Чингисхан. Человек, завоевавший мир - читать бесплатно онлайн полную версию книги автора Фрэнк Маклинн (ч. notes)

Примечания

1

На русском языке издана под названием «Сокровенное сказание». См.: Монгольский обыденный изборник // Сокровенное сказание. Монгольская хроника 1240 г. ЮАНЬ ЧАО БИ ШИ / Перевод С. А. Козина. – М. – Л.: Издательство АН СССР, 1941. – Т. I. Прим. пер.

2

В русском переводе «Сборник летописей». – Прим. пер.

3

«Насировы разряды» или «Насировы таблицы». – Прим. пер.

4

Действующие лица (лат.).

5

На арабском языке, сухие русла рек или речных долин. – Прим. пер.

6

Аррорут – тропическое растение, произрастающиее в Америке, а также крахмал из него. – Прим. пер.

7

Около 0,5 градуса по Цельсию. – Прим. пер.

8

Нибльхейм – в германо-скандинавской мифологии один из девяти миров, земля льдов и туманов, ледяных великанов, один из первомиров, также Нибльхайм, Нифльхейм. – Прим. пер.

9

Около плюс 37,8° и минус 42° по Цельсию. – Прим. пер.

10

Ладонь – 4 дюйма, или 10,16 см. – Прим. пер.

11

Ламинит – ревматическое воспаление копыт. – Прим. ред.

12

Древнее название Амударьи. – Прим. пер.

13

Также Виллем, Гийом, Гильом. – Прим. ред.

14

Другие варианты – «богта», «бугтак», «бугта», «бокка», «бока». – Прим. пер.

15

Градуализм – область экономики, изучающая пути и закономерности постепенного перехода экономической системы из одного состояния в другие. – Прим. ред.

16

Относящегося к мифологической реке Стикс. – Прим. ред.

17

Также Косогол, Хувсгел, Хевсгел-нуур. – Прим. пер.

18

Другое название – «Сокровенное сказание». См. примечание к заметке «От автора». В переводе сохраняется название автора «Тайная история», поскольку в английском и русском вариантах имеются расхождения.

19

Воанергес – «сыновья грома» – прозвище, данное Иисусом сыновьям Зеведея – Иоанну и Иакову за их силу, страстность, горячность. – Прим. ред.

20

Унгираты – также хонгираты, хунгираты, кунграты, конгираты, онгираты. – Прим. пер.

21

В «Сокровенном сказании» эти слова произносит один из предводителей тайджиутов, откочевавших и бросивших Оэлун с детьми (§ 72). – Прим. пер.

22

Отсутствующие всегда неправы (фр.).

23

Неожиданная развязка, сенсация, трюк (фр.).

1

Le Strange, Baghdad pp. 264–283.

2

Wiet, Baghdad pp. 118–119.

3

Broadhurst, Travels of Ibn Jumayr p. 234.

4

Wiet, Baghdad pp. 122–127.

5

JB ii pp. 618–640.

6

Morgan, Mongols pp. 129–135.

7

For the Ismailis see Lewis, Assassins; Daftary, Ismailis; Hodgson, Secret Order of Assassins.

8

RT ii pp. 487–490.

9

RT ii pp. 491–493.

10

Spuler, History of the Mongols pp. 115–119.

11

Sicker, Islamic World in Asendancy p. 111; Meri, Medieval Islamic Civilization p. 510.

12

Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte Wassafs pp. 68–71; Le Strange, Baghdad.

13

Spuler, History of the Mongols pp. 120–121.

14

RT ii pp. 494–499.

15

MacLeod, Library of Alexandria p. 71.

16

Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte Wassafs pp. 72–75.

17

Wiet, Baghdad pp. 164–165.

18

Somogyi, Joseph de, A Qasida on the Destruction of Baghdad by the Mongols,’ Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 7 (1933) pp. 41–48.

19

Spuler, History of the Mongols pp. 125–164. There is an interesting article, comparing Hulagu’s sack of Baghdad with the U.S. destruction of the city some 750 years later, by Ian Frazier, ‘Annals of History: Invaders: Destroying Baghdad,’ in the New Yorker, 25 April 2005.

