Flight Of The Old Dog

WASHINGTON, D.C

"Where the hell is he?" Curtis asked Jack Pledgeman, the President's press secretary, who was trying to ignore the four star general.

"He's late," Curtis said, loud enough for everyone in the White House Conference Room to hear. Fortunately, the only ones who paid any attention were members of the President's immediate staff and Cabinet who were quite accustomed to Curtis' outbursts. The two dozen cameramen and technicians, Fill, putting in final touches to their extensive camera and lighting gear, were too intent on their work to notice. And the members of the White House press corps and other correspondents were outside, hoping to corral the President in the hallway for one on-one questions before the scheduled morning Cabinet photo session.

Curtis punched a palm in irritation. "When he hears what-" "Dammit, General, keep it down," Pledgeman interrupted.

"Those tapes are rolling over there."

"They won't be-" "I asked you to-" Pledgemen didn't get to finish. At that instant, the President strode quickly into the room. The men and women at the large oblong conference table rose to their feet. The President was followed closely by a tight knot of reporters and correspondents. Cameras and lights clicked on and filled the room with a buzz.

The President brushed deep, thick brown hair from his forehead and waved toward the seats. "Thank you, ladies and gentlemen, take your seats. "Nobody sat down until the President had stepped over the yards of sound and light cables taped to the rich carpeting and reached his executive's chair.

A bright floodlight snapped on directly in front of the President, right over the Secretary of Health and Human Services' head. "If you don't mind?" the President said, scowling at the light. "You're going to fry one of my people."

The light was immediately extinguished. The President nodded his thanks, removed his half-lens Ben Franklin glasses, and wiped them with a handkerchief. Pledgernan quietly admonished the photographer and pointed to a twelve-inchsquare opening in a distant corner where he could set up his camera.

"Quite a crowd today, eh, Jack?" the President said to his press secretary. Pledgeman nodded. The President replaced his glasses on his nose and looked over his agenda for the meeting, a shortened and mostly staged version of a formal Cabinet meeting.

A network television anchorwoman, microphone in hand, was stepping quickly into the place vacated by the cameraman.

General Curtis steered himself around her, maneuvered around the backs of the chairs occupied by the Secretary of State and the Secretary of Defense, and finally made his way to the President's side. He arrived just as the anchorwoman took one last glance at her notes and smiled at the President. She, not Curtis, had the President's full attention.

"Mr. President, before we get started, I'd like to ask you-" Simultaneously, Curtis bent down between the Secretary of Defense, Thomas Preston, and the President. He said in a halfwhisper, "Mr. President, I have some important developments that can't wait.

The President, eyes drawn to the attractive Oriental newswoman, scarcely noticed Curtis. The general's deep voice interrupted the woman's question.

Pledgernan, on the alert for this sort of embarrassing scene, stepped between the newswoman and the Secretary of Agriculture at the conference table.

"Problem, General?" Pledgeman asked quietly.

General Curtis leaned closer to the President. "Sir, I must speak with you immediately. There are new developments at that… power facility we talked about.

"After the Cabinet meeting," Pledgeman said.

Curtis hesitated.

"Wilbur, it has to wait," the President finally said."is it an immediate emergency?"

Everyone watched Curtis. No one knew exactly what an "immediate" emergency was, but it would be plastered all over page one of every newspaper in the country if he said yes. "Coming directly from the chairman of the Joint Chiefs, the classification "immediate emergency" ould mean only one thing. He'd have some tough explaining to do.

"It'll have to wait, General," Pledgernan said, repeating the President's words. "We must get started here."

"I'll be in my office as soon as I'm through here, General," the President said as Curtis was ushered out by one of Pledgeman's associates.

As the door to the conference room slammed behind him, Curtis turned on his aide.

"Colonel Wyatt, you will stand here and wait for the President. The instant he comes out of that room, you are to confront him and remind him that I am waiting for him in the Oval Office. Tell him that it is now a matter of national security. Don't speak with anyone else but the President. If Pledgeman or anyone else tells you differently, you have a direct order from me to bust him in the chops. All clear?"

