In the Shadow of Mordor

Chapter 34

Surveillance of Mark Shtayn was simplified by the fact that the man travelled between his home in Fairfax and his office in Arlington via an unchanging route. He left the house every morning at the same time, caught the same Metro train at the same time, rode it to Clarendon Station and walked the short distance from the station to his office with almost no variation. In the evening, he reversed the route. Those times he would elsewhere were often publicized, and so he could be found speaking at a university one night or attending a symposium at a Washington think tank on another. To make things even easier, his public appearances were punctiliously published on his website.

It didn’t take Olga long to figure this out, and she told Karpov she would not require assistance. Shtayn never once so much as looked over his shoulder. He felt completely invulnerable in America.

Curiosity drew her to one of Shtayn’s appearances at Georgetown University. She didn’t seek Karpov’s permission because he almost certainly would have denied it. But she wanted to see for herself why this man was such a successful anti-Russian agitator.

She arrived at the auditorium five minutes before the presentation and found a cozy spot in in the back row. The audience was an eclectic mix of students in jeans and hoodies, not so different from what she recalled of her own time at university in Moscow, well-dressed older men and women, and everything in between.

By the time the speaker was introduced, the place was about half-full. Shtayn’s lecture on the Russian-Ukrainian conflict was open to the public. Olga could see him clearly across the expanse of auditorium seats. As he took his place behind the dais the air seemed charged with electricity that tingled on her skin and caused her heart to beat faster. This was the enemy, her target, and her goal was to see him disgraced. She feared that her animosity was so great it would be noticed by Shtayn as though assaulted by a physical force.

Shtayn began, “The Russian incursion into Eastern Ukraine was carried out under the control of the Western Group of Forces — one of four strategic formations created in 2008 when the Russian Armed Forces were reorganized. At that time Moscow created the Western Group of Forces to counter NATO. The Eastern Group is to conduct operations against China. And the Southern Group against the Caucasus and Central Asia. The Central Group serves as a strategic reserve.”

Olga sucked in her breath. This is our military. How can he talk like this in enemy territory, and how does he know these things?

“The Western Group has two headquarters levels and was used in military operations in Ukraine, both in traditional and non-traditional ways. The non-traditional, for example, include airborne divisions and regiments, as well as special operations brigades. It was actually these forces that were used at the beginning of the war to destabilize Eastern Ukraine and gather intelligence on strategic targets in the region. These were the forces known as ‘little green men,’ and they were involved in the invasion and annexation of the Crimea. As for regular forces, as the incursion got underway they consisted of tank and motorized divisions that supported mechanized and armored brigades. These forces were reinforced by elements from the Central command.”

Images of men in camouflage with darkened faces and without identifying unit patches appeared on a large screen behind Shtayn, as well as tanks and other military equipment that Olga did not recognize. But she knew they were “ours.” The strength of Russian arms was being shown at a Washington university — could this be permitted?

There was a question period after the lecture, and several people raised their hands. One of them leapt up not waiting to be recognized and in a voice shaking with emotion began to speak.

Olga barely contained a laugh. She recognized Petrov who was doing his best to keep his voice calm.

“What you are saying is totally unconvincing. First of all, there is no proof that these are actually Russian soldiers. You yourself say that they have no unit designations. And as for military groups… Military formations exist throughout Europe, there are secret CIA prisons in other countries, and for some reason no indignation about that. Besides that, Russian troops had every right to be in the Crimea. The Russian Black Sea Fleet is there.”

This was getting good. Petrov was her man, and she was proud of his effort to spoil the traitor’s night.

“You talk about Russian saboteurs, but obviously not even the best prepared saboteurs could ignite a rebellion without the support and participation of the local population. Without massive support you can’t establish logistics or guarantee communications, or gather intelligence. And it goes without saying that you can’t ignite a civil war in a happy country where there is consensus and where the government has legitimacy — that’s just conspiracy theory. Try dropping some saboteurs into Finland. Such things are obvious to clear-thinking people, but not for you and your American sponsors.” Petrov finally lost his temper.

The room went quiet. Shtayn spotted Petrov with a slight grimace of disgust, as though he recognized him. But his response was restrained and dignified.

He squinted at Petrov. “You want to ask if I am aware that there were problems in Ukraine and that some citizens were pro-Russian? Of course, I’m aware. In fact, you just admitted to the entire audience that if there are contradictions in a country, then saboteurs could be effective. In other words, the existence of problems in a country, in your opinion, is sufficient basis to unleash a civil war and armed invasion. That’s your position?”

Petrov snorted loudly.

