the world through thousands of years.” The argument is this: according to Chapters 5 and 11 of Genesis, Abraham was born 1,948 years after Adam, at a time when Abraham’s father, Terah, was seventy years old. But the Second Temple was destroyed by the Romans in A.D. 70, and the State of Israel was created in A.D. 1948 Q.E.D. It is hard to escape the impression that there may be a flaw in the argument somewhere. “Irrefutable” is, after all, a fairly strong word. But the argument is a refreshing diversion from St. Anselm.
Bloom’s central argument, however, and the one that much of the rest is based upon, is the claimed astronomical coincidence that 235 new moons is, with spectacular accuracy, just as long as nineteen years. Whence: “Look, mankind, I say to you all, in essence you are living in a clock. The clock keeps perfect time, to an accuracy of one second/day!… How could such a clock in the heavens come to be without there being some being, who with perception and understanding, who, with a plan and with the power, could form that clock?”
A fair question. To pursue it we must realize that there are several different kinds of years and several different kinds of months in use in astronomy. The sidereal year is the period that the Earth takes to go once around the Sun with respect to the distant stars. It equals 365.2564 days. (The days we will use, as Norman Bloom does, are what astronomers call “mean solar days.”) Then there is the tropical year. It is the period for the Earth to make one circuit about the Sun with respect to the seasons, and equals 365.242199 days. The tropical year is different from the sidereal year because of the precession of the equinoxes, the slow toplike movement of the Earth produced by the gravitational forces of the Sun and the Moon on its oblate shape. Finally, there is the so-called anomalistic year of 365.2596 days. It is the interval between two successive closest approaches of the Earth to the Sun, and is different from the sidereal year because of the slow movement of the Earth’s elliptical orbit in its own plane, produced by gravitational tugs by the nearby planets.
Likewise, there are several different kinds of months. The word “month,” of course, comes from “moon.” The sidereal month is the time for the Moon to go once around the earth with respect to the distant stars and equals 27.32166 days. The synodic month, also called a lunation, is the time from new moon to new moon or full moon to full moon. It is 29.530588 days. The synodic month is different from the sidereal month because, in the course of one sidereal revolution of the Moon about the Earth, the Earth-Moon system has together revolved a little bit (about one-thirteenth) of the way around the Sun. Therefore the angle by which the Sun illuminates the Moon has changed from our terrestrial vantage point. Now, the plane of the Moon’s orbit around the Earth intersects the plane of the Earth’s orbit around the Sun at two places-opposite to each other-called the nodes of the Moon’s orbit. A nodical or draconic month is the time for the Moon to move from one node back around again to the same node and equals 27.21220 days. These nodes move, completing one apparent circuit, in 18.6 years because of gravitational tugs, chiefly by the Sun. Finally, there is the anomalistic month of 27.55455 days, which is the time for the Moon to complete one circuit of the Earth with respect to the nearest point in its orbit. A little table on these various definitions of the year and the month is shown below.
KINDS OF YEARS AND MONTHS, EARTH-MOON SYSTEM
Now, Bloom’s main proof of the existence of God depends upon choosing one of the sorts of years, multiplying it by 19 and then dividing by one of the sorts of months. Since the sidereal, tropical and anomalistic years are so close together in length, we get sensibly the same answer whichever one we choose. But the same is not true for the months. There are four different kinds of months, and each gives a different answer. If we ask how many synodic months there are in nineteen sidereal years, we find the answer to be 253.00621, as advertised; and it is the closeness of this result to a whole number that is the fundamental coincidence of Bloom’s thesis. Bloom, of course, believes it to be no coincidence.
But if we were to ask instead how many sidereal months there are in nineteen sidereal years we would find the answer to be 254.00622; for nodical months, 255.02795; and for anomalistic months, 251.85937. It is certainly true that the synodic month is the one most strikingly apparent to a naked-eye observer, but I nevertheless have the impression that one could construct equally elaborate theological speculations on 252, 254, or 255 as on 235.
