Internal Colonization: Russia’s Imperial Experience

In the nineteenth century, Russia was a colonial empire alongside those of Britain or Austria, and a colonized territory like Congo or the West Indies. In its different aspects and periods, Russian culture was both the subject and the object of orientalism. The main paths of colonization led not only outwards, but also into the Russian heartland. These paths led to Eastern Europe, Central Asia, the Middle East, and the Pacific, but also to the lands around Novgorod, Tula, Orenburg, and Odessa. It was there in the heartland that the Empire settled foreign "colonists" and established military "colo­nies." There in the heartland, Russian nobles owned millions of "souls" and punished millions of bodies. There in the heartland, imperial experts discovered the most unusual communes and col­lected the most exotic folklore. And it was to these heartlands that Russian pilgrims went in search of their chosen groups of people. The characteristic phenomena of colonialism, such as missionary work, exotic journeys, and ethnographic scholarship, were directed inwards toward the Russian villages as well as outwards and overseas. Expanding into huge spaces, Russia colonized its own people. This was the process of internal colonization, the secondary colonization of one's own territory.

Having "discovered" an alien tribe, the Empire never left it as it was. Mixed, separated, destroyed, or instituted, ethnicities were more like cooked imperial cuisine than the raw products of nature. The imperial situation superimposed multiple dualities. Imperial and colo­nial elites defined themselves against their lower-class compatriots and also against one another. These correlated processes of self-def­inition and othering featured different mechanisms from those typical for overseas empires. Like a structuralist, the Empire imposed these binary categories onto the chaotic mosaic of religious differences, property rights, and, finally, geography itself; but the flow of history, a deconstruction in action, inescapably mixed and overruled these dichotomies.

The internal colonization of Russia was more akin to the British colonization of America than that of India: non-Europeans were either assimilated or annihilated, leaving the Empire to embark on colonization of its own people, who gradually formed new identities for themselves. Many spoke the same language and almost all had the same color of skin. Dialectal variation, which had played a critical role in many European cultures, was less characteristic of Russia. In agrarian societies, the cultural distance between the upper and lower strata secured their stability (Gellner 1983, 1998). The main distinc­tions in such societies, those between the rulers and the commoners, were made visible through all means available to the culture. Because of the contingencies of geography, ecology, and even zoology, in Russia agrarian society became an imperial one, with social dis­tances of the former compounded by political distances of the latter. Instead of naturalizing social and linguistic differences in a racist way, the state codified them in a legal way, creating a system of estates that regulated the access of subjects to education, career, and prosperity.

The reflexivity of internal colonization has lent Russian cultural history a characteristic inconsistency, confusion, and incompleteness, which western observers have sought to explain in a typically orien­talist style. The two modes of colonial expansion, the British and the Russian, were so different that Bismarck famously compared them to a whale and a bear. For empires, their different ways of expanding around the globe determined their different methods of colonial administration and military methods, but also their different forms of culture and scholarship. The Russian Empire defined its others by estate and religion; western empires defined them by geography and race. A stable imperial order created a ceaseless, manageable exchange between culture, nature, and the law, with cultural difference natural­ized smoothly and legalized effectively. But this exchange turned into an explosive mix every time things went wrong, or in anticipation of such crises. In revolutionary situations, differences were de-natural­ized and de-legitimized. The very same intellectuals who were entrusted by the Empire with managing cultural distances realized their cultural, constructed character.

Unusually for European powers, the Russian Empire demonstrated a reversed imperial gradient: people on the periphery lived better than those in the central provinces. The Empire settled foreigners on its lands, giving them privileges over Russians and other locals. Among all ethnicities in the Empire, only Russians and some other eastern Slavs were subject to serfdom. Emancipation began with reforms on the periphery of the Empire and from there moved to the heartland. After Emancipation, Russians were still subjected to heavier eco­nomic exploitation than non-Russians.

No cultural distance, no empire. In Russia, the metropolitan elite often perceived cultural distances in paradoxical ways, with subju­gated peoples - Russians and non-Russians - imagined as endowed with higher culture or morals than the elite attributed to itself. Though the concept of orientalism is sometimes interpreted in an exclusively negative way, the colonial subject was frequently idealized as superior to the metropolitan observer. For many in the nineteenth century, "the Orient was a place of pilgrimage, an exotic yet espe­cially attractive reality" (Said 1978: 168). Once embedded in the public imagination, the idea of difference became a double-edged mechanism, an ideological swing. When the ruling and writing elites attributed to "noble savages" and "simple peasants" the most improb­able virtues, such as primordial equality, unselfish proficiency, and a love of suffering, such idealizations did not prevent native popula­tions from being oppressed. In fact, these creative constructs sup­ported exploitation in subtle and paradoxical ways. For those who enjoyed living off the income from their estates, it was comfortable to believe that peasants did not need private property because of their sublime beliefs. Some intellectuals are always able to convince them­selves that peasants, or women, or Slavs, or students just love to suffer.

