The Roman Catholic Church entered Canada with some of the first French explorers and colonists and, despite the country’s eventual domination by the English, has remained the largest Canadian church. Explorers who established the first permanent French settlements in the 17th century were joined by Catholic missionaries, generally members of religious orders such as the Franciscans and Jesuits. Catholic clergy participated in the founding of the settlements at Port Royal in 1604 and Quebec in 1608. Although divided on the nature of their Catholicism (between Gallicanism and ultramontanism), these missionaries introduced church institutions and actively preached among the indigenous population, achieving early success among the Huron. In the late 17th century, members of the Iroquois and Mohawk nations converted, including Kateri Tekakwitha, the first North American Indian to be proposed for canonization (she was beatified in 1980). Some missionaries, however, suffered martyrdom at the hands of indigenous peoples who opposed the French and their faith. Despite these setbacks, the work of evangelization continued, as did the establishment of bishoprics and parishes, and Catholic missionaries were involved in the further exploration and colonization of Canada and the Louisiana Territory.
Although the French established an early presence in Canada, they were gradually overtaken by the English. England acquired the province of Nova Scotia from the French in 1713. During the French and Indian War the English conquered Quebec, and by the Treaty of Paris (1763), which ended the war, they took possession of the rest of French Canada. The Quebec Act of 1774 guaranteed the rights of Canadian Catholics but also contributed to the outbreak of the American Revolution (because it appeared to revive French influence in North America). The act, however, failed to satisfy many Canadians, and a new constitution was created in 1791. The territory was divided into two administrative regions, one of which was predominantly French and Catholic. In the 1790s the Catholic community in Canada was strengthened by the addition of a number of priests who fled the French Revolution. Most French Canadians opposed the Revolution, and as a result they drew closer to the government in London, which granted them greater civil rights.
The church in Canada experienced important spiritual and secular changes and challenges in the 19th century. By mid-century the church had restructured the episcopal hierarchy, built new schools and hospitals, and expanded into western Canada. The church suffered occasional hostility from Canadian Protestants, and French Canadian Catholics opposed the union of the provinces in 1840. From that time, the church in Quebec identified itself increasingly with French Canadian culture and nationalism, a development that complicated the position of the church following the union of Canada in 1867. For much of the rest of the century there were tensions between Catholics and Protestants over education, financial resources, and settlement patterns. Catholics in Canada also faced issues raised by the decisions taken at Vatican I, which they generally supported, as well as the problem of finding a proper balance between French and non-French members of the church.
Many of these difficulties were resolved by the early 20th century. By then the Canadian church, in the eyes of Rome, had reached its maturity, and Canada was no longer considered a missionary territory. During the period of new nationalism after World War II, French Catholics in Quebec became concerned about the assimilation and possible disappearance of their culture, and they took steps to assure the perpetuation of their faith and language in an otherwise largely Protestant and English-speaking nation. Beginning in the 1960s, Canadian Catholics faced the challenge of responding to the decrees of Vatican II and the postconciliar popes. The Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops (CCCB), whose formation in 1943 anticipated the council’s call for national bishops’ councils by some two decades, provided leadership for the church after Vatican II. The CCCB encouraged interfaith dialogue with Protestants and Jews in Canada and addressed matters of social justice, including the rights of Canada’s indigenous peoples. The church also instituted the vernacular mass and other liturgical reforms established at Vatican II.
In the late 20th century the Catholic church in Canada faced difficulties, including a decline in the number of both priests and parishioners. Protestant churches as well as the Catholic church were challenged by the increasing secularization of society. As a result of the “Quiet Revolution” in Quebec, the church lost its influence over education and other social institutions in the province and the population came to identify itself in terms of French culture rather than Catholicism. In 2002, however, John Paul II’s celebration of World Youth Day in Toronto offered Canadian Catholics an opportunity to reaffirm their faith. Roman Catholicism in Africa and Asia
Although Catholicism had established itself in the Americas by the 18th century, it became a worldwide presence for the first time only in the 19th century. This expansion was the result of both Western imperialism in Africa and Asia and the rebirth of a missionary spirit in Christendom. Some efforts were built upon traces of 16th-century missionary activities, such as those of St. Francis Xavier, a Jesuit missionary to Asia; usually, however, they had to develop on the basis of original methods and in new territories. Missions in Africa
In the early church, Africa was one of the great centres of the faith and the home of some of its most influential figures, including Perpetua, Tertullian, Athanasius, and Augustine. With the exception of the Coptic Church in Ethiopia, almost nothing remained of the strong early Christian communities in the north after the introduction of Islam to the region in the 7th century. The success of the new religion in North Africa was attributable in part to its inherent appeal and in part to dissatisfaction with the policies of political and religious leaders in Constantinople. The very success of Islam, however, eventually inspired Catholic leaders in Europe to return to Africa to defeat the rival faith. In the 15th and 16th centuries, Portuguese explorers and missionaries made alliances with West African leaders and induced them to accept baptism. The church enjoyed some success in the Kongo kingdom, and missionaries moved into Central Africa from there. But the collapse of the kingdom in the mid-17th century and the decline of Portuguese power undermined this success, and by the 19th century the Catholic church in Africa had virtually disappeared.