We must now ask where the number 19 comes from in this argument. Its only justification is David’s lovely Nineteenth Psalm, which begins: “The heavens declare the glory of God, and the firmament sheweth his handiwork. Day unto day uttereth speech, and night unto night sheweth knowledge.” This seems quite an appropriate quotation from which to find a hint of an astronomical proof for the existence of God. But the argument assumes what it intends to prove. The argument is also not unique. Consider, for example, the Eleventh Psalm, also written by David. In it we find the following words, which may equally well bear on this question: “The Lord is in his holy temple, the Lord’s throne is in heaven: his eyes behold, his eyelids try, the children of men,” which is followed in the following Psalm with “the children of men… speak vanity.” Now, if we ask how many synodic months there are in eleven sidereal years (or 4017.8204 mean solar days), we find the answer to be 136.05623. Thus, just as there seems to be a connection between nineteen years and 235 new moons, there is a connection between eleven years and 136 new moons. Moreover, the famous British astronomer Sir Arthur Stanley Eddington believed that all of physics could be derived from the number 136. (I once suggested to Bloom that with the foregoing information and just a little intellectual fortitude it should be possible as well to reconstruct all of Bosnian history.)
One numerical coincidence of this sort, which is of deep significance, was well known to the Babylonians, contemporaries of the ancient Hebrews. It is called the Saros. It is the period between two successive similar cycles of eclipses. In a solar eclipse the Moon, which appears from the Earth just as large (1/2°) as the Sun, must pass in front of it. For a lunar eclipse, the Earth’s shadow in space must intercept the Moon. For either kind of eclipse to occur, the Moon must, first of all, be either new or full-so that the Earth, the Moon and the Sun are in a straight line. Therefore the synodic month is obviously involved in the periodicity of eclipses. But for an eclipse to occur, the Moon must also be near one of the nodes of its orbit. Therefore the nodical month is involved. It turns out that 233 synodic months is equal to 241.9989 (or very close to 242) nodical months. This is the equivalent of a little over eighteen years and ten or eleven days (depending on the number of intervening leap days), and comprises the Saros. Coincidence?
Similar numerical coincidences are in fact common throughout the solar system. The ratio of spin period to orbital period on Mercury is 3 to 2. Venus manages to turn the same face to the Earth at its closest approach on each of its revolutions around the Sun. A particle in the gap between the two principal rings of Saturn, called the Cassini Division, would orbit Saturn in a period just half that of Mimas, its second satellite. Likewise, in the asteroid belt there are empty regions, known as the Kirkwood Gaps, which correspond to nonexistent asteroids with periods half that of Jupiter, one-third, two-fifths, three-fifths, and so on.
None of these numerical coincidences proves the existence of God-or if it does, the argument is subtle, because these effects are due to resonances. For example, an asteroid that strays into one of the Kirkwood Gaps experiences a periodic gravitational pumping by Jupiter. Every two times around the Sun for the asteroid, Jupiter makes exactly one circuit. There it is, tugging away at the same point in the asteroid’s orbit every revolution. Soon the asteroid is persuaded to vacate the gap. Such incommensurable ratios of whole numbers are a general consequence of gravitational resonance in the solar system. It is a kind of perturbational natural selection. Given enough time-and time is what the solar system has a great deal of-such resonances will arise inevitably.
That the general result of planetary perturbations is stable resonances and not catastrophic collisions was first shown from Newtonian gravitational theory by Pierre Simon, Marquis de Laplace, who described the solar system as “a great pendulum of eternity, which beats ages as a pendulum beats seconds.” Now, the elegance and simplicity of Newtonian gravitation might be used as an argument for the existence of God. We could imagine universes with other gravitational laws and much more chaotic planetary interactions. But in many of those universes we would not have evolved-precisely because of the chaos. Such gravitational resonances do not prove the existence of God, but if he does exist, they show, in the words of Einstein, that, while he may be subtle, he is not malicious.