Wyatt, amazed at his boss' behavior, nodded and watched as the general marched down the corridor.

"It's incredible. Absolutely incredible."

The President of the United States stared out the window of the White House Oval Office, making the announcement to the gently falling flakes of snow outside. General Wilbur Curtis collected the sheaves of notes and computer printouts, glanced at the Secretary of Defense, Thomas Preston, and sat down.

Secretary of State Marshall Brent stood at the opposite side of the President's cherry desk, looking over copies of the intelligence analysis Kenneth Mitchell, the CIA director, had shown the President.

United Nations Ambassador Gregory Adams sat on a couch, seething as he thought of Karmarov's apparent duplicity at the Security Council session.

"Merry goddamn Christmas," the President muttered.

For the first time in months, Curtis felt a huge weight lift off his shoulders. He's finally beginning to believe me, Curtis thought. It had taken the deaths of twelve men and women and the loss of a billion dollars worth of military hardware, plus the new evidence in hand.

"But how can we be sure that this is an orbiting mirror, General?" the President asked over his shoulder, not bothering to turn away from the window. He was holding an eleven-by-fourteen black-and-white enlargement of a large, rectangular object. The object was silvery and slightly curved, with a surface resembling a reflective quilted blanket. A thin web of girders surrounded it, along with several oblong tanks and other vessels.

"Mr. President, the evidence indicates that-" "The President asked you a specific question, General," Tom Preston interrupted. "How can we be sure?"

"We can't be sure, Mr. President," Curtis asked. "That photo could be various things-solar collection panels, solar shielding but look at the facts: Our RC-135 recon plane records massive energy discharge from the Kavaznya facility.

Simultaneously, we record the destruction of a geosynchronous satellite directly over the complex in space. I believe the RC-135 was destroyed by another energy blast to keep it from reporting the data it was gathering.

"Less than two weeks later, the Lawrence intelligence vessel we sent over there to monitor the site records another massive energy blast from the Kavaznya site. Seconds later, the third stage of our Midgetman missile prematurely ignites and we are forced to destroy it.

Information from the Lawrence exactly matches the data on the blast that we received from the RC-135 before we lost contact-" Secretary of Defense Preston interrupted. "So how does that prove there's an orbiting mirror, General Curtis?"

"Before the energy blast, the Lawrence reported unusual data signals being transmitted from the Kavaznya radar," Curtis went on. "Their information is still being analyzed, but the experts on the Lawrence have described data transmissions between the radar at Kavaznya and two Soviet satellites in Earth orbit.

"They believe the first satellite was furnishing position data to Kavaznya during the time that the Midgetman missile was in the boost phase. The Kavaznya radar was tracking a second satellite and was also furnishing steering signals to it. Such sophisticated steering signals could be used to align a mirror on the missile.

"After the destruction of the Javelin missile was reported, I ordered a simple backtrack. Assuming a lesser blast from Kavaznya-which we didn't know at first since the Lawrence's report hadn't reached us yet-and again assuming an orbiting mirror, we computed all the possible points where a mirror would have to be placed to hit the Javelin, and used our Spacetrack optical space tracking telescope at Pulmosan, South Korea to photograph those sections of the sky.

"You have the result, sir," Curtis said, forcing down his anger. To be fair, he told himself, it wasn't that the President did not believe him — he didn't want to believe him. "The mirror is one hundred and fifty feet long, seventy feet wide. It is attached to the underside of Salyut Nineteen, which has been in orbit for almost a year. The satellite has docking bays, large fuel tanks, and small crew quarters although we do not believe it's manned.

Brent motioned to the President, who passed the photograph to him.

He examined it quickly.

"I assume your experts analyzed this photo for you, General?" Brent asked.

"Yes. Why?"

"Because to the untrained layman's eyes, this could be a photograph of anything," Brent asked. "Any satellite. An aircraft.

"But it's not-" "It could even be faked?" Brent was testing, which he considered his job.

"Do you want me to send a Shuttle full of U.N. members up with Brownies to take snapshots?"

Brent started to reply but was cut off by the President.