“And so,” Shtayn continued coldly, “I remind you of the fact that I passed my childhood and youth in just such a country. A country full of social contradictions that make the Maidan events look like child’s play. This country is called Russia. Do you recall the separatist tendencies in the Urals? More precisely, Sverdlovsk Oblast only demanded more local control and independence, and no one even thought about armed uprising or calling in foreign troops. The project was known as the Ural Republic, but even the weak Yeltsin government would not permit it, and nipped it in the bud. And do you know, I’m grateful that there were no egotistical cynics in America that wanted to send armed soldiers to our streets to ‘support the Ural Republic.” I know very well that Yekaterinburg would have been destroyed within a few days. At the time, the majority of Russians suffered from hunger and dreamed of living in another country, no matter where. But the States did not make matters worse, but only tried to help. And what did we get in return?”

“Help?” Petrov was screaming now and rolling his eyes. “They tried to destroy our country for ten years and nearly succeeded. They stole from her every day, broke her to pieces. If it hadn’t been for Putin…”

“Destroyed?” Shtayn’s voice was filled with irony. “Mr. Petrov, believe me, if they wanted to destroy you, they would have done it long ago.”

There was a sprinkling of laughter in the auditorium, and Olga clenched her fists.

“Immediately after the fall of the Soviet Union the remains of the KGB became tightly involved with the criminal class. You know very well that after Yeltsin it was former ‘Chekists’ who monopolized resources and power in Russia. I find it strange that against the background of an orgy of crime, banditry, so-called ‘new Russians,’ mafia gunfights and all the other unsavory realities of the ‘wild 90’s,’ you still blame it all on democratic reforms and the West. In the 90’s crime was due to people from the Soviet KGB, not young reformers. The West was not happy with this symbiosis and even suffered from it. I’ve collected a lot of information about how these ‘respectable’ vory v zakone[9] laundered their ill-gotten gains in foreign banks, all the while establishing espionage networks. The activities of their agents are directed primarily against the West to discredit and corrupt its basic institutions. If you, Mr. Petrov, should have friends in the KGB, I suggest you ask them about it.”

The laughter that greeted this remark petrified Olga with shock. That’s wrong. He can’t be right. It was a miracle that Russia survived the 90’s. The West failed then, but they would try it again.

She wanted to flee the auditorium. It became physically difficult to listen to Shtayn. But she dared not bring attention to herself. She should never have come. This was disaster.

A young female voice rang out from the audience. “Isn’t it hard for you to do this? Russia is your country. Isn’t it hard to work against her?”

To Olga’s astonishment, Shtayn did not try to justify himself or hide behind a smokescreen of pretty words to the effect that he was doing this for Russia and not against her — no false patriotism. He simply said, “Miss, have you visited any local parks?”

What kind of answer is this?

He continued, “Sometimes it’s very good go visit parks, simply to walk around, unwind a little, breath fresh air. Children play there, just like they play in the courtyards of Russia. Can you tell which children are ‘ours’ and which are ‘theirs?’ Just go and take a good look and them and their parents for maybe a half-hour. Stroll around the streets and see the houses, everything around you. Then ask yourself — is this worth defending?”

The girl replied with some heat, “But there are parks in Russia, too, and a peaceful life.”

“There are, undoubtedly there are,” said Shtayn, “But Russia is an aggressor. Either through brute force or deception Russia strives to bring destruction to other countries. I’ve seen the results with my own eyes. I’ve seen how they try to destroy everything others have created. I’ve followed them for many years and seen nothing apart from a permanent desire to destroy. They bring only strife to the world, only eternal blackmail with their oil and gas. What kind of future is Russia preparing for her children? To be sent as cannon fodder in the Donbas, to kill foreigners? To end up in prison for a careless cartoon posted in a social network? Or to quietly drink themselves into a stupor, fearing to say what they think? Is it worth defending such a place?”

“But that place is your homeland.” The question reflected Olga’s thoughts.

“Yes, it is my homeland. I don’t have American citizenship, and I don’t know if I ever will. But the fact of my birth does not cloud my ability to distinguish the guilty from the innocent, freedom from slavery, happiness from force. For me, the innocent will always be dearer than the guilty. I don’t wish ill for Russia, but I will always defend those who are innocent against aggressors and thieves. And for me, a country which can provide its own citizens and others happiness rather than despair is worthy of defense. Do you see how simple it is? It’s nothing personal, nothing more than an objective view of the world. Truth and conscience should not depend on where one was born.”

His logic was perverse, openly and rudely unpatriotic. He spit on his country and didn’t hide it, but he possessed some special power that demanded respect and did not jibe with her image of a traitor. Could treason be worthy of respect? The man was an enemy of her country. He did not even pretend to be a patriot. What more was there to think about?

She left the auditorium, hiding herself in the crowd, as she cast a venomous glance back at her target. She and her colleagues must spoil his plans, compromise him somehow.

All of what Shtayn said, the clever manner in which he manipulated people would go into her report to Karpov. Her mission was almost complete.