Polity of Athenians and Lacedaemonians

III

I repeat that my position concerning the polity of the Athenians is this: the type[1] of polity is not to my taste, but given that a democratic form of government has been agreed upon, they do seem to me to go the right way to preserve the democracy by the adoption of the particular type[2] which I have set forth.

[1] Or, "manner."

[2] Or, "manner."

But there are other objections brought, as I am aware, against the Athenians, by certain people, and to this effect. It not seldom happens, they tell us, that a man is unable to transact a piece of business with the senate or the People, even if he sit waiting a whole year. Now this does happen at Athens, and for no other reason save that, owing to the immense mass of affairs they are unable to work off all the business on hand, and dismiss the applicants. And how in the world should they be able, considering in the first place, that they, the Athenians, have more festivals[3] to celebrate than any other state throughout the length and breadth of Hellas? [During these festivals, of course, the transaction of any sort of affairs of state is still more out of the question.][4] In the next place, only consider the number of cases they have to decide-what with private suits and public causes and scrutinies of accounts, etc., more than the whole of the rest of mankind put together; while the senate has multifarious points to advise upon concerning peace and war,[5] concerning ways and means, concerning the framing and passing of laws,[6] and concerning the thousand and one matters affecting the state perpetually occurring, and endless questions touching the allies; besides the receipt of the tribute, the superintendence of dockyards and temples, etc. Can, I ask again, any one find it at all surprising that, with all these affairs on their hands, they are unequal to doing business with all the world?

[3] See Arist. "Wasps," 661.

[4] This sentence is perhaps a gloss.

[5] Or, "about the war," {peri tou polemou}.

[6] See Thirlwall, ch. xxxii. vol. iv. p. 221, note 3.

But some people tell us that if the applicant will only address himself to the senate or the People with a fee in his hand he will do a good stroke of business. And for my part I am free to confess to these gainsayers that a good many things may be done at Athens by dint of money; and I will add, that a good many more still might be done, if the money flowed still more freely and from more pockets. One thing, however, I know full well, that as to transacting with every one of these applicants all he wants, the state could not do it, not even if all the gold and silver in the world were the inducement offered.

Here are some of the cases which have to be decided on. Some one fails to fit out a ship: judgement must be given. Another puts up a building on a piece of public land: again judgement must be given. Or, to take another class of cases: adjudication has to be made between the choragi for the Dionysia, the Thargelia, the Panathenaea, year after year. [[7] And again in behalf of the gymnasiarchs a similar adjudication for the Panathenaea, the Prometheia, and the Hephaestia, also year after year.] Also as between the trierarchs, four hundred of whom are appointed each year, of these, too, any who choose must have their cases adjudicated on, year after year. But that is not all. There are various magistrates to examine and approve[8] and decide between; there are orphans[9] whose status must be examined; and guardians of prisoners to appoint. These, be it borne in mind, are all matters of yearly occurrence; while at intervals there are exemptions and abstentions from military service[10] which call for adjudication, or in connection with some other extraordinary misdemeanour, some case of outrage and violence of an exceptional character, or some charge of impiety. A whole string of others I simply omit; I am content to have named the most important part with the exception of the assessments of tribute which occur, as a rule, at intervals of five years.[11]

[7] Adopting the emendation of Kirchhoff, who inserts the sentence in

brackets. For the festivals in question, see "Dict. of Antiq."

"Lampadephoria"; C. R. Kenney, "Demosth. against Leptines," etc.,

App. vi.

[8] For the institution called the {dokimasia}, see Aristot.

"Constitution of Athens," ch. lv.

[9] See Dem. "against Midias," 565, 17; "against Apholus" (1), 814,

20.

[10] See Lys. "Or." xiv. and xv.

[11] See Grote, "H. G." vi. p. 48; Thuc. vii. 78; i. 96; Arist.

"Wasps," 707; Aristot. "Pol." v. 8.

I put it to you, then: can any one suppose that all, or any, of these may dispense with adjudication?[12] If so, will any one say which ought, and which ought not, to be adjudicated on, there and then? If, on the other hand, we are forced to admit that these are all fair cases for adjudication, it follows of necessity that they should be decided during the twelve-month; since even now the boards of judges sitting right through the year are powerless to stay the tide of evildoing by reason of the multitude of the people.