From the triumph of Peter I to the collapse of Nicholas II, the Empire was ceaselessly concerned with constructing, demonstrating, affirming, and re-affirming its cultural hegemony. It heavily invested in showing the world an inspired and inspiring face that would evoke loyalty among subjects, respect among friends, and fear among enemies. But the challenges of domination for this Empire proved to be easier than the challenges of hegemony. Building St. Petersburg was the most ambitious project of the imperial hegemony, but the cultural mythology of the city overflows with visions of flood, guilt, and apocalypse. Despite the large-scale programs of cultural import and ambitious technologies such as fireworks, the Empire constantly reverted to force in its dealings with the nationalism of non-Russians and the discontent of Russians. Against this backdrop, the truly suc­cessful institution of cultural hegemony in the Empire was Russian literature. While performing its crucial function of providing the dispersed subjects of the Empire with a common pool of cultural symbols, Russian literature became increasingly critical toward other imperial institutions. The prevalence of imaginative literature as a major institution of transformation, culture and anti-imperial protest expanded throughout the nineteenth century and then into the Soviet period. Playing this role, Russian literature attracted myriad fans both inside and outside Russia. However, its cultural power within the Empire demonstrated an uneasy dialectics. The more productive a literary text was in the machinery of hegemony, the more destruc­tive it became to the hierarchy of domination.

Over three centuries, Russian literature created a saga of political dissidence and proof of the autonomy of culture. Populating the unexplored space between retreating imperialism, emerging nationalism, and ambitious utopianism, it created a paradigm for post-imperial humanity. Its central texts were applauded by colonial readers around the world.

Postcolonial theory, with its explicitly political way of reading, is important for the understanding of canonical Russian texts. In those cases where the canon is produced by the dominant culture, contem­porary critics look to marginal texts in order to hear the suppressed parts of historical experience. In Russian literature, however, the canonical texts were created by those who suffered political persecu­tion in its purest form, not necessarily accompanied by economic hardships. Sometimes deceiving imperial censorship and sometimes going into exile, many Russian writers were victims of their own country. These white, educated, and sometimes rich men belonged to an oppressed minority within their society. From their marginal­ized feelings emerged canonical texts. British admirers compared Gandhi to Tolstoy just as often as Franz Fanon or the writers of the Harlem Renaissance cited Dostoevsky. One group of writers belonged to an imperial elite, the other to the colonized peoples, but the simi­larities between them turned out to be more important than the dif­ferences. These were the similarities between external and internal colonization.

In France and Germany, the nationalization of agrarian culture was also similar to self-colonization: the "people," who were divided into classes, provinces, dialects, and sects, were transformed into a "nation" (Weber 1976). In Russia, this process took the tragic form of a series of catastrophes that the future historian will probably describe, with reference to Trotsky, as the permanent revolution. While the British sought oriental knowledge and pleasures overseas, the Russians sought them in the depths of their own country. In promoting state-sponsored nationalism and organizing ethnographic studies, the mid-nineteenth-century monarchy inadvertently spon­sored the discovery of the Russian commune and its increasingly radical interpretations by Slavophiles, populists, and socialists. With the discovery of sects, German romantic cliches, French utopian ideas, and American dissident experience became applicable to the trivia of Russian life. Locked between the Empire that it failed to overthrow and the commune that it failed to preserve, Russian thought offered a brilliant, tragic, and deeply human lesson. As a result of this literature, serfs, sectarians, and other subaltern groups spoke and are still speaking to us. Written by the authors from higher classes, whose fate was sometimes different from and sometimes similar to that of their underprivileged characters, this literature became postcolonial not only avant la lettre but before its Empire collapsed.