20

For the ‘world island’ and the ‘heartland’ theory see H. J. Mackinder, ‘The Geographical Pivot of History,’ The Geographical Journal 23 (1904) pp. 421–437; Pascal Venier, ‘The Geographical Pivot of History and Early Twentieth-Century Geopolitical Culture,’ The Geographical Journal 170 (2004) pp. 330–336.

21

Lattimore, Studies in Frontier History pp. 241–258.

22

Robert N. Taafe, ‘The Geographical Setting,’ in Sinor, Cambridge History pp. 19–40.

23

A good introduction to the ‘stans’ is Rashid, Jihad.

24

For this view see Cable & French, The Gobi Desert.

25

Rene Grousset, The Empire of the Steppes p. xxii had a theory that along the south-north axis trade went south and migration went north.

26

For the Altai and Tarbaghatai see Taafe, ‘The Geographical Setting’ in Sinor, Cambridge History pp. 24–25, 40. Cf also Jackson & Morgan, Rubruck p. 166.

27

Stewart, In the Empire p. 132: ‘Sometimes the forest cuts deeply into the steppe as, for example, does the famous Utken forest on the slopes of the Kangai; sometimes the steppe penetrates northward, as do the Khakass steppes in the upper reaches of the Yenisei or the broad trans-Baikal steppe’; Gumilev, Imaginary Kingdom p. 18.

28

Mount Burqan Qaldun has been tentatively identified as Mount Khenti Khan in the Great Khenti range in north-eastern Mongolia (48° 50’ N, 109° E): Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 229; Hue, High Road in Tartary pp. 123–127.

29

Stewart, In The Empire p. 159. Cf also Bull, Around the Sacred Sea.

30

Owen Lattimore, ‘Return to China’s Northern Frontier,’ The Geographical Journal 139 (June 1973) pp. 233–242.

31

For various accounts see Cable & French, Gobi Desert; Man, Gobi; Younghusband, Heart of a Continent; Thayer, Walking the Gobi.

32

Stewart, In The Empire p. 153.

33

Nairne, Gilmour p. 74.

34

De Windt, From Pekin to Calais p. 107.

35

De Windt, From Pekin to Calais p. 103.

36

De Windt, From Pekin to Calais pp. 134–35.

37

Lattimore, Inner Asian Frontiers p. 12.

38

Severin, In Search of Genghis Khan p. 18.

39

Dawson, Mongol Mission pp. 5–6.

40

Barfield, Perilous Frontier pp. 22–23.

41

Asimov & Bosworth, History of Civilizations, iv part 2 pp. 275–276.

42

Gumilev, Imaginary Kingdom pp. 62–63.

43

For the Amur river see Du Halde, Description geographique; M. A. Peschurof, ‘Description of the Amur River in Eastern Asia,’ Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society 2 (1857–58).

44

For the Amur as the traditional boundary between Russia and China see Kerner, The Urge to the Sea; Stephan, Sakhalin.

45

Gumilev, Imaginary Kingdom p. 87; Asimov & Bosworth, History of Civilizations, iv part 2 p. 280.

46

Joseph F. Fletcher, ‘The Mongols: Ecological and Social Perspectives,’ in Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 46 (1986) pp. 11–50 (at p. 13), repr. in Fletcher, Studies on Chinese and Islamic Inner Asia.

47

For all these distinctions see (amid a vast literature) Cribb, Nomads esp. pp. 19–20, 84–112; Forde, Habitat p. 396; Johnson, Nature of Nomadism pp. 18–19; Blench, Pastoralism pp. 11–12; Helland, Five Essays.

48

R. & N. Dyson-Hudson ‘Nomadic Pastoralism,’ Annual Review of Anthropology 9 (1980) pp. 15–61.

49

Krader, Social Organisation pp. 282–283.

50

Barfield, Perilous Frontier pp. 22–23.

51

Jagchid & Hyer, Mongolia’s Culture pp. 20–26.

52

Barfield, Perilous Frontier pp. 23–24.