[12] Reading with Kirchhoff. Cf. for {oiesthai khre}, "Hell." VI. iv.

23; "Cyr." IV. ii. 28.

So far so good.[13] "But," some one will say, "try the cases you certainly must, but lessen the number of the judges." But if so, it follows of necessity that unless the number of courts themselves are diminished in number there will only be a few judges sitting in each court,[14] with the further consequence that in dealing with so small a body of judges it will be easier for a litigant to present an invulnerable front[15] to the court, and to bribe[16] the whole body, to the great detriment of justice.[17]

[13] See Grote, "H. G." v. 514, 520; Machiavelli, "Disc. s. Livio," i.

7.

[14] Reading with Sauppe, {anagke toinun, ean me} [for the vulgate

{ean men oliga k.t.l.}] {oliga poiontai dikasteria, oligoi en

ekasto esontai to dikasterio}. Or, adopting Weiske's emendation,

{ean men polla poiontai dikasteria k.t.l.} Translate, "Then, if by

so doing they manage to multiply the law courts, there will be

only a few judges sitting," etc.

[15] Or, as Liddell and Scott, "to prepare all his tricks."

[16] {sundekasoi}, "to bribe in the lump." This is Schneider's happy

emendation of the MS. {sundikasai}; see Demosthenes, 1137, 1.

[17] Reading {oste}, lit. "so as to get a far less just judgment."

But besides this we cannot escape the conclusion that the Athenians have their festivals to keep, during which the courts cannot sit.[18] As a matter of fact these festivals are twice as numerous as those of any other people. But I will reckon them as merely equal to those of the state which has the fewest.

[18] Lit. "it is not possible to give judgment"; or, "for juries to

sit."

This being so, I maintain that it is not possible for business affairs at Athens to stand on any very different footing from the present, except to some slight extent, by adding here and deducting there. Any large modification is out of the question, short of damaging the democracy itself. No doubt many expedients might be discovered for improving the constitution, but if the problem be to discover some adequate means of improving the constitution, while at the same time the democracy is to remain intact, I say it is not easy to do this, except, as I have just stated, to the extent of some trifling addition here or deduction there.

There is another point in which it is sometimes felt that the Athenians are ill advised, in their adoption, namely, of the less respectable party, in a state divided by faction. But if so, they do it advisedly. If they chose the more respectable, they would be adopting those whose views and interests differ from their own, for there is no state in which the best element is friendly to the people. It is the worst element which in every state favours the democracy-on the principle that like favours like.[19] It is simple enough then. The Athenians choose what is most akin to themselves. Also on every occasion on which they have attempted to side with the better classes, it has not fared well with them, but within a short interval the democratic party has been enslaved, as for instance in Boeotia;[20] or, as when they chose the aristocrats of the Milesians, and within a short time these revolted and cut the people to pieces; or, as when they chose the Lacedaemonians as against the Messenians, and within a short time the Lacedaemonians subjugated the Messenians and went to war against Athens.

[19] I.e. "birds of a feather."

[20] The references are perhaps (1) to the events of the year 447

B.C., see Thuc. i. 113; cf. Aristot. "Pol." v. 3, 5; (2) to 440

B.C., Thuc. i. 115; Diod. xii. 27, 28; Plut. "Pericl." c. 24; (3)

to those of 464 B.C., followed by 457 B.C., Thuc. i. 102; Plut.

"Cimon," c. 16; and Thuc. i. 108.

I seem to overhear a retort, "No one, of course, is deprived of his civil rights at Athens unjustly." My answer is, that there are some who are unjustly deprived of their civil rights, though the cases are certainly rare. But it will take more than a few to attack the democracy at Athens, since you may take it as an established fact, it is not the man who has lost his civil rights justly that takes the matter to heart, but the victims, if any, of injustice. But how in the world can any one imagine that many are in a state of civil disability at Athens, where the People and the holders of office are one and the same? It is from iniquitous exercise of office, from iniquity exhibited either in speech or action, and the like circumstances, that citizens are punished with deprivation of civil rights in Athens. Due reflection on these matters will serve to dispel the notion that there is any danger at Athens from persons visited with disenfranchisement.