BLOOM CONTINUES his work. He has, for example, demonstrated the preordination of the United States of America by the prominence of the number 13 in major league baseball scores on July 4, 1976. He has accepted my challenge and made an interesting attempt to derive some of Bosnian history from numerology-at least the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand at Sarajevo, the event that precipitated World War I. One of his arguments involves the date on which Sir Arthur Stanley Eddington presented a talk on his mystical number 136 at Cornell University, where I teach. And he has even performed some numerical manipulations using my birth date to demonstrate that I also am part of the cosmic plan. These and similar cases convince me that Bloom can prove anything.
Norman Bloom is, in fact, a kind of genius. If enough independent phenomena are studied and correlations sought, some will of course be found. If we know only the coincidences and not the enormous effort and many unsuccessful trials that preceded their discovery, we might believe that an important finding has been made. Actually, it is only what statisticians call “the fallacy of the enumeration of favorable circumstances.” But to find as many coincidences as Norman Bloom has requires great skill and dedication. It is in a way a forlorn and perhaps even hopeless objective-to demonstrate the existence of God by numerical coincidences to an uninterested, to say nothing of a mathematically unenlightened public. It is easy to imagine the contributions Bloom’s talents might have made in another field. But there is something a little glorious, I find, in his fierce dedication and very considerable arithmetic intuition. It is a combination of talents which is, one might almost say, God-given.
The poet’s eye, in a fine frenzy rolling,
Doth glance from heaven to earth, from
earth to heaven;
And as imagination bodies forth
The forms of things unknown, the poet’s pen
Turns them to shapes, and gives to airy nothing
A local habitation and a name.
WILLIAM SHAKESPEARE,
A Midsummer Night’s Dream, Act V, Scene 1
BY THE TIME I was ten I had decided-in almost total ignorance of the difficulty of the problem-that the universe was full up. There were too many places for this to be the only inhabited planet. And judging from the variety of life on Earth (trees looked pretty different from most of my friends), I figured life elsewhere would look very strange. I tried hard to imagine what that life would be like, but despite my best efforts I always produced a kind of terrestrial chimaera, a blend of existing plants and animals.
About this time a friend introduced me to the Mars novels of Edgar Rice Burroughs. I had not thought much about Mars before, but here, presented before me in the adventures of John Carter, was an inhabited extraterrestrial world breathtakingly fleshed out: ancient sea bottoms, great canal-pumping stations and a variety of beings, some of them exotic. There were, for example, the eight-legged beasts of burden, the thoats.
These novels were exhilarating to read. At first. Then slowly doubts began to gnaw. The plot surprise in the first John Carter novel I read hinged on him forgetting that the year is longer on Mars than on Earth. But it seemed to me that if you go to another planet, one of the first things you check into is the length of the day and the year. (Incidentally, I can recall no mention by Carter of the remarkable fact that the Martian day is almost as long as the terrestrial day. It was as if he expected the familiar features of his home planet somewhere else.) Then there were incidental remarks made which were at first stunning but on sober reflection disappointing. For example, Burroughs casually comments that on Mars there are two more primary colors than on Earth. I spent many long minutes with my eyes tightly closed, fiercely concentrating on a new primary color. But it would always be a murky brown or a plum. How could there be another primary color on Mars, much less two? What was a primary color? Was it something to do with physics or something to do with physiology? I decided that Burroughs might not have known what he was talking about, but he certainly made his readers think. And in those many chapters where there was not much to think about, there were satisfyingly malignant enemies and rousing swordsmanship-more than enough to maintain the interest of a citybound ten-year-old in a Brooklyn summer.