53

Elizabeth Bacon, ‘Types of Pastoral Nomadism in Central and South-West Asia,’ Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 10 (1954) pp. 44–68.

54

Lawrence Krader, ‘The Ecology of Central Asian Pastoralism,’ Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 11 (1955) pp. 301–326.

55

To say nothing of permafrost. Owen Lattimore established that near Yakutsk the permafrost penetrated the soil to a depth of 446 feet (Lattimore, Studies in Frontier History p. 459).

56

Barfield, Perilous Frontier p. 20.

57

D. L. Coppock, D. M. Swift and J. E. Elio, ‘Livestock Feeding Ecology and Resource Utilisation in a Nomadic Pastoral Ecosystem,’ Journal of Applied Ecology 23 (1986) рр. 573–583.

58

Lattimore, Mongol Journeys p. 165.

59

Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 711.

60

V A. Riasanovsky, Fundamental Principles p. 20; Hyland, Medieval Warhorse p. 126.

61

Buell, Historical Dictionary p. 242.

62

Barfield, Perilous Frontier p. 21.

63

Dawson, The Mongol Mission pp. 98–100.

64

Richard, Simon de St Quentin pp. 40–41.

65

Buell, Historical Dictionary p. 156.

66

Lattimore, Inner Asian Frontiers p. 168; Mongol Journeys p. 198.

67

C. Buchholtz, ‘True Cattle (Genus Bos),’ in Parker, Grzimek’s Encyclopedia, v pp. 386–397; Mason, Evolution pp. 39–45; D. M. Leslie & G. M. Schaller, ‘Bos Grunniens and Bos Mutus,’ Mammalian Species 36 (2009) pp. 1–17.

68

Seth, From Heaven Lake p. 107.

69

Jackson & Morgan, Rubruck p. 158; Yule & Cordier, The Book of Ser Marco Polo i pp. 277–279.

70

Burnaby, Ride; the tradition continues to this day. The noted traveller Tim Severin described a 400-strong herd as ‘a constantly bawling, groaning, squealing, defecating troop’ (Severin, In Search of Genghis Khan p. 22).

71

Bulliet, Camel p. 30.

72

Peter Grubb, ‘Order Artiodactyla,’ in Wilson & Reeder, Mammal Species (2005) i pp. 637–722; Irwin, Camel pp. tor, 143,161; Bulliet, Camel pp. 143, 227.

73

Irwin, Camel pp. 142–143; E. H. Schafer, ‘The Camel in China down to the Mongol Dynasty,’ Sinologica 2 (1950) pp. 165–194, 263–290.

74

Wilson & Reeder, Animal Species p. 645; Lattimore, Mongol Journeys pp. 147–163; Gavin Hanby, Central Asia p. 7; De Windt, From Pekin to Calais pp. 128–129; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches i pp. 150–151.

75

Irwin, Camel pp. 53, 176–177; De Windt, From Pekin pp. 109, 128; Hue, High Road in Tartary pp. 132–133.

76

Boyd & Houpt, Przewalski’s Horse. Whereas most wild horses are feral (previously domesticated), the Przewalski’s horse is truly wild (Tatjana Kavar & Peter Dove, ‘Domestication of the Horse; Genetic Relationships between Domestic and Wild Horses,’ Livestock Science 116 (2008) pp. 1–14; James Downs, ‘The Origin and Spread of Riding in the Near East and Central Asia,’ American Anthropologist 63 (1961) pp. 1193–1230).

77

Lattimore, Inner Asian Frontiers p. 168; White, Medieval Technology pp. 15–17.

78

Hendrick, Horse Breeds p. 287; Neville, Traveller’s History p. 14; Severin, In Search of Genghis Khan p. 50.

79

S. Jagchid & C. R. Bawden, ‘Some Notes on the Horse Policy of the Yuan Dynasty,’ Central Asiatic Journal 10 (1965) pp. 246–265 (at pp. 248–250).

80

Carruthers, Unknown Mongolia ii p. 133.

81

Gumilev, Imaginary Kingdom p. 120.

82

Lattimore, Mongol Journeys p. 193: Jagchid & Bawden, ‘Horse Policy,’ pp. 248–250.