THE POLITY OF THE LACEDAEMONIANS

I

I recall the astonishment with which I[1] first noted the unique position[2] of Sparta amongst the states of Hellas, the relatively sparse population,[3] and at the same time the extraordinary power and prestige of the community. I was puzzled to account for the fact. It was only when I came to consider the peculiar institutions of the Spartans that my wonderment ceased. Or rather, it is transferred to the legislator who gave them those laws, obedience to which has been the secret of their prosperity. This legislator, Lycurgus, I must needs admire, and hold him to have been one of the wisest of mankind. Certainly he was no servile imitator of other states. It was by a stroke of invention rather, and on a pattern much in opposition to the commonly-accepted one, that he brought his fatherland to this pinnacle of prosperity.

[1] See the opening words of the "Cyrop." and of the "Symp."

[2] Or, "the phenomenal character." See Grote, "H. G." ix. 320 foll.;

Newman, "Pol. Arist." i. 202.

[3] See Herod. vii. 234; Aristot. "Pol." ii. 9, 14 foll.; Muller,

"Dorians," iii. 10 (vol. i. p. 203, Eng. tr.)

Take for example-and it is well to begin at the beginning[4]-the whole topic of the begetting and rearing of children. Throughout the rest of the world the young girl, who will one day become a mother (and I speak of those who may be held to be well brought up), is nurtured on the plainest food attainable, with the scantiest addition of meat or other condiments; whilst as to wine they train them either to total abstinence or to take it highly diluted with water. And in imitation, as it were, of the handicraft type, since the majority of artificers are sedentary,[5] we, the rest of the Hellenes, are content that our girls should sit quietly and work wools. That is all we demand of them. But how are we to expect that women nurtured in this fashion should produce a splendid offspring?

[4] Cf. a fragment of Critias cited by Clement, "Stromata," vi. p.

741, 6; Athen. x. 432, 433; see "A Fragment of Xenophon" (?), ap.

Stob. "Flor." 88. 14, translated by J. Hookham Frere, "Theognis

Restitutus," vol. i. 333; G. Sauppe, "Append. de Frag. Xen." p.

293; probably by Antisthenes (Bergk. ii. 497).

[5] Or, "such technical work is for the most part sedentary."

Lycurgus pursued a different path. Clothes were things, he held, the furnishing of which might well enough be left to female slaves. And, believing that the highest function of a free woman was the bearing of children, in the first place he insisted on the training of the body as incumbent no less on the female than the male; and in pursuit of the same idea instituted rival contests in running and feats of strength for women as for men. His belief was that where both parents were strong their progeny would be found to be more vigorous.

And so again after marriage. In view of the fact that immoderate intercourse is elsewhere permitted during the earlier period of matrimony, he adopted a principle directly opposite. He laid it down as an ordinance that a man should be ashamed to be seen visiting the chamber of his wife, whether going in or coming out. When they did meet under such restraint the mutual longing of these lovers could not but be increased, and the fruit which might spring from such intercourse would tend to be more robust than theirs whose affections are cloyed by satiety. By a farther step in the same direction he refused to allow marriages to be contracted[6] at any period of life according to the fancy of the parties concerned. Marriage, as he ordained it, must only take place in the prime of bodily vigour,[7] this too being, as he believed, a condition conducive to the production of healthy offspring. Or again, to meet the case which might occur of an old man[8] wedded to a young wife. Considering the jealous watch which such husbands are apt to keep over their wives, he introduced a directly opposite custom; that is to say, he made it incumbent on the aged husband to introduce some one whose qualities, physical and moral, he admired, to play the husband's part and to beget him children. Or again, in the case of a man who might not desire to live with a wife permanently, but yet might still be anxious to have children of his own worthy the name, the lawgiver laid down a law[9] in his behalf. Such a one might select some woman, the wife of some man, well born herself and blest with fair offspring, and, the saction and consent of her husband first obtained, raise up children for himself through her.

[6] "The bride to be wooed and won." The phrase {agesthai} perhaps

points to some primitive custom of capturing and carrying off the

bride, but it had probably become conventional.

[7] Cf. Plut. "Lycurg," 15 (Clough, i. 101). "In their marriages the

husband carried off his bride by a sort of force; nor were their

brides ever small and of tender years, but in their full bloom and

ripeness."

[8] Cf. Plut. "Lycurg." 15 (Clough, i. 103).

[9] Or, "established a custom to suit the case."