A year later, by sheerest accident, I stumbled across a magazine called Astounding Science Fiction in the neighborhood candy store. A glance at the cover and a quick riffle through the interior showed me it was what I had been looking for. With some effort I managed to scrape together the purchase price, opened it at random, sat down on a bench not twenty feet from the candy store and read my first modern science-fiction short story, “Pete Can Fix It,” by Raymond F. Jones, a gentle time-travel story of post-nuclear-war holocaust. I knew about the atom bomb-I remember an excited friend explaining to me that it was made of atoms-but this was the first I had seen about the social implications of the development of nuclear weapons. It got you thinking. The little device, though, that Pete the garage mechanic put on automobiles so passers-by might make brief cautionary trips into the wasteland of the future-what was that little device? How was it made? How could you get into the future and then come back? If Raymond F. Jones knew, he wasn’t telling.
I found I was hooked. Each month I eagerly awaited the arrival of Astounding. I read Jules Verne and H. G. Wells, read from cover to cover the first two science-fiction anthologies that I was able to find, made scorecards, similar to those I was fond of making for baseball, on the quality of the stories I read. Many of the stories ranked high in asking interesting questions but low in answering them.
There is still a part of me that is ten years old. But by and large I’m older. My critical faculties and perhaps even my literary tastes have improved. In rereading L. Ron Hubbard’s The End Is Not Yet, which I had first read at age fourteen, I was so amazed at how much worse it was than I had remembered that I seriously considered the possibility that there were two novels of the same name and by the same author but of vastly differing quality. I can no longer manage credulous acceptance as well as I used to. In Larry Niven’s Neutron Star the plot hinges on the astonishing tidal forces exerted by a strong gravitational field. But we are asked to believe that hundreds or thousands of years from now, at a time of casual interstellar spaceflight, such tidal forces have been forgotten. We are asked to believe that the first probe of a neutron star is done by a manned rather than by an unmanned spacecraft. We are asked too much. In a novel of ideas, the ideas have to work.
I had the same kind of disquieting feelings many years earlier on reading Verne’s description that weightlessness on a lunar voyage occurred only at the point in space where the Earth’s and the Moon’s gravitational pulls canceled, and in Wells’s invention of the antigravity mineral cavorite: Why should a vein of cavorite still be on Earth? Shouldn’t it have flung itself into space long ago? In Douglas Trumbull’s technically proficient science-fiction film Silent Running, the trees in vast closed spaceborne ecological systems are dying. After weeks of painstaking study and agonizing searches through botany texts, the solution is found: plants, it turns out, need sunlight. Trumbull’s characters are able to build interplanetary cities but have forgotten the inverse square law. I was willing to overlook the portrayal of the rings of Saturn as pastel-colored gases, but not this.
I have the same trouble with Star Trek, which I know has a wide following and which some thoughtful friends tell me I should view allegorically and not literally. But when astronauts from Earth set down on some fardistant planet and find the human beings there in the midst of a conflict between two nuclear superpowers-which call themselves the Yangs and the Coms, or their phonetic equivalents-the suspension of disbelief crumbles. In a global terrestrial society centuries in the future, the ship’s officers are embarrassingly Anglo-American. Only two of twelve or fifteen interstellar vessels are given non-English names, Kongo and Potemkin. (Potemkin and not Aurora?) And the idea of a successful cross between a “Vulcan” and a terrestrial simply ignores what we know of molecular biology. (As I have remarked elsewhere, such a cross is about as likely as the successful mating of a man and a petunia.) According to Harlan Ellison, even such sedate biological novelties as Mr. Spock’s pointy ears and permanently querulous eyebrows were considered by network executives far too daring; such enormous differences between Vulcans and humans would only confuse the audience, they thought, and a move was made to have all physiologically distinguishing Vulcanian features effaced. I have similar problems with films in which familiar creatures, slightly changed-spiders thirty feet tall-are menacing the cities of the Earth: since insects and arachnids breathe by diffusion, such marauders would asphyxiate before they could savage their first city.