"General, I think I believe your analysis," the President said unhappily. "But who is going to believe such a thing exists?

And we risk much by accusing the Soviet Union of murder The President turned to Kenneth Mitchell. "Kenneth, you said you had information on that site. Can you give it to me now?"

"Yes, sir. "The Director of the CIA nodded to an aide, who stood nervously and faced the President.

"Analysis of data from the missing RC-135 aircraft as well as information obtained from the Lawrence has been completed. Much of it is still speculative, sir."

"Go on," the President said irritably.

"Most of our analysis centers around the nuclear power facility, sir.

They have built what appears to be a five hundred megawatt facility in the middle of nowhere, without any associated power transmission facilities such as transformers or transmission towers nearby.

Therefore, the power plant is at the exclusive disposal of the complex itself. The complex is located on the northeast corner of the Kamchatka peninsula, in what used to be a small fishing village. Its small supply airfield was rebuilt into a full-scale military airfield, originally for construction supply but now used as a headquarters for the site's defenses. About ten thousand people live in the area, civilian and military."

The aide shifted nervously as all eyes focused on him. "The intelligence vessel Lawrence has provided valuable data on the energy blasts reported from the complex, and we have concluded that a laser blast of approximately two or three hundred megawatts could have caused the electronic interference reported in the area and could indeed have sufficiently damaged both the Alpha Omega satellite and the Javelin missile. The power of the tracking radar could only have come from the nuclear power plant."

"Weren't we watching the construction of the facility?" the 1

President asked. "How could they build something of this magnitude and then spring it on us so suddenly?Why were we so surprised?"

"CIA and DIA have been watching the construction of Kavaznya for four years, sir," Mitchell said, "but… well, to tell the truth, sir, we really didn't think too much of their activities there. It has been impossible to get informants anywhere near the complex. We had noticed activity akin to weapons experiments or construction there, so we pegged it simply as a new weapons research facility. The powerful radar wasn't found until the RC-135 mission. We never imaginedwe had no idea that the Russians were building an antisatellite or antiballistic-missile laser there."

Are we really that arrogant," the President said to everyone in the room. "If the Americans can't do it, nobody can. Is that it?"

Mitchell was quiet for a moment, then cleared his throat and nodded to his aide to continue. The President didn't let him.

"So we are decided," the President asked, "that there exists a powerful antiballistic-missile laser device at this Kavaznya complex?"

Mitchell glanced at Preston, then at Curtis. "The data seems all but conclusive, Mr. President."

"Goddamn," the President murmured, then nodded at Mitchell's aide: "Go on."

"As I've said, the Soviets have constructed a huge power plant exclusively for use by the killer laser. They can easily pump over three hundred megawatts into their laser, and they can continue to do so shot after shot. We believe, once they've worked the kinks out-it won't be long now-that they can fire the laser at full power twice every second. Potentially, over a hundred satellites a minute."

"Or I.C.B.M warheads," the President said.

"That's only a projection, sir," Mitchell interjected. "Hitting a geosynchronous satellite is a relatively easy trick.

Besides, the Omega was only blinded-the Air Force had to push it into the atmosphere themselves because it was out of control and they were trying to retrieve it intact if possible.

That means the laser is not as powerful as we originally believed.

"And the Midgetman missile was only slightly damaged by the laser. We had to abort it," Mitchell continued. "As a matter of fact, we don't agree with General Curtis that the laser caused the missile to malfunction. There are a number of things that could have caused the premature third stage ignition-" "The laser could easily have caused it to malfunction," Curtis said.

"General, I agree it could," Mitchell said, raising a hand.

"But that's your conclusion-not the CIA: s. Finding and hitting an I.C.B.M warhead is infinitely more difficult than finding and hitting these other targets we've been talking about. The Omega the Soviets downed is several times larger than an I.C.B.M warhead, and it was stationary.

The Midgetman is another huge target, easily tracked and disabled.

Besides, it was alone-a retaliatory American I.C.B.M strike would involve hundreds of missiles and thousands of warheads. The laser might tag a few, but not many. Certainly not enough to justify the huge expense of that complex."