Writing about "an intellectual historian of the year 2010, if such a person is imaginable," the anthropologist James Clifford (1988: 93-4) predicted that this historian would transcend the twentieth- century problematic of language and create a paradigm of "ethno­graphic subjectivity." In fact, even more has happened. After a period of fascination with ethnicity, scholars are developing non-ethnic con­cepts to apply to Eurasia (Hagen 2004; Kappeler 2009; Burbank and Cooper 2010). If the new paradigm transcends language, as Clifford correctly believed would happen, it also transcends ethnicity. But it is still mired in the conundrum of subjectivity. In the imperial context, the word "subject" has at least two meanings, subject as opposed to sovereign and subject as opposed to object. The English concept of the subject, with its derivatives of subjectivity and subjectness, retains this ambiguity; some other European languages, Russian included, have developed two different words for these two aspects of subject."[13]Subjectivity develops in relation to sovereignty, but surpasses it by far; it is this surplus of subjectivity over subjectness - hidden tran­scripts and much else - that makes imperial cultures so rich and so unstable. Michel Foucault (1997: 44) said "a sort of farewell" to the concept of sovereignty, as being insufficient for the analysis of power relations. The concept of subjectivity is equally one-sided, but the very oscillation of "subject" from its juridical to its epistemological meanings helps to address the problems of imperial power. Pressed between the sovereign, who is the super-subject of the domain, and the domain's usable and taxable objects (resources, products, etc.), the subjects develop their unique ways of life, love, and service. Upwards, this imperial subjectness ranges from identification with the sovereign to resistance and rebellion. Downwards, this imperial subjectivity confronts the variety of objects, from animals to land­scapes, in circuitous attempts to conquer and explore, build and destroy, capture and exchange, forget and remember. Horizontally, this subjectification involves other subjects, those who are singular and those who are counted in the millions, with all their souls, bodies, and communities.

Bears and whales differ dramatically, but scholars know that deep under their skins they are alike. In colonizing India and Russia, the

British and the Russians enslaved, exploited, enlightened, and eman­cipated those "half devils, half children" (Kipling) who populated them. It was an impossible task implied by the "white man's burden," a task that I have named the "shaved man's burden" of the Russian imperial elite. Among many Russian stories revealing this burden is "A Product of Nature" by Nikolai Leskov. In this memoir, Leskov, a young gentleman, strives to save some peasants from being flogged by a local policeman. But the policeman locks him up in his own house, where Leskov browses through the policeman's books, a col­lection of forbidden literature that calls for justice and emancipation. In the meantime, the policeman flogs the serfs, and Leskov's only success is his discovery that the policeman is an impostor and not a policeman at all.

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INDEX

Abbt, Thomas 190-1 Afghanistan 33-5 African Americans 7, 21, 123, 125, 225

Agamben, Giorgio 77 Aksakov, Ivan 159, 202 Alaska 5, 66, 76, 82-3, 87-8 Aleuts 76, 86 Amanat 76.

Amazons 48-51, 114, 135 America 5, 17, 21-2, 64, 83-4, 104, 110, 113, 123, 133, 200, 240,248-9, 251 Arakcheev, Aleksei 136 Archangel 5, 20, 29, 82, 101, 124-5

Arendt, Hannah 7, 20, 23-4, 27,

47, 89, 191-2 Argonauts 85, 87 Arnoldt, Daniel Heinrich 182-3

Bakhmetev, Pavel 132 Bakhtin, Mikhail 10, 16, 232-4,

238-9, 246-8 Bakunin, Mikhail 202 Balfour, Arthur James 37-9 Bashkiria 6, 69 Bassin, Mark 63 beards 95, 101-4, 140, 235 Belinsky, Vissarion 15-16, 45, 94-5, 97, 105

Bely, Andrei 211, 243-4 Benjamin, Walter 1-2, 228, 247 Bentham, Jeremy 134-5 Bentham, Samuel 134-5 Beratz, Gottlieb 131 Berlin, Isaiah 160, 181, 188-90 Berman, Russell 28 Bernal, Martin 56 Bhabha, Homi 13-15, 28, 61, 246

Bismarck, Otto 21-2, 26, 252 Blauner, Robert 7 Blok, Aleksandr 119 Bojanowska Edyta 119 Bolotov, Andrei 121, 175-93, 235

Bonch-Bruevich, Vladimir 200,

203, 209-11 boomerang effect 7, 22-5, 37, 53,

148,154-5, 168 Boulainvilliers, Henri 47 Boym, Svetlana 23 Bulgarin, Faddei 14, 109, 152 Burbank, Jane 2, 255 Burke, Edmund 17 Byron, George Gordon 107

Calvinism 18, 98, 128 camera obscura 186-8 cameralism 151, 187 Cannadine, David 28

Catherine II the Great 48, 76, 83, 88, 101, 115, 128-31, 141, 176, 188, 192, 210, 237 Caucasus 4, 13, 70, 90, 110,