House of Giorgis, rock-hewn church in Lalibela, Ethiopia.Richard Abeles/Rex USA
For centuries the Catholic missionary effort in Africa was hampered by the Atlantic slave trade and by the missionaries’ association with European colonization. After about 1800, however, evangelization was vigorously renewed. Catholic missionaries had little success in western and southern Africa, where British and Dutch Protestant evangelists had preceded them, but they fared better in other parts of the continent. An archbishopric was established in Algiers, and in 1868 Archbishop Charles Lavigerie founded the White Fathers, an energetic order of missionaries whose name derived from their white cassocks. The order was quite successful in East Africa; many Africans joined it, and the first modern African Catholic bishop was a White Father. Another order, the Holy Ghost Fathers, established a settlement for freed slaves in Bagamoyo (in present-day Tanzania). Catholic missionaries also moved into Central Africa, and by 1900 there were some two million Catholics south of the Sahara.
The church expanded in Africa during the 20th century, improving its efforts in education and ministry and increasing the number of African priests and bishops to minister to the faithful, whose numbers grew to nearly 140 million by the early 21st century. The Catholic church was the first Christian denomination to staff an entire diocese with African clergy, and several Africans were raised to the rank of cardinal by the popes. Further profound changes resulted from the process of decolonization. In the 1950s and ’60s, when the countries of Africa gained their independence, Catholics and other Christians played important roles in the development of new states such as Tanzania. The church’s traditional support for education was an influential factor in its success, and in the 1990s many governments turned to the church to help them run their educational systems. In the generations following independence, the church often found itself defending the disenfranchised and opposing repressive military regimes. The church’s advocacy did not come without cost, however, as large numbers of Catholic clergy were murdered in the civil disorders that plagued the continent.
Rubaga Cathedral (also known as St. Mary's Catholic Cathedral) in Kampala, Uganda.Picturepoint, London
As it struggled to establish its place in postcolonial Africa, the church also responded to the challenges posed by Vatican II. Indeed, the African church was particularly open to some of the changes recommended by the council. Having previously taken steps toward Africanizing the hierarchy, the church redoubled its efforts in that regard. Although in competition with Muslim leaders for converts, African Catholic leaders such as the influential Nigerian cardinal Francis Arinze also pursued interfaith dialogue. African vernaculars replaced the traditional Latin of the mass, and the process of “inculturation” resulted in the incorporation into the liturgy of African traditions in music and dance. At the start of the 21st century, the church in Africa was one of the most dynamic churches of postconciliar Catholicism and was poised for continued growth and wider influence. Missions in Asia
In Asia, Catholicism profited from Portuguese and Spanish adventures beginning in the 16th century. In that part of the world, however, the church faced unique challenges. Asians had not had contact, as Muslims had, with biblical views of history and destiny. Buddhists, Daoists, Confucians, and Hindus were devoted to worldviews uncongenial to Western attitudes toward God, time, and history. In the encounter, Catholics vigorously debated the permissible degrees of accommodation to Asian views of life, rituals, and religious concepts.
In India there were traces of missionary activities from premodern centuries (e.g., the Malabar Christians), and Catholicism here and there succeeded in finding new bases. But the suppression of the Jesuits in 1773 by Pope Clement XIV removed from the scene the most assertive group of Catholic missionaries at the most inopportune moment. However, in Indochina, in what is now Vietnam, Catholicism flourished despite persecution.