These and many other adaptations of a like sort the lawgiver sanctioned. As, for instance, at Sparta a wife will not object to bear the burden of a double establishment,[10] or a husband to adopt sons as foster-brothers of his own children, with a full share in his family and position, but possessing no claim to his wealth and property.

[10] Cf. Plut. "Comp. of Numa with Lycurgus," 4; "Cato mi." 25

(Clough, i. 163; iv. 395).

So opposed to those of the rest of the world are the principles which Lycurgus devissed in reference to the production of children. Whether they enabled him to provide Sparta with a race of men superior to all in size and strength I leave to the judgment of whomsoever it may concern.

II

With this exposition of the customs in connection with the birth of children, I wish now to explain the systems of education in fashion here and elsewhere. Throughout the rest of Hellas the custom on the part of those who claim to educate their sons in the best way is as follows. As soon as the children are of an age to understand what is said to them they are immediately placed under the charge of Paidagogoi[1] (or tutors), who are also attendants, and sent off to the school of some teacher to be taught "grammar," "music," and the concerns of the palestra.[2] Besides this they are given shoes[3] to wear which tend to make their feet tender, and their bodies are enervated by various changes of clothing. And as for food, the only measure recognised is that which is fixed by appetite.

[1] = "boy-leaders." Cf. St. Paul, "Ep. Gal." iii. 24; The Law was our

schoolmaster to bring us unto Christ.

[2] Cf. Plato, "Alc. maj." 106 E; "Theages," 122 E; Aristot. "Pol."

viii. 3.

[3] Or, "sandals."

But when we turn to Lycurgus, instead of leaving it to each member of the state privately to appoint a slave to be his son's tutor, he set over the young Spartans a public guardian, the Paidonomos[4] or "pastor," to give them his proper title,[5] with complete authority over them. This guardian was selected from those who filled the highest magistracies. He had authority to hold musters of the boys,[6] and as their overseer, in case of any misbehaviour, to chastise severely. The legislator further provided his pastor with a body of youths in the prime of life, and bearing whips,[7] to inflict punishment when necessary, with this happy result that in Sparta modesty and obedience ever go hand in hand, nor is there lack of either.

[4] = "boyherd."

[5] Cf. Plut. "Lycurg." 17 (Clough, i. 107); Aristot. "Pol." iv. 15,

13; vii. 17, 5.

[6] Or, "assemble the boys in flocks."

[7] {mastigophoroi} = "flagellants."

Instead of softening their feet with shoe or sandal, his rule was to make them hardy through going barefoot.[8] This habit, if practised, would, as he believed, enable them to scale heights more easily and clamber down precipices with less danger. In fact, with his feet so trained the young Spartan would leap and spring and run faster unshod than another shod in the ordinary way.

[8] Cf. Plut. "Lycurg." 16 (Clough, i. 106).

Instead of making them effeminate with a variety of clothes, his rule was to habituate them to a single garment the whole year through, thinking that so they would be better prepared to withstand the variations of heat and cold.

Again, as regards food, according to his regulation the Eiren,[9] or head of the flock, must see that his messmates gathered to the club meal,[10] with such moderate food as to avoid that heaviness[11] which is engendered by repletion, and yet not to remain altogether unacquainted with the pains of penurious living. His belief was that by such training in boyood they would be better able when occasion demanded to continue toiling on an empty stomach. They would be all the fitter, if the word of command were given, to remain on the stretch for a long time without extra dieting. The craving for luxuries[12] would be less, the readiness to take any victual set before them greater, and, in general, the regime would be found more healthy.[13] Under it he thought the lads would increase in stature and shape into finer men, since, as he maintained, a dietary which gave suppleness to the limbs must be more conducive to both ends than one which added thickness to the bodily parts by feeding.[14]

[9] For the Eiren, see Plut. "Lycurg." (Clough, i. 107).

[10] Reading {sumboleuein} (for the vulg. {sumbouleuein}). The

emendation is now commonly adopted. For the word itself, see L.

Dindorf, n. ad loc., and Schneider. {sumbolon} = {eranos} or club

meal. Perhaps we ought to read {ekhontas} instead of {ekhonta}.

[11] See Plut. "Lycurg." 17 (Clough, i. 108).

[12] Lit. "condiments," such as "meat," "fish," etc. See "Cyrop." I.

ii. 8.

[13] Or, "and in general they would live more healthily and increase

in stature."