115-17, 144 Central Asia 90, 121, 144, 152,

161, 229, 249 Cesaire, Aime 7 Chaadaev, Piotr 17, 58 Chernov, Viktor 207, 209 Chernyshevsky, Nikolai 132-3, 140

Chicherin, Boris 141, 167 colonization, definition 2, 7, 248, 251

colonization vs. colonialism 7-8, 86

colonizers and colonized 215,

217-8, 230, 251 external vs. internal 2, 7, 20-4, 64, 69-70, 115, 127,154-5, 162-4, 178-80, 217, 240, 243, 247-8, 250, 254 and inter-imperial mimesis 38,

71, 110, 134, 136. profitability 74, 80-1, 83, 89,

99, 124, 126, 216 recent vs. ancient 142-3, 250 and re-enchantment 216, 222 and rivalry between empires 3-4, 6, 21, 33-5, 55, 65, 82-3, 98, 174-7, 189-92, 220, 229, 254

terrestrial vs. overseas 5, 21, 62, 143, 174, 232,252-4 Cold War 4, 9, 27, 33, 40-2, 249 commune (obshchina) 138-43, 145-8, 155, 207 and colonization 142-3, 145-7 destruction of 144, 148-9 discovery of 138-43, 155, 254 and Kahal 147-8 and socialism 133, 140-1, 202, 208, 248 Condee, Nancy 3, 8, 17, 26

Conrad, Joseph 10, 14, 27, 29, 39, 79, 119, 169, 208,214-23, 230, 241, 244 Constantinople 48, 71 contact zone 109, 111, 232 Cook, James 14, 83, 129 Cossacks 35, 76, 82, 152, 175, 236

Coulanges, Fustel 127 Crimean War 5, 16, 34-6, 65 Curzon, George Nathaniel 36-9

Dal, Vladimir 150-3, 156-164,

199, 227 Defoe, Daniel 29, 232 Dekhnewallah, A. 35 Derrida, Jacques 77 Derzhavin Gavriil 114, 146 Deutcher, Isaac 42 Diderot, Denis 51, 83, 101, 177 Dobroliubov, Nikolai 241-3 Dostoevsky, Fyodor 10, 19, 31, 119, 133, 156-7, 167-9, 201, 213, 233, 237-48 DuBois, W. E. B. 21, 61 Dukhobory (Spirit-Strugglers) 210 Durkheim, Emil 213, 223, 243 Durylin, Sergei 54

Egypt 39-42, 53-7, 196 Elizabeth I 152, 174-8, 182 emancipation of serfs (1861) 106-7, 132, 141, 144, 148, 194, 224 Engels, Friedrich 138 England 3, 8, 15-18, 28-9, 34-9, 55, 62, 77, 82, 112, 128, 133, 211,215,217-18, 220, 224, 229,251-4 Enlightenment 9, 14, 17, 25, 51-2, 58-9, 90, 95, 98, 105, 115, 162, 179, 182, 187,190-2, 223

Ermak 18, 79-80 Eshevsky, Stepan 112-14 estate (soslovie) 101, 103-7, 252 ethnography 52, 160, 189, 198­200, 244, 254-5

Fanon, Frantz 28, 93, 246, 254 Finns 4, 47-8, 97, 109, 114 firearms 75-6, 80, 120-1, 124 fireworks 120-2, 186-8, 211, 229, 253.

Forster, George, 83, 129 Forster, Johann Reinhold 129 Foucault, Michel 3, 8, 24, 26, 45, 47, 51, 54,111-14, 133-5, 138, 255 Franklin, John 218, 221 Franklin, Simon 48, 227, 230 Frederick II the Great 21, 129,

173-9, 192 Freud, Sigmund 42, 156 Fulop-Miller, Rene 200, 213 fur trade 4, 9, 31, 66, 72-90, 117-19, 227

Gandhi, Mahatma 19, 254 gauntlet (shpitsruteny) 138, 141-2, 175, 246

Gellner, Ernest 145, 189, 191, 199, 251

German colonies in the Russian

Empire 128-33, 146-8, 154 Girard, Rene 10, 233-4, 238-9, 244

Gobineau, Arthur 113 God-builders 223 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang 55, 132, 232

Gogol, Nikolai 13-15, 17, 27, 34, 52, 119, 127,158-9, 164, 245-7

Going-to-the-People movement

117, 198, 202-7 Golder, Frank A. 87 Golovnin, Aleksandr 129-30 Gorky, Maksim 197, 211 Gottingen 47, 53, 56, 138, 189