Catholic missionaries arrived in Japan in the 16th century at the time that European traders began making contact with the islands. The Jesuit missionary Francis Xavier made the first converts in Japan in 1547 and founded Catholic communities in several Japanese cities. Other missionaries followed during the second half of the 16th century. They were supported by some Japanese nobles and began to have success on the island of Kyushu and other parts of the south, establishing the faith in cities such as Nagasaki and Kyōto. A college and two seminaries were founded, and the first efforts at organizing the church were made. By the end of the century, however, opposition from Japanese Buddhists and others had limited the spread of the faith, and several missionaries and Japanese Catholics had suffered martyrdom. In the 17th century widespread persecution of Catholics began, and the church was officially suppressed.
Oura Roman Catholic Church, Nagasaki, Japan.Orion Press, Japan
Roman Catholicism in Japan enjoyed more-lasting success in the 19th and 20th centuries, despite occasional setbacks. Catholic and other Christian missionaries returned to the country after Commodore Matthew Perry in 1853–54 forced Japan to allow entry to foreigners. These missionaries made contact with descendants of 17th-century Christians and sought new converts. The reappearance of missionaries led to a wave of persecution and the exile of thousands of Catholics. Government policy, however, was quickly reversed and religious freedom was established throughout the country. Catholic seminaries and other institutions were introduced to Japan, and religious orders of men and women began establishing communities there late in the 19th century. Pope Leo XIII established the Japanese church hierarchy in 1891, and Catholic secondary schools and a university were founded in the late 19th and the early 20th century. The rise of Japanese militarism and imperialism during the first half of the 20th century brought renewed hardship to the church. The Catholic church in Japan suffered during World War II, as did all of the country, and in 1945 Nagasaki, the oldest centre of Catholicism in Japan, was largely destroyed when an atomic bomb was dropped on it. After the war the church grew once again, thanks to the guarantee of religious freedom in the new constitution. In the generations following the Second Vatican Council, the church made greater efforts to adapt to Japanese culture, which were reinforced by Pope John Paul II’s visit to Japan in 1981 and by subsequent initiatives during his long reign.
China, unlike Japan, was visited early by Christian missionaries; Nestorian Christians had arrived already in the 7th century. The first Catholic missionaries, however, began preaching in China only in the late 13th century, when the Franciscan Giovanni da Montecorvino was welcomed by the khan (the Mongol ruler of China). A small number of missionaries followed in the 14th century and, like Montecorvino, baptized members of the foreign ruling elite and built churches and other Catholic institutions. However, the failure to convert indigenous Chinese and an interruption in the arrival of missionaries from Europe led to the virtual disappearance of the faith by the end of the 14th century.
A more lasting Catholic presence in China was established by Jesuit missionaries in the 16th century. Francis Xavier inspired the first Jesuit mission to China, though he died before reaching the Chinese mainland. Adopting Xavier’s approach of preaching to the Chinese on their own terms, Matteo Ricci and other missionaries adopted the dress of Confucian scholars and gained the respect of the Confucians through discussion and display of scientific knowledge. In the 17th century the Jesuits were joined by various other religious orders, including Dominicans, Franciscans, and Augustinians. Despite jurisdictional disputes and competition for converts, missionary activity extended into nearly every Chinese province. The deposition of the Ming dynasty and the establishment of the Qing dynasty—which adopted a less tolerant attitude toward the missionaries, especially after the church forbade Chinese converts from continuing the indigenous practice of honouring Confucius and family ancestors, during the Chinese Rites Controversy—helped to bring a successful period of missionary activity in China to an end. During the 18th century, preaching and converting to Christianity were prohibited, the church was persecuted, and the number of Chinese Christians declined dramatically.
In the 19th century, Roman Catholicism experienced a revival in China as European economic exploitation of the country increased. Treaties imposed on the Chinese during the Opium Wars (1839–42; 1856–60) led to the abolition of restrictions against Christians and the restoration of church property. Missionaries returned in large numbers, and Catholic churches, hospitals, and schools became familiar sights on the Chinese landscape. Although only a small percentage of the people had become Catholic, the church had grown so large that the pope ordered the reorganization of ecclesiastical districts in China in 1879. Meanwhile, however, Chinese resentment of the Western presence in their country continued to grow. The eventual result, the Boxer Rebellion of 1900, took the lives of some 30,000 Catholics, both indigenous Chinese and missionaries; 86 of the martyrs were later canonized.