"What about the RC-135?"Curtis asked.

"The most vulnerable of all the targets," Mitchell said quickly.

"Slow-moving, large, and the closest to the site. And that's if the RC- 1 35 was downed by the laser-that hasn't been proved yet. "Before Curtis could object, Mitchell quickly added: "Although the CIA believes there's more than enough information to conclude that it was."

The President shook his head. "The nuclear power plant, the laser facility, the radar, and, the laser cannon. All in one tiny fishing town on the Kamchatka peninsula "Along with two squadrons of MiG-27 Fulcrums, a squadron of MiG-25 Flogger Gs, two S.A-10 surface-to-air missile sites, possibly two antiaircraft artillery sites, and early-warning radar picket ships patrolling the coast when the ice breaks up," Mitchell added. "A seagull can't get close to that site without the Soviets spotting it.

The President's frustration was etching deep furrows in his forehead and at the corners of his eyes, and he tried to massage the pain out of both. "Anything else?" he asked.

"Yes, sir," U.N. Ambassador Adams said, standing. "The United Nations Security Council session. When I accused the Soviets of firing a laser at the recon plane, Karmarov lost his usual cool and jumped down my throat denying it. But the official Soviet position remains the same-they maintain the right to protect their shores and deny launching a missile or ordering a fighter to attack the RC- 1 35.They never specifically denied shooting it down with a laser-" "That's because the idea is so unbelievable," Mitchell said, echoing the President's earlier comment. "Our Strategic Defense Initiative was called Star Wars for a reason-it was meant as a futuristic, long-range plan. We never expected to have an operational system before the turn of the century-it's even more incredible that the Soviets would have one."

"Yet the evidence unfortunately points to the contrary," Marshall Brent asked. "Mr. President, I must add my concern to that of Gregory. I have met with Ambassador Karmarov myself-" "You did?" the President asked, surprised. "When) I never heard anything about it."

"I went to his residence quite unannounced," Brent said.

"It had the desired effect-Karmarov lost his famous poker face. He all but admitted… he'd deny it, of course… that such a defensive laser device existed. I believe our meeting resulted in the Soviet's face-saving decision to enter into a 'mutual' investigation."

"Which has never taken place," Curtis asked. "They lied to us from the beginning."

Brent paused, then crossed in front of the President's desk and faced him. "Karinarov mentioned another important point, sir: If it is proven to the world that the anti-satellite laser exists, the Soviets can also prove that such a device does not violate any international treaty or agreement. It is not a space-based system like our Ice Fortress system, which violates the 1982

DeMilitarization of Space Agreement; nor is it a violation of any ABM treaty, since neither the 1972 agreement nor its 1976 amendment mention ground-based laser systems-the idea of activating such a site was many times more implausible fifteen years ago than it is today. The orbiting mirror may be a violation of the 1982 agreement-if we prove it exists, if we prove it is a mirror, and if we prove that it was used against an atmospheric or orbiting vehicle of another country-" "But then they are guilty of murder," Curtis asked. "They should be convicted of murder. We should demand the dismantling of that laser site as minimal reparation for their crime.

The Secretary of State shook his head. "We could never prove they downed the RC-135 reconnaissance plane, General, " Brent asked. "Even if we had conclusive evidence that they used their laser system to destroy a satellite and the Javelin missile, we could never prove, or convince, that they turned that laser on an unarmed aircraft. It's just too provocative an act to be believed."

There was silence in the President's office for a long time.

No one wanted to speak. Each could feel a transition taking place. It was the awful transition from disbelief and even outright denial of what had occurred, to now facing the realization that the weight of damning evidence dictated that something had to be done.

"We need options, gentlemen," the President said finally.

"There is only one option, sir," Adams asked. "The Soviets must deactivate that laser complex."

"They have absolutely no reason to do that, Gregory," Brent said quickly. "As I said before, there is no agreement between our countries prohibiting a ground-based defensive device."

"it sure as hell isn't just a defensive device, Marshall."