Gouldner, Alvin W. 8 Gramsci, Antonio 22, 41 Great Game 32-4, 62 Greece 53-7

Griboedov, Aleksandr 108-11,

115, 168 Grigoriev, Vasilii 51, 164-8 Guha, Ranajit 49 Gulyga, Arsenii 181-2

Habermas, Jurgen 7, 26 Hamann, George 190 Hansa 78-9, 81

Haxthausen, August 62, 138-40,

155, 165, 196-7 Hechter, Michael 8 hegemony vs. domination 6, 23, 59,119-20, 178, 186, 222, 253

Heidegger, Martin 39 Herder, Johann Gottfried 52, 55,

105,185,188-92 Herodotus 50 Herrnhuters 129-30 Herzen, Alexander 105, 138 High Imperial Period (1814-1856) 16, 19, 61, 100, 120-1, 148, 168

historiography 6-9, 45, 53, 59, 62-71, 112, 123, 142, 249 Hitler 21, 26, 133 Hobbes, Thomas 49-51, 55-7, 60, 112

Hoch, Stephen 123 Holy Alliance 4, 55, 160 Huber, Eduard 132 hybridization 19, 28, 64, 113, 118, 208, 216, 247

Ignatiev, Nikolai 121 imperial gradient 16, 143-4,

imperialism 5, 7, 20-1, 24, 28, 41, 55, 70, 94, 124, 217, 220-2,

India 5-6, 16, 19, 23, 33-6, 77,

104,236, 248,251 Ingria 97, 99, 101, 250 internal colonization

and collectivization 132, 137-8, 142-9, 154, 196-7, 210,213 definition 5-7, 9, 20-2, 24, 62, 65-6, 70, 129, 136, 222, 248 and doubling 13, 18, 241 and frontier 63-5, 144, 248 and gender 231-44 history of the concept 7-9, 24, 26, 62-6 and indirect rule 145-9 institutions 82, 89-90, 124-7,

141-3, 148, 196, 249 legal acts 102, 128 and reflexivity 6, 63, 67-70, 252 as self-colonization 6, 63, 67-71 and sovereignty vs. subjectivity

51, 58, 77, 98, 115, 255 and transformationist culture 3, 6, 19, 64, 93, 97, 101, 132, 148, 168-9, 185, 235, 242, 251-3

Jews 22, 37, 42, 56, 59, 144, 146-8, 162, 165-8

Kalmyks 47, 132, 174-5, 179, 196 Kankrin, Egor (George) 126, 147 Karamzin, Nikolai 45, 48, 57 Kavelin, Konstantin 19 Kazakhs 115

Kazan 65, 79, 112-14, 118, 194, 198

Kelsiev, Vasilii 201-2 Kennan, George 4 Keyserlingk, Caroline 180, 193 Khomiakov, Aleksei 17, 62, 120, 138

Klaus Alexander, 132-3 Klaproth, Julius 54, 56 Konigsberg 99, 121, 173-93, 250

Konstantin Romanov, Grand Duke 108, 160 Korf, Nikolai 180, 185, 193 Krichev 133-5 Kronstadt 131 Krusenstern, Johann 83 Kyrgyzes 47, 115, 165, 168 Kipling, Rudyard 27, 32-9, 229, 256

Kliuchevsky, Vasilii 2, 59, 61, 65-71, 82, 86, 106, 113, 125-7, 147 Kamchatka 13, 52, 82 Kant, Immanuel 9, 23, 52, 55, 173-93

Ladoga Lake 131, 214, 227-8 La Vopa, Anthony 180, 190, 212 Lenin, Vladimir 20, 26, 107, 133,

136, 159, 207-8, 210 Lermontov Mikhail 115-17, 152, 235

Leskov, Nikolai 10, 62, 158, 214,

223-30, 256 Liprandi, Ivan 155-8 Liubavsky, Matvei 69 Lobachevsky, Nikolai 113 Lomonosov, Mikhail longue duree 9, 89 Luxemburg, Rosa 20, 41

Macaulay, Thomas Babington

15-19 Malik, Charles 39-42 Mann, Michael 25, 104 Martin, Janet 80 Marx, Karl 20, 85, 112, 138, 223

Melnikov-Pechersky, Pavel 157-8 Mennonites 131 Michaelis, Johann David 56 Mikhailov, Aleksandr 204-5 military colonies in the Russian