I believe that the same thirst for wonder is inside me that was there when I was ten. But I have learned since then a little bit about how the world is really put together. I find that science fiction has led me to science. I find science more subtle, more intricate and more awesome than much of science fiction. Think of some of the scientific findings of the last few decades: that Mars is covered with ancient dry rivers; that apes can learn languages of many hundreds of words, understand abstract concepts and construct new grammatical usages; that there are particles that pass effortlessly through the entire Earth so that we see as many of them coming up through our feet as down from the sky; that in the constellation Cygnus there is a double star, one of whose components has such a high gravitational acceleration that light cannot escape from it: it may be blazing with radiation on the inside but it is invisible from the outside. In the face of all this, many of the standard ideas of science fiction seem to me to pale by comparison. I see the relative absence of these things and the distortions of scientific thinking often encountered in science fiction as terrible wasted opportunities. Real science is as amenable to exciting and engrossing fiction as fake science, and I think it is important to exploit every opportunity to convey scientific ideas in a civilization which is both based upon science and does almost nothing to ensure that science is understood.
But the best of science fiction remains very good indeed. There are stories so tautly constructed, so rich in accommodating details of an unfamiliar society that they sweep me along before I even have a chance to be critical. Such stories include Robert Heinlein’s The Door into Summer, Alfred Bester’s The Stars My Destination and The Demolished Man, Jack Finney’s Time and Again, Frank Herbert’s Dune and Walter M. Miller’s A Canticle for Leibowitz. You can ruminate over the ideas in these books. Heinlein’s asides on the feasibility and social utility of household robots wear exceedingly well over the years. The insights into terrestrial ecology provided by hypothetical extraterrestrial ecologies as in Dune perform, I think, an important social service. He Who Shrank, by Harry Hasse, presents an entrancing cosmological speculation which is being seriously revived today, the idea of an infinite regress of universes-in which each of our elementary particles is a universe one level down, and in which we are an elementary particle in the next universe up.
A rare few science-fiction novels combine extraordinarily well a deep human sensitivity with a standard science-fiction theme. I am thinking, for example, of Algis Budrys’ Rogue Moon, and of many of the works of Ray Bradbury and Theodore Sturgeon-for example, the latter’s To Here and the Easel, a stunning portrayal of schizophrenia as perceived from the inside, as well as a provocative introduction to Ariosto’s Orlando Furioso.
There was once a subtle science-fiction story by the astronomer Robert S. Richardson on the continuous-creation origin of cosmic rays. Isaac Asimov’s story Breathes There a Man provided a poignant insight into the emotional stress and sense of isolation of some of the best theoretical scientists. Arthur C. Clarke’s The Nine Billion Names of God introduced many Western readers to an intriguing speculation in Oriental religions.
One of the great benefits of science fiction is that it can convey bits and pieces, hints and phrases, of knowledge unknown or inaccessible to the reader. Heinlein’s And He Built a Crooked House was for many readers probably the first introduction they had ever encountered to four-dimensional geometry that held any promise of being comprehensible. One science-fiction work actually presents the mathematics of Einstein’s last attempt at a unified field theory; another presents an important equation in population genetics. Asimov’s robots were “positronic,” because the positron had recently been discovered. Asimov never provided any explanation of how positrons run robots, but his readers had now heard of positrons. Jack Williamson’s rhodomagnetic robots were run off ruthenium, rhodium and palladium, the next Group VIII metals after iron, nickel and cobalt in the periodic table. An analogue with ferromagnetism was suggested. I suppose that there are science-fiction robots today that are quark-ish or charming and will provide some brief verbal entrée into the excitement of contemporary elementary particle physics. L. Sprague de Camp’s Lest Darkness Fall is an excellent introduction to Rome at the time of the Gothic invasion, and Asimov’s Foundation series, although this is not explained in the books, offers a very useful summary of some of the dynamics of the far-flung imperial Roman Empire. Time-travel stories-for example, the three remarkable efforts by Heinlein, All You Zombies, By His Bootstraps and The Door into Summer-force the reader into contemplations of the nature of causality and the arrow of time. They are books you ponder over as the water is running out of the bathtub or as you walk through the woods in an early winter snowfall.