The suppression of the rebellion was followed by a period of expansion of the church in China that lasted until the triumph of communism in the country in 1949. The communist authorities halted Catholic missionary activity and proscribed indigenous Catholic practices. Although the faith survived, it was divided between Roman loyalists and adherents of an autonomous Chinese church, the Patriotic Catholic Church, which rejected papal authority and maintained an independent hierarchy. During the Cultural Revolution (1966–76) both churches were persecuted, and Christian clergy and laity were tortured or sent to labour camps. Starting in the late 1970s, the situation of Christianity in China greatly improved, and the divisions between the two Catholic churches diminished. The revived Patriotic Catholic Church—often called the Open Church because it registered with the government—restored the prayer for the pope to the order of the mass, and Pope John Paul II legitimized most of its bishops; the Chinese government permitted its spiritual affiliation with Rome in 1989. The Underground Church, which resumed the tradition of obedience to Rome and did not register with the government, faced continued difficulties, especially during the crackdown on unregistered groups following the official proscription of the Falun Gong movement in 1999. Meanwhile, long-standing tensions between Rome and Beijing were exacerbated by the ordination in 2000 of bishops of the Open Church without papal approval and by the canonization of 87 Chinese Christians and 33 missionaries to China in the same year. The latter action was interpreted by Chinese leaders as an attempt to reassert control over the church in China and as an homage to those who had assisted European imperialism. In 2007 China consecrated two bishops supported by the Vatican, signaling a move toward better relations between Rome and Beijing. Jaroslav Jan Pelikan Martin E. Marty Michael Frassetto Structure of the church Doctrinal basis The nature of the church
In 1965 the Roman Catholic theologian Marie-Joseph Le Guillou defined the church in these terms:
The Church is recognized as a society of fellowship with God, the sacrament of salvation, the people of God established as the body of Christ and the temple of the Holy Spirit.
The progress of Roman Catholic theology can be seen in the contrast between this statement and the definition still current as late as 1960, which was substantially the one formulated by the Jesuit controversialist Robert Cardinal Bellarmine in 1621:
The society of Christian believers united in the profession of the one Christian faith and the participation in the one sacramental system under the government of the Roman Pontiff.
The older definition, created in response to the claims of Protestantism, defines the church in external and juridical terms. The more recent definition is an attempt to describe the church in terms of its inner and spiritual reality.
From its origins the church has thought of itself as the one and only worshipping community that could trace itself back to the group established by Jesus Christ. The ancient adage, “There is no salvation outside the church,” was understood as applying to those who had withdrawn from the church as well as to those who had never belonged. When this adage was combined with the notions contained in Bellarmine’s definition, lines between those inside the church and those outside it were clearly drawn. These lines were maintained in the breakup of Western Christendom in the Reformation.
There were, however, other factors determining the idea of the one true church. The Roman Catholic Church had never excluded the Orthodox Church from the community of Christian believers, even though the two churches fell into schism in 1054. Furthermore, the juridical definition of the church did not include traditional themes such as the communion of saints and the body of Christ. The theme of the communion of saints refers to the church as a whole, including both the living and the dead (the souls in purgatory—a place or condition for those who must be cleansed from lesser sins—and in heaven). The idea of communion appears in early church literature as an indication of the mutual recognition of union in the one church and the notion of mutual service.
The theme of the body of Christ appears in the letters of Paul (Romans 12; 1 Corinthians 12; Ephesians 4–5; Colossians 1). In modern Roman Catholic theology, the term mystical has been added to body, doubtless with the intention of distinguishing the church as body from the juridical society. Pius XII, in the encyclical Mystici corporis Christi (1943; “Mystical Body of Christ”), identified the mystical body with the Roman Catholic Church. Most Roman Catholic theologians now take a less rigorous view, trying to find some way of affirming membership in the body for those who are not members of the Roman Catholic Church. The documents of the Second Vatican Council described the church as the “People of God” and as a “pilgrim church,” but no generally accepted statement of membership in this church has yet emerged. Vatican II also departed from established Roman Catholic theology since the Reformation by using the word church in connection with Protestant churches. This use has caused some confusion, but the trend now is to think of one church divided rather than of one true church and other false churches. Apostolic succession
The claim of the Roman Catholic Church to be the one legitimate continuation of the community established by Jesus Christ is based on apostolic succession. The idea of apostolic succession first appears in ad 95 in a letter of Clement, bishop of Rome, who maintained that the bishops succeeded the Apostles. The teaching on apostolic succession received fuller expression in the works of the 2nd-century Church Father Irenaeus, whose writings against the Gnostics (dualistic sects that maintained that salvation is not from faith but from esoteric knowledge) urged that Catholic teaching was verified because a continuous succession of teachers, beginning with the Apostles, could be demonstrated. In the 3rd and 4th centuries, problems of schism within churches were resolved by appealing to the power of orders (i.e., the power a person has by reason of his ordination as deacon, priest, or bishop) transmitted by the imposition of hands through a chain from the Apostles. Orders in turn enabled the subject to receive the power of jurisdiction (i.e., the power an ordained person has by reason of his office). In disputes between Rome and the Eastern churches, the idea of apostolic succession was centred in the Roman pontiff, the successor of Peter. Apostolic authority is defined as the power to teach, to administer the sacraments, and to rule the church. Apostolic succession in the Roman Catholic understanding is validated only through recognition by the Roman pontiff, and the Roman Catholic Church understands the designation “apostolic” in the creed as referring to this threefold power under the primacy of the Roman pontiff.