Brent held up a hand. "Please, Gregory. What would you argue if you were in the Soviets' shoes?Tracking error, technical malfunction, even errors in judgment on the part of some obscure bureaucrat. The bureaucrat is fired, heads roll, and the site remains open-" "And a threat," Curtis put in. "They have already seriously crippled our intercontinental ballistic missile warning capability. "He turned to the President. "Sir, the Soviets may claim it's not an offensive weapon, but as long as it's active it can always be used as one. What if they accidentally start shooting down satellites all over the hemisphere?They may agree to pay for the ones they accidentally destroy, but we're still out the satellites and the vital surveillance information they provide."

"And if they have the capability to knock down I.C.B.Ms as well.. "

the President muttered.

"They can easily neutralize one-third of our land and sea based missiles," Curtis asked. "And when our bombers try to attack, they can take pot shots at them. Hell, even turning on that radar of theirs is enough to scramble the electronics of any aircraft in the area-" "All right," the President interrupted. "Dammit, you make it sound like a preemptive strike is our only option. "He looked angrily at the men around him, settled on the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs.

"General Curtis," the President asked slowly, carefully, what is the status of your project at Dreamland?"

"Currently deactivated, per your order, Mr. President," Curtis replied. "We wanted to avoid any possible provocation during what seemed a cooling off period."

"But it can be reactivated immediately?"

"Certainly, Sir," Curtis replied. "I can see to it that the full team is reassembled.

The President hesitated, then rapped his knuckles on his desk. "Then do it.

General Curtis smiled and nodded, which ignited Marshall Brent.

"The very thought of considering a military option against the Soviets is crazy," he said, his face reddening. "I've told you, General-until current treaties and agreements are modified that complex is perfectly legal. We may demand reparation for the hardware they destroyed-and I have no doubt, when confronted with the evidence, that they will pay a reasonable amount-but we have no legal reason to attack that site.

"Reason?How about the lives of twelve innocent men and women aboard that RC-135, Mr. Brent?" General Curtis shot back. "That's reason enough for me."

"Marshall, I've authorized General Curtis to keep one special military option open-period," the President Sala.

"The time for discussion is rapidly running out. I want you to find a way to force the Soviets to deactivate that laser complex.

If the Secretary of State felt any surprise at the enormity and sheer impossibility of that task, he did not show it-he merely nodded resolutely. "It will be difficult," he said, "but it's our best hope."

Maybe our only one, he added to himself.

"We can confront the Soviets with our information," Gregory Adams said.

"Present the evidence to the United Nations, as we did during the Cuban Missile Crisis. Force world opinion to turn against them.

Convince the world that the destabilizing force of that laser system is a threat to everyone.

"You've put it well, Gregory," Brent asked. "Exactly what we must do."

"All right," the President said hopefully. "I like it.

Marshall, Greg, I'm counting on you. This can't go any further. Make sure they know we mean business."

"I have another option that may prod the Russians a bit faster toward a negotiated settlement," Curtis said. The President's smile disappeared. Marshall Brent glared at Curtis.

"Ice Fortress, " Secretary of Defense Preston asked. "ReactiVate Ice Fortress.

"Or at least threaten to reactivate it," Curtis added quickly.

"It's out of the question," Brent asked. "The 1986 ArmsReduction Treaty, which took us two long years to hammer out, strictly forbids Ice Fortress. If we bring it back, we are guilty of lying. Our credibility will go down the drain.

"Ice Fortress is the only thing we have that can even begin to match up to that laser system," Curtis argued. "Without it, we have nothing to bargain with. Why should the Russians agree to anything we want?Why should they shut down that site?Because we say 'pretty please'?"

"The Soviets won't ignore us," Brent asked. "Gregory and I will confront them in the U.N. We'll present the data you've received and challenge them to deny it. I believe that will be the last we'll hear of any laser defense site. "The President looked grim. "You're right, Marshall," he said slowly.

"We hold off with any movement on Ice Fortress.

It's not an option. Not now."

Marshall Brent looked relieved. "There will be a settlement, sir. We will end this. "And at the moment, he had managed to convince himself.

The President nodded, then swiveled around and stared wordlessly out the triple windows of the Oval Office as the others quietly filed out.