83

H. Desmond Martin, ‘The Mongol Army,’ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1 (1943) pp. 46–85.

84

Hyland, Medieval Warhorse p. 129.

85

Hyland, Medieval Warhorse p. 131.

86

De Windt, From Pekin p. 112.

87

Hyland, Medieval Warhorse pp. 133–134.

88

Waugh, Marco Polo p. 57.

89

Hyland, Medieval Warhorse p. 130. In any case, ‘Keeping all males entire would have led to absolute chaos in the droves of horses that travelled as back-up mounts in a Mongol army’ (ibid. p. 129).

90

Hyland, Medieval Warhorse p. 130.

91

Jagchid & Bawden, ‘Horse Policy,’ p. 249–250.

92

Asimov & Bosworth, History of Civilizations iv part 2 p. 282. There are 153 species of mammals, 105 species of fish and 79 of reptiles. The number of bird species is disputed, depending on technical arguments over taxonomy, but is usually assessed as between 459 and 469.

93

Lattimore, Mongol Journeys p. 165.

94

For the many Mongol encounters with lions see Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches i pp. 31, 148–149; ii pp. 134, 265–266, 270, 293, 295. The Mongols sometimes hunted lions (Lane, Daily Life p. 17). Bretschneider (i p. 116) mentions a Mongol lion hunt in which ten lions were killed.

95

JB ii p. 613.

96

Wilson & Reeder, Mammal Species p. 548; Helmut Henner, ‘Uncia uncia,’ Mammalian Species 20 (1972) pp. 1–5; Sunquist, Wild Cats рр. 377–394; Buell, Historical Dictionary p. 119.

97

Jackson & Morgan, Ruhruck p. 142; Pelliot, Recherches sur les Chretiens pp. 91–92; Rockhill, Land of the Lamas pp. 157–158. The quote is from De Windt, From Pekin p. 114.

98

Wilson & Reeder, Mammal Species pp. 754–818; Lattimore, Mongol Journeys pp. 256–258; Severin, Search pp. 219–220.

99

Asimov & Bosworth, History of Civilizations iv part 2 p. 286; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches i pp. 98, 130; Lattimore, Mongol Journeys p. 170.

100

Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i pp. 31, 128,143–145; ii р. 250.

101

De Windt, From Pekin p. 146, 220; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches ii p. 192; Hue, High Road pp. 43–44; Lattimore, Mongoljoumeys p. 166.

102

Skelton, Marston & Painter, Vinland Map p. 86.

103

Jackson & Morgan, Rubruck p. 89.

104

Dawson, Mongol Mission pp. 6–7.

105

Blake & Frye, Grigor of Akanc p. 295.

106

Lane, Daily Life.

107

Dawson, Mongol Mission p. 18; Jackson & Morgan, Rubruck p. 89.

108

Schuyler Cammann, ‘Mongol Costume, Historical and Recent,’ in Sinor, Aspects pp. 157–166.

109

Dawson, Mongol Mission pp. 7–8; Jackson & Morgan, Rubruck p. 89; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches i pp. 52–53; Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither (1866 ed.) ii p. 222; Arthur Waley, Travels of an Alchemist p. 67.

110

Jackson & Morgan, Rubruck pp. 72–73; Waley, Travels op. cit. p. 66; Schuyler Cammann, ‘Mongol dwellings, with special reference to Inner Mongolia,’ in Sinor, Aspects pp. 17–22; Jagchid & Hyer, Mongolia’s Culture pp. 62–67; cf also Torvald Faegne, Tents.

111

Dawson, Mongol Mission p. 17.

112

Jackson & Morgan, Rubruck pp. 79, 84; JB i p. 21; J. A. Boyle, ‘Kirakos of Ganjak on the Mongols,’ Central Asiatic Journal 8 (1963); Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora iv. pp. 76–77, 388; vi p. 77; d’Ohsson, Histoire.