[14] See L. Dindorf's emendation of this corrupt passage, n. ad loc.

(based upon Plut. "Lycurg." 17 and Ps. Plut. "Moral." 237), {kai

eis mekos d' an auxanesthai oeto kai eueidesterous} vel {kallious

gignesthai, pros amphotera ton radina ta somata poiousan trophen

mallon sullambanein egesamenos e ten diaplatunousan}. Otherwise I

would suggest to read {kai eis mekos an auxanesthai ten [gar]

radina . . . egesato k.t.l.}, which is closer to the vulgate, and

gives nearly the same sense.

On the other hand, in order to guard against a too great pinch of starvation, though he did not actually allow the boys to help themselves without further trouble to what they needed more, he did give them permission to steal[15] this thing or that in the effort to alleviate their hunger. It was not of course from any real difficulty how else to supply them with nutriment that he left it to them to provide themselves by this crafty method. Nor can I conceieve that any one will so misinterpret the custom. Clearly its explanation lies in the fact that he who would live the life of a robber must forgo sleep by night, and in the daytime he must employ shifts and lie in ambuscade; he must prepare and make ready his scouts, and so forth, if he is to succeed in capturing the quarry.[16]

[15] See "Anab." IV. vi. 14.

[16] For the institution named the {krupteia}, see Plut. "Lycurg." 28

(Clough, i. 120); Plato, "Laws," i. 633 B; for the {klopeia}, ib.

vii. 823 E; Isocr. "Panathen." 277 B.

It is obvious, I say, that the whole of this education tended, and was intended, to make the boys craftier and more inventive in getting in supplies, whilst at the same time it cultivated their warlike instincts. An objector may retort: "But if he thought it so fine a feat to steal, why did he inflict all those blows on the unfortunate who was caught?" My answer is: for the self-same reason which induces people, in other matters which are taught, to punish the mal- performance of a service. So they, the Lacedaemonians, visit penalties on the boy who is detected thieving as being but a sorry bungler in the art. So to steal as many cheeses as possible [off the shrine of Orthia[17]] was a feat to be encouraged; but, at the same moment, others were enjoined to scourge the thief, which would point a moral not obscurely, that by pain endured for a brief season a man may earn the joyous reward of lasting glory.[18] Herein, too, it is plainly shown that where speed is requisite the sluggard will win for himself much trouble and scant good.

[17] I.e. "Artemis of the Steep"-a title connecting the goddess with

Mount Orthion or Orthosion. See Pausan. VIII. xxiii. 1; and for

the custom, see Themistius, "Or." 21, p. 250 A. The words have

perhaps got out of their right place. See Schneider's Index, s.v.

[18] See Plut. "Lycurg." 18; "Morals," 239 C; "Aristid." 17; Cic.

"Tusc." ii. 14.

Furthermore, and in order that the boys should not want a ruler, even in case the pastor[19] himself were absent, he gave to any citizen who chanced to be present authority to lay upon them injunctions for their good, and to chastise them for any trespass committed. By so doing he created in the boys of Sparta a most rare modesty and reverence. And indeed there is nothing which, whether as boys or men, they respect more highly than the ruler. Lastly, and with the same intention, that the boys must never be reft of a ruler, even if by chance there were no grown man present, he laid down the rule that in such a case the most active of the Leaders or Prefects[20] was to become ruler for the nonce, each of his own division. The conclusion being that under no circumstances whatever are the boys of Sparta destitute of one to rule them.

[19] Lit. "Paidonomos."

[20] Lit. "Eirens."

I ought, as it seems to me, not to omit some remark on the subject of boy attachments,[21] it being a topic in close connection with that of boyhood and the training of boys.

[21] See Plut. "Lycurg." 17 (Clough, i. 109).

We know that the rest of the Hellenes deal with this relationship in different ways, either after the manner of the Boeotians,[22] where man and boy are intimately united by a bond like that of wedlock, or after the manner of the Eleians, where the fruition of beauty is an act of grace; whilst there are others who would absolutely debar the lover from all conversation[23] and discourse with the beloved.

[22] See Xen. "Symp." viii. 34; Plato, "Symp." 182 B (Jowett, II. p.

33).

[23] {dialegesthai} came to mean philosophic discussion and debate. Is

the author thinking of Socrates? See "Mem." I. ii. 35; IV. v. 12.