Another great value of modern science fiction is some of the art forms it elicits. A fuzzy imagining in the mind’s eye of what the surface of another planet might look like is one thing, but examining a meticulous painting of the same scene by Chesley Bonestell in his prime is quite another. The sense of astronomical wonder is splendidly conveyed by the best of such contemporary artists-Don Davis, Jon Lomberg, Rick Sternbach, Robert McCall. And in the verse of Diane Ackerman can be glimpsed the prospect of a mature astronomical poetry, fully conversant with standard science-fiction themes.
Science-fiction ideas are widespread today in somewhat different guises. We have science-fiction writers such as Isaac Asimov and Arthur C. Clarke providing cogent and brilliant summaries in nonfictional form of many aspects of science and society. Some contemporary scientists are introduced to a vaster public by science fiction. For example, in the thoughtful novel The Listeners, by James Gunn, we find the following comment made fifty years from now about my colleague, the astronomer Frank Drake: “Drake! What did he know?” A great deal, it turns out. We also find straight science fiction disguised as fact in a vast proliferation of pseudoscientific writings, belief systems and organizations.
One science-fiction writer, L. Ron Hubbard, has founded a successful cult called Scientology-invented, according to one account, overnight on a bet that he could do as well as Freud, invent a religion and make money from it. Classic science-fiction ideas are now institutionalized in unidentified flying objects and ancient-astronaut belief systems-although I have difficulty not concluding that Stanley Weinbaum (in The Valley of Dreams) did it better, as well as earlier, than Erich von Däniken. R. De Witt Miller in Within the Pyramid manages to anticipate both von Däniken and Velikovsky, and to provide a more coherent hypothesis on the supposed extraterrestrial origin of pyramids than can be found in all the writings on ancient astronauts and pyramidology. In Wine of the Dreamers, by John D. MacDonald (a science-fiction author now transmogrified into one of the most interesting contemporary writers of detective fiction), we find the sentence “and there are traces, in Earth mythology… of great ships and chariots that crossed the sky.” The story Farewell to the Master, by Harry Bates, was converted into a motion picture, The Day the Earth Stood Still (which abandoned the essential plot element, that on the extraterrestrial spacecraft it was the robot and not the human who was in command). The movie, with its depiction of a flying saucer buzzing Washington, is thought by some sober investigators to have played a role in the 1952 Washington, D.C., UFO “flap” which followed closely the release of the motion picture. Many popular novels today of the espionage variety, in the shallowness of their characterizations and the gimmickry of their plots, are virtually indistinguishable from pulp science fiction of the ’30s and ’40s.
THE INTERWEAVING of science and science fiction sometimes produces curious results. It is not always clear whether life imitates art or vice versa. For example, Kurt Vonnegut, Jr., has written a superb epistemological novel, The Sirens of Titan, in which a not altogether inclement environment is postulated on Saturn’s largest moon. When in the last few years some planetary scientists, myself among them, presented evidence that Titan has a dense atmosphere and perhaps higher temperatures than expected, many people commented to me on the prescience of Kurt Vonnegut. But Vonnegut was a physics major at Cornell University and naturally knowledgeable about the latest findings in astronomy. (Many of the best science-fiction writers have science or engineering backgrounds; for example, Poul Anderson, Isaac Asimov, Arthur C. Clarke, Hal Clement and Robert Heinlein.) In 1944, an atmosphere of methane was discovered on Titan, the first satellite in the solar system known to have an atmosphere. In this, as in many similar cases, art imitates life.