The Roman Catholic Church has not entirely denied apostolic succession to non-Roman churches. Rome recognizes the validity of orders in the Orthodox churches; this means that it recognizes the sacramental power of the priesthood but does not recognize the government of these churches as legitimate. The orders of the Anglican and the Lutheran churches, on the contrary, are not recognized by Rome, though negotiations aimed at resolving the differences between the churches in this regard have been held since Vatican II. Oriental churches in union with Rome (Eastern Catholics) are recognized as being in full apostolic succession. Luther and Calvin affirmed that apostolic succession had been lost in the Roman Catholic Church by doctrinal and moral corruption and that the true church was found only where the gospel was rightly preached and the sacraments were rightly administered. Thus, Protestant churches generally have not accepted the necessity of apostolic succession. John L. McKenzie The papacy The papal office
The word pope (Latin papa, “father”) was used as early as the 3rd century to refer to any bishop, and the word papacy (Latin papatia, derived from papa) is of medieval origin. In its primary usage, papacy denotes the office of the bishop of Rome, for whom the title of pope has been reserved in the West since the 9th century, and, hence, the system of ecclesiastical and temporal government over which he directly presides.
The hierarchical order of society. The pope enthroned as the supreme authority rules over the worldly powers and the laity (on his left) and the clergy and the religious (on his right). The white and black hounds are visual puns on Dominicans—Dominus canes (“hounds of the Lord”). Detail of The Church Militant and Triumphant, fresco by Andrea da Firenze, c. 1365; in the Spanish Chapel of the church of Santa Maria Novella, Florence.SCALA/Art Resource, New York
The multiplicity and variety of papal titles themselves indicate the complexity of the papal office. In the Annuario Pontificio, the official Vatican directory, the pope is described as bishop of Rome, vicar of Jesus Christ, successor of the prince of the Apostles, pontifex maximus (“supreme pontiff”) of the universal church, primate of Italy, archbishop and metropolitan of the Roman province, sovereign of the state of Vatican City, and servant of the servants of God. In his more circumscribed capacities as bishop of Rome, metropolitan of the Roman province, primate of Italy, and patriarch of the West, the pope is the bearer of responsibilities and the wielder of powers that have counterparts in the other episcopal, metropolitan, primatial, and patriarchal jurisdictions of the Roman Catholic Church. What differentiates his jurisdiction from these others and renders his office unique is the teaching that the bishop of Rome is also the successor to St. Peter, prince of the Apostles. As the bearer of the Petrine office, the pope is raised to a position of lonely eminence as chief bishop, or primate, of the universal church.
Basic to the claim of primacy is the Petrine theory, according to which Christ promised the primacy to Peter alone and, after the Resurrection, actually conferred that role upon him (John 1:42 and 21:15 ff. and, especially, Matthew 16:18 ff.).
St. Peter the Apostle, stained-glass window, 19th century; in St. Mary's Church, Bury St. Edmunds, England.© Ronald Sheridan/Ancient Art & Architecture Collection And so I say to you, you are Peter, and upon this rock I will build my church, and the gates of the netherworld shall not prevail against it.
I will give you the keys to the kingdom of heaven. Whatever you bind on earth shall be bound in heaven; and whatever you loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven.
(Matthew 16:18–19) Feed my lambs.
…Tend my sheep.