113

Gregory G. Guzman, ‘Reports of Mongol Cannibalism in the 13th Century in Latin Sources: Oriental Fact or Western Fiction?’ in Westrem, Discovering New Worlds pp. 31–68; L. Hambis, ‘L’histoire des Mongols avant Genghis-khan d’apres les sources chinoises et mongoles, et la documentation conservee par Rasid-al-Din,’ Central Asiatic Journal 14 (1970) pp. 125–133 (atp. 129).

114

Jackson & Morgan, Rubruck pp. 76, 80–83,175; Dawson, Mongol Mission pp. 16–17; Pelliot, Notes sur Marco Polo i p. 240; Yule & Cordier, Ser Marco Polo i pp. 259–260; Hildinger, Story of the Mongols (1966) p. 17.

115

Boyle, ‘Kirakos of Ganjak,’ p. 21; Hildinger, Story p. 17; d’Ohsson, Histoire ii pp. 59, 86,107, 204.

116

Jackson & Morgan, Rubruck p. 108.

117

Joseph F. Fletcher, ‘The Mongols: Ecological and Social Perspectives,’ p. 14.

118

Walter Goldschmidt, ‘A General Model for Pastoral Social Systems,’ in Equipe Ecologie, Pastoral Production and Society pp. 15–27.

119

Joseph F. Fletcher, ‘The Mongols: Ecological and Social Perspectives,’ pp. 39–42.

120

Christian, History of Russia i pp. 81–85.

121

For Carpini’s allegations see Dawson, Mongol Mission pp. 17–18.

122

For Carpini’s allegations see Dawson, Mongol Mission p. 103; Jackson & Morgan, Rubruck p. 91.

123

Vladimirtsov, Le regime social p. 35.

124

Cribb, Nomads (1991) p. 18.

125

RT i pp. 113–120; SHC pp. 1–10.

126

Gumilev, Imaginary Kingdom p. 89.

127

SHC p. 11; Louis Hambis, ‘L’Histoire des Mongols avant Genghis-khan’ Central Asiatic Journal 14 (1970) pp. 125–133; Franke & Twitchett, Cambridge History p. 330; Vladimirtsov, Life of Genghis p. n.

128

Lattimore, ‘The Geographical Factor,’ The Geographical Journal 91 (1938) pp. 14–15; Lattimore, Studies in Frontier History (1962) pp. 241–258. For the Uighurs see Mackerras, Uighur Empire.

129

RT i pp. 120–123; SHC p. 11; Rachewiltz, Commentary pp. 296, 316; Buell, Dictionary pp. 105, 218, 229.

130

Gumilev, Imaginary Kingdom pp. 94–95. For a lucid overall survey see Fletcher, Studies pp. 12–13.

131

For the Naiman see RT i pp. 67–70; Hambis, Gengis Khan pp. 7–22; Wittfogel & Feng, Liao p. 50; S. Murayama, ‘Sind die Naiman Turken oder Mongolen?’ Central Asiatic Journal 4 (1959) pp. 188–198; Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 215–221, 299–311; Roemer et al, History of the Turkic Peoples; W Barthold, ‘12 Vorlesungen iiber die Geschichte der Turken Mittelasiens,’ in Die Welt des Islams 17 (1935) p. 151.

132

The Kereit have attracted a lot of attention. RT i pp. 61–67; Togan, Flexibility and Limitation, esp. pp. 60–67; D. M. Dunlop, ‘The Kerait of Eastern Asia,’ Bulletin of the School of Oriental and Ajrican Studies 11 (1944) pp. 276–289; Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 207–209; Erica D. Hunter, ‘The conversion of the Keraits to Chrstianity in ad 1007,’ Zentralasiatische Studien 22 (1991) pp. 142–163.

133

RT i pp. 43–55; Wittfogel & Feng, Liao pp. 101–102, 528, 573–598; Togan, Flexibility pp. 66–68; Louis Hambis, ‘Survivances de toponymes de l’epoque mongole en Haute Asie,’ in Melanges de sinologie ojferts a Monsieur Paul Demieville, Bibliotheque de I’lnstitut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, 20 (1974) pp. 19–41 (at pp. 26–29); S. G. Kljastornys, ‘Das Reich der Tartaren in der Zeit von Cinggis Khan,’ Central Asiatic Journal 36 (1992) pp. 72–83; Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 2–9.