The trouble has been that our understanding of the other planets has been changing faster than the science-fiction representations of them. A clement twilight zone on a synchronously rotating Mercury, a swamp-and-jungle Venus and a canal-infested Mars, while all classic science-fiction devices, are all based upon earlier misapprehensions by planetary astronomers. The erroneous ideas were faithfully transcribed into science-fiction stories, which were then read by many of the youngsters who were to become the next generation of planetary astronomers-thereby simultaneously capturing the interest of the youngsters and making it more difficult to correct the misapprehensions of the oldsters. But as our knowledge of the planets has changed, the environments in the corresponding science-fiction stories have also changed. It is quite rare to find a science-fiction story written today that involves algae farms on the surface of Venus. (Incidentally, the UFO-contact mythologizers are slower to change, and we can still find accounts of flying saucers from a Venus populated by beautiful human beings in long white robes inhabiting a kind of Cytherean Garden of Eden. The 900° Fahrenheit temperatures of Venus give us one way of checking such stories.) Likewise, the idea of a “space warp” is a hoary science-fiction standby but it did not arise in science fiction. It arose from Einstein’s General Theory of Relativity.
The connection between science-fiction depictions of Mars and the actual exploration of Mars is so close that, subsequent to the Mariner 9 mission to Mars, we were able to name a few Martian craters after deceased science-fiction personalities. (See Chapter 11.) Thus there are on Mars craters named after H. G. Wells, Edgar Rice Burroughs, Stanley Weinbaum and John W. Campbell, Jr. These names have been officially approved by the International Astronomical Union. No doubt other science-fiction personalities will be added soon after they die.
THE GREAT INTEREST of youngsters in science fiction is reflected in films, television programs, comic books and a demand for science-fiction courses in high schools and colleges. My experience is that such courses can be fine educational experiences or disasters, depending on how they are done. Courses in which the readings are selected by the students provide no opportunity for the students to read what they have not already read. Courses in which there is no attempt to extend the science-fiction plot line to encompass the appropriate science miss a great educational opportunity. But properly planned science-fiction courses, in which science or politics is an integral component, would seem to me to have a long and useful life in school curricula.
The greatest human significance of science fiction may be as experiments on the future, as explorations of alternative destinies, as attempts to minimize future shock. This is part of the reason that science fiction has so wide an appeal among young people: it is they who will live in the future. It is my firm view that no society on Earth today is well adapted to the Earth of one or two hundred years from now (if we are wise enough or lucky enough to survive that long). We desperately need an exploration of alternative futures, both experimental and conceptual. The novels and stories of Eric Frank Russell were very much to this point. In them, we were able to see conceivable alternative economic systems or the great efficiency of a unified passive resistance to an occupying power. In modern science fiction, useful suggestions can also be found for making a revolution in a computerized technological society, as in Heinlein’s The Moon Is a Harsh Mistress.
Such ideas, when encountered young, can influence adult behavior. Many scientists deeply involved in the exploration of the solar system (myself among them) were first turned in that direction by science fiction. And the fact that some of that science fiction was not of the highest quality is irrelevant. Ten-year-olds do not read the scientific literature.
I do not know if time travel into the past is possible. The causality problems it would imply make me very skeptical. But there are those who are thinking about it. What are called closed time-like lines-routes in space-time permitting unrestricted time travel-appear in some solutions to the general relativistic field equations. A recent claim, perhaps mistaken, is that closed timelike lines appear in the vicinity of a large, rapidly rotating cylinder. I wonder to what extent general-relativists working on such problems have been influenced by science fiction. Likewise, science-fiction encounters with alternative cultural features may play an important role in actualizing fundamental social change.
In all the history of the world there has never before been a time in which so many significant changes have occurred. Accommodation to change, the thoughtful pursuit of alternative futures are keys to the survival of civilization and perhaps of the human species. Ours is the first generation that has grown up with science-fiction ideas. I know many young people who will of course be interested but in no way astounded if we receive a message from an extraterrestrial civilization. They have already accommodated to that future. I think it is no exaggeration to say that if we survive, science fiction will have made a vital contribution to the continuation and evolution of our civilization.