Empire 135-7 Miliukov, Pavel 47, 69-70, 81, 106

Ministry of Internal Affairs 9, 65,

150-69, 198, 201 Ministry of State Properties 137-8, 155

monsters 244, 247 Moore, David Chioni 26 Moravian Brothers 130-2, 154 Morozov, Savva 210-11 Moscow 1, 5, 62, 66, 75, 77, 79-82, 88, 101, 107, 114, 123-5, 151, 210-11, 250 Muller, Gerhard Friedrich 5, 52, 107

Mulovsky, Grigory 83

Nadezhdin, Nikolai 106, 151, 160, 199

Napoleonic Wars 16-7, 25, 45, 55,

135, 156, 188, 217 Nasser, Gamal Abdel 39, 42 nationalism 25-6, 46, 140, 145,

156,164-5, 213, 254 negative hegemony 114-20 Nestor 45, 52-3, 60, 190 Netzloff, Mark 8

Neva River 78, 97, 101, 121, 131,

187, 227 New Zealand 93, 126, 132 Norman Conquest 48, 51, 58, 112, 140

novel 6, 10, 16, 46, 85, 95,

115-16, 127, 129, 132,152-3, 157-8, 168, 185-6, 201, 214-30, 231-48 Novgorod 46, 65, 74, 79, 88, 131, 135, 227

Odessa 87, 108, 131, 160, 201, 251

Old-Believers 47, 125, 157, 159, 169, 199-201, 204, 211-12, 235

Olenin, Aleksei 56-7 Oprichnina 82

Orenburg 115, 152, 161, 165, 235

orientalism 9, 27-42, 95, 115, 159, 165-8, 196, 207, 217, 240,251-2 positive 168, 196, 240, 252-3 reversed 17, 95, 119 Orlov, Grigorii 128-9, 180-1 Orlov, Mikhail 45 orthodoxy 18, 75, 104, 125, 208

pan-Slavic movement 23 Panopticon 23, 133-6 Patterson, Orlando 125-6 Peace of Westphalia 49-52, 128

Perovsky, Lev 150-69, 224 Perovsky, Vasilii 152-4, 165 Persia 35, 110

Peter I the Great 15, 19, 47, 50,

59, 61, 85, 102, 120, 174 Pietists 131, 179, 188 Plekhanov, Grigorii 204-5, 207 Pogodin, Mikhail 58 Pokrovsky, Mikhail 86-7, 127 Poland 4, 22, 70, 189, 216-19 populism (narodnichestvo) 55,

127, 141, 148, 169, 198-9, 202, 204-8, 211-13, 215, 233, 222, 243-4, 254

post-Soviet Russia 4, 26, 72, 88,

249

postcolonial theory 8, 26-8, 254 Potemkin, Grogorii 134 Prakash, Gyan 28 Primary Chronicle 45-53, 58-60, 73-4

Prokopovich, Feofan 50 Prussia 7, 21-2, 131, 138, 141, 173-93

Pufendorf, Samuel 49-52, 60, 84

Pugachev, Emelian 132, 178, 235-7

Pushkin, Aleksandr 10, 16, 61, 95, 107-8, 115-20, 132, 137,153, 156-63, 169, 235-43

Quakers 130, 136

race 9, 23-4, 35, 51, 56, 66, 93, 101-7, 110-14, 125, 138, 140, 166, 174, 252 Radical Reformation 129, 133, 202

Radishchev, Nikolai 84, 105, 232 Rasputin, Grigorii 103, 212 Raynal, Guillaume Thomas 105,

129 Razumovsky, Aleksei 150-3 Reed, John 41

resettlements 25, 109, 123, 126,

177, 224-7 resource-bound state 72-3, 77, 89 revolution in Russia 2-3, 16, 23-4, 37-8, 41, 69, 95-8, 104, 129, 133, 139, 144, 148-9, 157, 194-213, 223, 237,242-4, 250-4

Riga 13, 101, 165, 174,188-90 Romanovs 45, 47, 59, 112, 149,

174, 212 Roosevelt, Eleanor 39-40 Rosenberg, Alfred 133 Ross, Kristin 8

Rousseau, Jean-Jacques 55, 232 Rurik 45-60, 66, 94-5, 112, 131,

140, 227 Rurikides 45, 47, 51, 125, 159 Russian Geographical Society 62,

160

Russian sects 9, 132, 155-7, 194-213, 240, 244, 254 Beguny (Runners) 159, 202 Dukhobory (Spirit-Strugglers) 210