134

RT i pp. 52–54; JB i p. 63; Pelliot & Hambis Campagnes pp. 227–228, 271–278.

135

RT i pp. 125–129; SHC p. n; Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan pp. 9–10. But some sceptics say the insults allegedly offered by Qabul on these occasions should not be taken literally but read allegorically as indicating the generally poor state of Mongol-Jin relations (see Grousset, Empire of the Steppes p. 197).

136

Barfield, Perilous Frontier p. 183.

137

Asimov & Bosworth, History of Civilizations iv part 1 p. 246. But see the contrary case argued in N. Iszamc, ‘L’etat feodal mongol et les conditions de sa formation,’ Etudes Mongoles 5 (1974) pp. 127–130.

138

Louis Hambis, ‘Un episode mal connu de l’histoire de Gengis khan,’ Journal des Savants (January-March 1975) pp. 3–46.

139

Tamura Jitsuzo, ‘The Legend of the Origin of the Mongols and Problems Concerning their Migration,’ Acta Asiatica 24 (1973) pp. 9–13; Barthold, Turkestan (1928) p. 381; Paul Pelliot, ‘Notes sur le “Turkestan” de W Barthold,’ T’oung Pao 27 (1930) pp. 12–56 (at p. 24).

140

RT i p. 130; Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 132–133; Grousset, Empire p. 198. Ambaghai was taking his daughter to marry into the Ayiru’ut Buiru’ut sept, one of the subtribes of the Tartars. It is interesting that the practice of exogamy was so deeply ingrained with the Mongols that the Tayichiud would consider a match with the Tartars, their greatest enemies (Vladimirtsov, Le regime social pp. 58–59). Another version of the ambush is that it was not the intended bridegroom and family who betrayed him, but Tartar mercenaries (juyin) employed as gendarmes by the Jin who set the ambuscade (Rachewiltz, Commentary pp. 300–301).

141

Grousset, Empire pp. 194, 200.

142

Erdmann, Temudschin (1862) pp. 194–230.

143

Vladimirtsov, Le regime social pp. 89–92.

144

d’Ohsson, Histoire i p. 33.

145

RT i pp. 130–131.

146

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan p. 12; Barfield, Perilous Frontier p. 184.

147

RT i p. 132; SHC pp. 11–13.

148

Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 320.

149

Gumilev, Imaginary Kingdom p. 140.

150

Vladimirtsov; Life of Genghis p. 12; Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan pp. 15–16; Olbricht 8i Pinks, Meng-tapei-lup. 3.

151

SHO pp. 127–128; SHR pp. 74–75; Togan, Flexibility pp. 68–69.

152

SHO pp. 127–128; SHR pp. 74–75; Togan, Flexibility pp. 69–70.

153

The Tanguts had an unfortunate habit of supporting all the losers on the steppes (Khazanov, Nomads pp. 234–236).

154

Togan, Flexibility pp. 70–72.

155

K. Uray-Kohalmi, ‘Siberische Parallelen zur Ethnographie der geheimen Geschichte der Mongolen,’ in Ligeti, Mongolian Studies pp. 247–264 (at pp. 262–263).

156

L. V Clark, ‘The Theme of Revenge in the Secret History of the Mongols,’ in Clark & Draghi, Aspects of Altaic Civilization рр. 33–57; Clark, ‘From the Legendary Cycle of Cinggis-gayan: The Story of an Encounter with 300 Yayichiud from the Allan Tobci,’ Mongolian Studies 5 (1979) рр. 5–39 (at pp. 37–38).

157

RT i p. 134; SHC pp. 11–13.

158

Rachewiltz says that the name of this earlier wife ‘cannot be determined despite many scholarly efforts’ (Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 313). Ratchnevsky, however, (Genghis Khan pp. 15–16, 224) is adamant that her name was Suchigu or Suchikel, sometimes referred to as Ko’agchin.