(John 21:15–16)
Following an ancient tradition, Vatican I defined the Petrine primacy by citing these three texts, interpreting them to signify that Christ himself directly established St. Peter as prince of the Apostles and visible head of the church militant, bestowing on him a primacy not merely of honour but of true jurisdiction. The council maintained also that by Christ’s establishment the Petrine primacy was to pass in perpetuity to his successors and that these successors were the bishops of Rome. In stipulating further that the Roman pontiffs, as successors in the Petrine primacy, possess the authority to issue infallible pronouncements in matters of faith or morals, the council cited both Matthew 16:18 ff. and Christ’s promise to Peter at the Last Supper: But I have prayed that your own faith may not fail; and once you have turned back, you must strengthen your brothers.
(Luke 22:32) Ancient and medieval views of papal authority
Of the Petrine texts, Matthew 16:18 ff. is clearly central and has the distinction of being the first scriptural text invoked to support the primatial claims of the Roman bishops. Although the exact meaning of this passage was debated by patristic exegetes (early Church Fathers who in their interpretation of the Bible used critical techniques), the tradition of Roman preeminence developed very early in the history of the church. In the late 4th and 5th centuries there was an increasing tendency on the part of Roman bishops to justify scripturally and to formulate in theoretical terms the ill-defined preeminence in the universal church that had long been attached to the Roman church and to its bishop. Thus, Damasus I, despite the existence of other churches of apostolic foundation, began to call the Roman church “the apostolic see.” At about the same time, the categories of Roman law were borrowed to explicate and formulate the prerogatives of the Roman bishop. The process of theoretical elaboration reached a culmination in the views of Leo I and Gelasius I (reigned 492–496), the former understanding himself not simply as Peter’s successor but also as his representative, or vicar. He was Peter’s “unworthy heir,” possessing by analogy with the Roman law of inheritance the full powers Peter himself had wielded—these powers being monarchical, since Peter had been endowed with the principatus over the church.
On a purely theoretical level, the distance between the claims advanced by Leo I and the position embodied in the primacy decree of Vatican I is not great. Medieval popes, such as Gregory VII, Innocent III, and Innocent IV, clarified in both theory and practice the precise meaning of that fullness of power (plenitudo potestatis) over the church to which, according to some scholars, Leo I himself had laid claim. In this they were aided not only by the efforts of publicists such as the 13th-century Italian theologian and philosopher Giles of Rome, also known as Aegidius Romanus, who magnified the pope’s monarchical powers in unrestrained and secular terms, but also by the massive development during the late 11th, 12th, and 13th centuries of canon law, which made increasing use of Roman law and legal practices. Gratian’s Decretum (c. 1140), the unofficial collection of canons that became the fundamental textbook for medieval students of canon law, laid great emphasis on the primacy of the Roman see, accepting as genuine certain canons that were based on long-standing tradition but were actually the work of 8th- and 9th-century forgers. Two such canons were restated by the 1917 Code of Canon Law as the principles “that there cannot be an ecumenical council which is not convoked by the Roman Pontiff” and that “the First See is under the judgment of nobody.”
The prevalence of such ideas and the absence of a formidable challenge to papal primatial claims during the High Middle Ages explain the lack of any conciliar definition of the Roman primacy at the great “papal” general councils of that period. Hence it took the (abortive) attempt at reunion with the Orthodox Church at the Council of Ferrara-Florence in 1439 to evoke the first solemn conciliar definition of the Roman primacy, which was included in the decree of union with the Greeks (Laetentur coeli) as follows:
We define that the Holy Apostolic See and the Roman Pontiff hold the primacy over the whole world, that the Roman Pontiff himself is the successor of Peter, prince of the Apostles, that he is the true vicar of Christ, head of the whole church, father and teacher of all Christians, and [we define] that to him in [the person of] Peter was given by our Lord Jesus Christ the full power of nourishing, ruling and governing the universal church; as it is also contained in the acts of the ecumenical councils and in the holy canons. Early-modern and modern views of papal authority
Laetentur coeli was the basis for the solemn definition that Vatican I promulgated in 1870 as part of its dogmatic constitution Pastor aeternus. Having asserted as a matter of faith the primacy of Peter and the succession of the popes in that primacy and having quoted in full the Florentine definition, the constitution clarified what was to be understood by “the full power of nourishing, ruling, and governing” the church, which, according to that definition, inhered in the pope’s primacy. Unlike the conciliar definition arrived at in Florence, Pastor aeternus specified this to include the pope’s judicial supremacy, insisting that there is “no higher authority,” not even an ecumenical council, to which appeal can be made from a papal judgment.