Khlysty (Christs or Whips) 194-8, 201-6, 210-13, 240, 243-4

Molokane (Milk-Drinkers) 202, 206

Skoptsy (Castrates) 157, 162, 201-3, 211, 238-9

sables 78, 84-5

Sacher-Masoch, Leopold 85, 200 Said, Edward 5, 9, 27-42, 45, 55,

95, 168, 220, 253 Saint-Pierre, Bernardin 128 Saltykov-Shchedrin, Nikolai 24-5,

152, 159, 169 Sarepta 132-3 Sartre, Jean-Paul 41, 247 Schism 140, 155-9, 198-206, 209 Schlozer, August 47-8, 51-4, 56,

62,151,189 Schmidt, Isaak Jacob 132 Schmitt, Carl 72 Schmoller, Gustav 21 Scott, James C. 8, 182-4 Second World 25-7, 39-42, 55 Semenov-Tian-Shansky, Veniamin 71

serfdom 82, 106-7, 123-8, 249 Sering, Max 21

Seven Years War 52, 128, 174-7,

181, 188-91, 235 Shakers 196-7, 200 Shchapov, Afanasii 7, 65-7, 70, 82, 86, 112, 118, 158, 194-9, 201, 207 Siberia 5, 19-20, 30-1, 65-6, 75, 79, 84, 88, 118, 142, 144, 146, 156, 173, 201-2, 250 Slavophiles 17-18, 62, 102, 140, 157

Slezkine, Yuri 74, 76, 83, 145,

148, 199 Slovtsov, Piotr 84 Soloviev, Sergei 19, 59, 61-70,

113, 127 Soviet Union 3-4, 23-4, 27, 40-1,

71, 72, 88, 104, 143, 249 Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty 173, 198

St. Petersburg 4, 13, 17, 59, 65, 69, 83, 111, 121, 131, 135, 227, 238, 250, 253 Steller, Georg Wilhelm 51

Stoler, Ann Laura 8, 23, 29, 71,

112,136,155 Stroganov family 84-6 Struve, Petr 20 subaltern 181, 191, 198, 230, 245-6

Sunderland, Willard 64, 67, 119, 127, 150

Tambov 114, 123, 220 Tartars 115, 229 Tashkent 24-5 Tatishchev, Vasilii 47-51, 60 Tchaikovsky, Nikolai 206 terra nullius 94-7 Time of Troubles (1598-1613) 82, 124

Tocqueville, Alexis 17, 58 Tolstoy, Lev 6, 16, 19, 103, 131, 137, 152, 168-9, 197, 204, 211-12, 228, 232, 241,254 totalitarianism 23-4 Trotsky Lev 16, 86-7, 89, 133,

207, 211, 254 Tunguses 30, 86, 109 Turgenev, Ivan 102, 158, 169 Turner, Frederick J. 63

Ukraine 14, 22-3, 131, 133-4, 161,167-8, 189, 217, 222, 249 Urals 4, 47

Uvarov, Sergei 18-19, 53-8, 153, 192

Varangians 45-53, 57-60, 111 Veniaminov, Innokentii 76 Veniukov, Mikhail 62 Vikings 47-8, 60-2, 114, 140 violence 25, 75, 104, 112, 123-4, 149, 195, 216, 222, 233, 236

Vitkevitch Ivan (Yan) 36 Volga River 20, 22, 47, 131-3,

159, 202, 224 Vrangel, Ferdinand 117-18

Weber, Eugen 8, 254 Weber, Max 21, 26, 73, 151,

212-13 Weizmann, Chaim 38-9 Weymann, Daniel 179 Wolff, Christian 50 World War I 4, 47, 71 World War II 133

Yadrintsev Nikolai 70, 78 Yakuts 117-19, 173 Yasak 76

Young, Arthur 110

Zammito, John 178-81, 190-1 Zinzendorf, Nicolaus Ludwig 129

[1] Here and elsewhere, the translation is mine unless stated otherwise. I refer to multi-volume editions by volume/page, e.g. 1/31.

[2] This literature is too large to be surveyed here. On the Russian east, I ben­efited in particular from the now classical Brower and Lazzerini 1997; Barrett 1999; Bassin 1999; Geraci 2001. On orientalism in Russia, see Layton 1994; Sahni 1997; Khalid et al. 2000; Sopelnikov 2000; Thompson 2000; Collier et al. 2003; Ram 2003; Tolz 2005; Schimmelpenninck 2010. On the Russian Empire in comparative perspective, see Burbank and Ransel 1998; Lieven 2003; Gerasimov et al. 2004, 2009; Burbank and Cooper 2010.