159

For the Ongirrad subclan as Hoelun’s home see Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 402–409; Vladimirtsov Le regime social pp. 58–59. The Buriyat have generated a considerable literature. See Lattimore, Mongols of Manchuria p. 61; Atwood, Encyclopedia p. 61; Eric Haenisch, Die Geheime Geschichte p. 112; Elena Skubuik, ‘Buryat,’ in Hahnunen, Mongolian Languages pp. 102–128; Lincoln, Conquest pp. 51–52; West, Encyclopedia (2009) pp. 132–133. Travellers’ tales on the Buriyat include Sharon Hudgins, ‘Feasting with the Buriats of Southern Siberia,’ in Walker, Food on the Move pp. 136–156; Curtin, A Journey; Matthiessen, Baikal.

160

Rashid’s date of 1155 was followed by the early twentieth-century Russian historians Vladimirtsov and Barthold. Pelliot, always a contrarian, proposes the impossibly late date of 1167 (Pelliot, Notes sur Marco Polo i pp. 281–288). But the best authorities such as Rachewiltz and Ratchnevsky plump for 1162. See the detailed argumentation in Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan pp. 17–19; Rachewiltz, Commentary pp. 320–321.

161

Rachewiltz, Commentary pp. 269, 272, 322–324.

162

SHC p. 14; Pelliot, Notes sur Marco Polo i pp. 288–289; Dunnell, Chinggis Khan p. 21 remarks that this was apt for a child of destiny.

163

Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 322.

164

RT i p. 135; Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 171–175.

165

RT i p. 106; Gumilev, Imaginary Kingdom p. 142. For the game of knucklebones they played see Jean-Paul Roux, ‘A propos des osselets de Gengis Khan,’ in Heissig et al, Tractata Altaica pp. 557–568. Cf also F. N. David, Games, Gods and Gambling p. 2.

166

Vladimirtsov Le regime social op. cit. p. 76; Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes p. 232; Wittfogel & Feng, Liao p. 239.

167

Ratchnevsky, ‘La condition de la femme mongole au 12/13е siecle,’ in Heissig et al, Tractata Altaica pp. 509–530.

168

Togan, ‘The Qongrat in History/ in-Pfeiffer & Quinn, History and Historiography pp. 61–83; Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 393, 402–405; Wittfogel & Feng, Liao pp. 92, 634.

169

SHC p. 15; SHW p. 243; Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 423–429.

170

Togan, ‘The Qongrat in History/ p. 74.

171

Henry Serruys, ‘Two Remarkable Women in Mongolia,’ Asia Major 19 (1957) pp. 191–245.

172

Mostaert, Sur quelques passages pp. 10–12.

173

SHC p. 17.

174

Riasanovsky, Fundamental Principles p. 239.

175

Zhao, Marriage as Political Strategy p. 4.

176

SHR p. 14; Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan p. 14. Dai Sechen’s dream was full of symbolism, especially as regards shading, since white was regarded as a lucky colour by the Mongols (Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 328).

177

Togan, Flexibility pp. 121–125.

178

L. V Clark, ‘The Theme of Revenge,’ pp. 33–57.

179

SHC p. 18.

180

Silvestre de Sacy, Chrestomathie arabe ii p. 162.

181

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan p. 22.

182

Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 344.

183

RT i p. 133.

184

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan p. 22.

185

May, Mongol Conquests p. 266.

186

SHC p. 22; Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan pp. 20, 24.

187

Rachewiltz, Commentary pp. 346–347.

188

RT i p. 138.

189

Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 185–187.

190

Roux, La mort pp. 92–96.

191

SHC pp. 23–24.

192

SHC p. 25; SHR pp. 23–24.

193

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan pp. 25–26.

194

RT i pp. 93–94; SHC pp. 25–26.

195

SHC pp. 27–28; SHO pp. 70–71.

196

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan p. 26.

197

SHC p. 29; SHO p. 73.

198

SHO pp. 73–74; SHR pp. 26–27.

199

SHO p. 75; SHW p. 252.

200

SHC pp. 30–31.

201

SHO pp. 75–76. For the subsequent career of Bo’orchu, who seems to have died in 1227, roughly the same time as Genghis himself, see Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 342–360.

202

Riasanovsky, Fundamental Principles p. 90.