Lycurgus adopted a system opposed to all of these alike. Given that some one, himself being all that a man ought to be, should in admiration of a boy's soul[24] endeavour to discover in him a true friend without reproach, and to consort with him-this was a relationship which Lycurgus commended, and indeed regarded as the noblest type of bringing up. But if, as was evident, it was not an attachment to the soul, but a yearning merely towards the body, he stamped this thing as foul and horrible; and with this result, to the credit of Lycurgus be it said, that in Lacedaemon the relationship of lover and beloved is like that of parent and child or brother and brother where carnal appetite is in abeyance.

[24] See Xen. "Symp." viii. 35; Plut. "Lycurg." 18.

That this, however, which is the fact, should be scarcely credited in some quarters does not surprise me, seeing that in many states the laws[25] do not oppose the desires in question.

[25] I.e. "law and custom."

I have now described the two chief methods of education in vogue; that is to say, the Lacedaemonian as contrasted with that of the rest of Hellas, and I leave it to the judgment of him whom it may concern, which of the two has prodcued the finer type of men. And by finer I mean the better disciplined, the more modest and reverential, and, in matters where self-restraint is a virtue, the more continent.

III

Coming to the critical period at which a boy ceases to be a boy and becomes a youth,[1] we find that it is just then that the rest of the world proceed to emancipate their children from the private tutor and the schoolmaster, and, without substituting any further ruler, are content to launch them into absolute independence.

[1] {eis to meirakiousthai}, "with reference to hobbledehoy-hood."

Cobet erases the phrase as post-Xenophontine.

Here, again, Lycurgus took an entirely opposite view of the matter. This, if observation might be trusted, was the season when the tide of animal spirits flows fast, and the froth of insolence rises to the surface; when, too, the most violent appetites for divers pleasures, in serried ranks, invade[2] the mind. This, then, was the right moment at which to impose tenfold labours upon the growing youth, and to devise for him a subtle system of absorbing occupation. And by a crowning enactment, which said that "he who shrank from the duties imposed on him would forfeit henceforth all claim to the glorious honours of the state," he caused, not only the public authorities, but those personally interested[3] in the several companies of youths to take serious pains so that no single individual of them should by an act of craven cowardice find himself utterly rejected and reprobate within the body politic.

[2] Lit. "range themselves." For the idea, see "Mem."I. ii. 23;

Swinburne, "Songs before Sunrise": Prelude, "Past youth where

shoreward shallows are."

[3] Or, "the friends and connections."

Furthermore, in his desire to implant in their youthful souls a root of modesty he imposed upon these bigger boys a special rule. In the very streets they were to keep their two hands[4] within the folds of the cloak; they were to walk in silence and without turning their heads to gaze, now here, now there, but rather to keep their eyes fixed upon the ground before them. And hereby it would seem to be proved conclusively that, even in the matter of quiet bearing and sobreity,[5] the masculine type may claim greater strength than that which we attribute to the nature of women. At any rate, you might sooner expect a stone image to find voice than one of those Spartan youths; to divert the eyes of some bronze stature were less difficult. And as to quiet bearing, no bride ever stepped in bridal bower[6] with more natural modesty. Note them when they have reached the public table.[7] The plainest answer to the question asked-that is all you need expect to hear from their lips.

[4] See Cic. "pro Coelio," 5.

[5] See Plat. "Charmid." 159 B; Jowett, "Plato," I. 15.

[6] Longinus, {peri ups}, iv. 4, reading {ophthalmois} for

{thalamois}, says: "Yet why speak of Timaeus, when even men like

Xenophon and Plato, the very demigods of literature, though they

had sat at the feet of Socrates, sometimes forget themselves in

the pursuit of such pretty conceits? The former in his account of

the Spartan Polity has these words: 'Their voice you would no more

hear, than if they were of marble, their gaze is as immovable as

if they were cast in bronze. You would deem them more modest than

the very maidens in their eyes.' To speak of the pupils of the

eyes as modest maidens was a piece of absurdity becoming

Amphicrates rather than Xenophon; and then what a strange notion

to suppose that modesty is always without exception, expressed in

the eye!"-H. L. Howell, "Longinus," p. 8. See "Spectator," No.

354.

[7] See Paus. VII. i. 8, the {phidition} or {philition}; "Hell." V.

iv. 28.