[2] believe that this combination of concepts, the boomerang effect that Foucault probably borrowed from Arendt, and the internal colonial­ism that he improvised here though rarely used elsewhere, is produc­tive for understanding Russia's extraordinary history. This claim finds much support in Russian sources. One hundred years earlier than Foucault, the Russian provincial administrator and satirical writer Nikolai Saltykov-Shchedrin wrote a collection of essays, Gentlemen from Tashkent, which analyzed essentially the same processes, the boomerang effect and internal colonialism, in the Russian life of the time. Tashkent, now in Uzbekistan, was taken by Russian troops in 1865 and became the center of a huge colonial domain (Sahadeo 2007). Saltykov-Shchedrin chose this event, the largest success of Russian imperialism, for a demonstration of its destructive effect on the policies and mores in the Russian heartland. Returning from Tashkent, the Caucasus, and other "tamed" places, the imperial offi­cers and officials brought their skills and lust for violence home, to St. Petersburg and the provinces. The gentlemen from Tashkent call themselves "civilizers," wrote Saltykov-Shchedrin; in fact, they are a "moving nightmare" that permeates every corner of life. A typical such gentleman had "civilized" Poland even before his stay in

[3] Kipling probably took the name Dirkovitch from the amazing story of a Russian agent in Central Asia, Ivan (Yan) Vitkevitch (1808-39), who was well known to the Brits. A Pole from Vilnius whom the Empire exiled to Orenburg for conspiracy when he was 15, Vitkevitch served there as a soldier, translated for Alexander Humboldt, made a brilliant career under the governor, Vasilii Perovsky, and, as a Russian resident in Kabul, outma- neuvered British agents in 1838. Recalled to St. Petersburg, he committed suicide after his meeting with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Karl Nesselrode (Volodarsky 1984; Khalfin 1990: 168-75).

[4] In Russia, Petr Chaadaev was the first to elaborate this philosophy of foun- dational events, that the origin of a people determines its destiny. After finding similar thoughts in Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America, Chaadaev wrote to a friend, seriously or not, that Tocqueville had stolen this idea from him (Ermichev and Zlatopol'skaia 1989: 388; for details, see Etkind 2001b: 22).

[5] To me, the most illuminating have been Lantzeff and Pierce 1973; Barrett 1999; Khodarkovsky 2002; Sunderland 2004; Breyfogle 2005; Dolbilov 2010.

[5] Bushkovitch's estimate is 50,000 sables a year from 1630 to 1660 "at the very least" (1980: 94, 69).

[6] Making a similar point, Brian Boeck (2007) explains the unusual privileges of the Russian periphery by detailing the special deals that the Russian Empire cut with the frontier societies in the early eighteenth century. Peter Holquist (2010b: 462) attributes the concept of the privileged peripheries and the underprivileged core of the Empire to Boris Nolde, a politician and historian who served in 1917 as the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs under Pavel Miliukov (Nolde 1952).

[7] Soviet propaganda missed its chance to refer to Herder as a prophet of the glorious Slavic future, but today Ukrainian history textbooks quote him at length (for examples, see Portnov 2010: 148).

[8] Nineteenth-century literature on these sects was enormous and is partially summarized in Etkind 1998. The current literature is large and growing; see Crummey 1993; Robson 1995; Engelstein 1999; Clay 2001; Paert 2004; Zhuk 2004; Breyfogle 2005; Steinberg and Coleman 2007; Heretz 2008.

[9] Characteristically, Samuel Baron (1953, 1995), the prominent American expert on Plekhanov, mentions his work with the peasants on the Volga but ignores its crucial aspect: that Plekhanov and Mikhailov spread propaganda and acquired their formative experience not among the common peasants but among the peculiar Spasovtsy. In an illuminating essay, Baron (1995: 188-206) self-critically analyzes the pro-Soviet, "leftish" roots of his life­long infatuation with Plekhanov. As it happened, this interest did not help the historian to appreciate the religious episodes in his subject's itinerary.

[10] For quotes from Heart of Darkness, see Conrad 1988; page numbers are indicated in parentheses.

[11] For the experimental God-building of the revolutionaries who lost in the competition with Lenin, see Williams 1986; Stites 1989; Scherr 2003; Rosenthal 2004. On the popularity of Durkheim in the early-twentieth- century Russia, see Gofman 2001.

[12] For quotes from Leskov's "Product of Nature," see Leskov 1958, vol. 9; page numbers are indicated in parentheses.

[13] An important debate on "Soviet subjectivity" helped me to articulate this idea (Halfin 2000; Hellbeck 2000; Krylova 2000; Etkind 2005; Chatterjee and Petrone 2008).