203

Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 411–414; Vladimirtsov, Le regime social pp. 58–59.

204

RT i pp. 80–89.

205

Krader, Social Organization pp. 39, 89 is the source for this. In the kind of language beloved of academic anthropologists he tells us that Temujin’s marriage was an example of matrilateral cross-cousin marriage (ibid, p. 344).

206

Rachewiltz, Commentary pp. 391–392.

207

RT i p. 93.

208

SHO pp. 79–81; SHR pp. 31–32; SHW p. 256.

209

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan p. 34.

210

JB i pp. 187–188; Boyle, Successors p. 31.

211

SHC pp. 34–38.

212

Gumilev, Imaginary Kingdom p. 143. On the other hand, it has been argued strongly that the Merkit raid is not historical but a folkloric trope, a perennial motif in epic poetry about the theft of women, whether of Europa by Zeus, Helen by Paris or the Princess Sita’s seizure in the Hindu epic Ramayana. The raid is one of the prime exhibits in H. Okada, ‘The Secret History of the Mongols, a Pseudo-historical Novel, Journal of Asian and African Studies 5 (1972) pp. 61–67 (at р. 63). But the theory is unconvincing if only because it makes Chagatai’s later violent hostility to Jochi on the grounds of his illegitimacy impossible to fathom.

213

Togan, Flexibility p. 73; Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 250, 401.

214

Mostaert, Sur quelques passages p. 32.

215

Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 279–281; Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 421.

216

SHC pp. 38–39.

217

SHO pp. 91–92; SHR p. 41; Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 428.

218

SHC pp. 43–47. As Ratchnevsky tersely comments: ‘Rashid’s version is implausible’ (Genghis Khan p. 35).

219

SHC pp. 39–42.

220

RT i p. 107.

221

RT i pp. 107–108.

222

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan p. 36.

223

SHO pp. 85–87; SHR рр. 35–36.

224

SHO pp. 87–90; SHR pp. 37–39; Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 417.

225

Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 435.

226

SHC pp. 52–53; SHO pp. 95–96; SHR pp. 44–45; SHW p. 262.

227

V V Bartold, ‘Chingis-Khan,’ in Encyclopaedia of Islam (1st ed., repr. 1968 v pp. 615–628 (at p. 617)); Vladimirtsov, Le regime social pp. 107–108; Vladimirtsov, Genghis Khan p. 130.

228

Grousset, Conqueror of the World p. 67.

229

SHO pp. 96–97; SHR pp. 44–46.

230

Vladimirtsov, Le regime social pp. 105–107.

231

As Rachewiltz sagely remarks, ‘If neither Temujin nor his wife could understand Jamuga’s poetic riddle, what hope have we, who are so far removed from that culture, to understand what was the real meaning of those words?’ (Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 442).

232

Owen Lattimore, ‘Chingis Khan and the Mongol Conquests,’ Scientific American 209 (1963) pp. 55–68 (at p. 62); Lattimore, ‘Honor and Loyalty: the case of Temujin and Jamukha,’ in Clark & Draghi, Aspects pp. 127–138 (at p. 133).

233

Grousset, Empire pp. 201–202; Gumilev, Imaginary Kingdom pp. 143–145.

234

The numbers mentioned in the Secret History are unreliable for a number of reasons: 1) the author embellished with poetic licence and routinely inflated the size of armies; 2) the author anachronistically projected back into the twelfth century names, titles, technologies and modalities that belonged to an era fifty years in the future; 3) numbers in Mongol histories have a mystical or symbolic significance and therefore cannot be taken seriously for historical research. See Larry Moses, ‘Legends by Numbers: the symbolism of numbers in the Secret History of the Mongols,’ Asian Folklore Studies 55 (1996) pp. 73–97 and Moses, ‘Triplicated Triplets: the Number Nine in the Secret History of the Mongols,’ Asian Folklore Studies 45 (1986) pp. 287–294.

235

For exhaustive detail on the Thirteen see Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 35–37, 53–135. See also Louis Ligeti, ‘Une ancienne interpolation dans I’Altan Tobci,’ Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 26 (1972) pp. 1–10.