An important step in the development of the definition of papal infallibility occurred in 519, when Pope Hormisdas (reigned 514–23) decreed that the Roman see had always preserved the true Catholic faith. This assertion of the teaching authority of the papacy was included in Pastor aeternus. Despite challenges to papal claims from both the Eastern and Western churches throughout the Middle Ages, many popes, canonists, and theologians, including Aquinas, upheld the belief that the institution of the papacy possessed a privileged teaching authority. In the later Middle Ages, the Spiritual Franciscan Peter John Olivi developed a theory of papal inerrancy, and other Franciscan theologians cited papal infallibility in their debate over poverty. During the era of the Great Schism and the conciliar movement, the idea of papal infallibility was further developed. An even more dramatic step was taken following the turmoil of the Protestant Reformation by the Roman, or ultramontane, theological school, whose distinguished representatives included Cardinal Bellarmine. Prominent during the 16th and 17th centuries, this school identified the supreme teaching authority of the universal church with the teaching authority of the pope and claimed that the infallibility promised to the church was also possessed by the pope acting as its head, thus guaranteeing the inerrancy even of the pope’s individual doctrinal pronouncements. Although it drew from earlier materials—notably from the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals (a 9th-century collection of canon laws, authentic and forged, attributed to the popes and councils of the first seven centuries) and from the writings of medieval theologians such as Aquinas, Giles of Rome, and Augustinus Triumphus—the ultramontane school derived much of its initial strength from the papalist reaction to the conciliar movement, and it was shaped very much by its opposition to the claims of the conciliarists and their Gallican successors on behalf of the general council. This is evident in the solemn definition of the doctrine promulgated by Vatican I, which insisted that the ex cathedra definitions of the pope—literally, those made from the papal “chair” or throne—“are irreformable of themselves and not by virtue of the consent of the Church.” The conciliar debates indicate that this sentence was intended to exclude the Gallican notion that a papal definition could not claim infallibility unless, subsequently or concomitantly, it received episcopal assent. Despite the maximalist (extremist) tendencies both of subsequent Catholic apologists and of their Protestant critics, the sentence apparently was not intended to restrict the church’s infallible teaching authority to the pope alone or to suggest that the pope was free to define doctrine without making every effort to take into account the mind of the church.
Pages from a codex (c. 1325) containing portions of Peter John Olivi's Principia in Sacram Scripturam (“Foundations of Holy Scripture”).The Newberry Library, Purchased jointly with the University of Notre Dame; gift of William and Joan Brodsky and the B. H. Breslauer Foundation, 2011 (A Britannica Publishing Partner)
In its dogmatic constitution Lumen gentium (1964; “Light of Nations”)), Vatican II focused on the nature of episcopal authority while also endorsing Vatican I’s teaching on papal primacy and infallibility. It insisted that bishops “are not to be regarded as vicars of the Roman Pontiff, for they exercise an authority which is proper to them,” since “by divine institution…[they] have succeeded to the place of the apostles as shepherds of the Church” and are themselves, in fact, “the vicars and ambassadors of Christ.” Also, “just as, by the Lord’s will, St. Peter and the other apostles constituted one apostolic college, so in a similar way the Roman Pontiff as the successor of Peter and the bishops as the successors of the apostles are joined together.” This college, “together with its head, the Roman Pontiff, and never without this head” is “the subject of supreme and full power over the universal Church,” a supreme authority that it can exercise in more than one fashion but “in a solemn way through an ecumenical council.” The supreme authority in the church can be exercised not only personally by the pope himself but also in a collegial fashion by the whole episcopate, which of necessity includes the bishop of Rome as its head.
In so emphasizing the doctrine of episcopal collegiality, Vatican II was responding to the findings of modern New Testament and patristic scholarship concerning the nature of the primitive and ancient church; the council insisted that it was restoring an ecclesiological emphasis of great antiquity. Recent scholarship on the medieval church indicates that papal primacy was more limited, especially in the early Middle Ages, and that support for collegiality survived, in the writings of canonists and theologians, side by side with the more prominent concern with papal primacy. The great conciliarists active at the Council of Constance attempted unsuccessfully to balance these two emphases, and even in the modern period, despite the growing prominence of ultramontane views and their eventual triumph at Vatican I, the collegial concern was never fully displaced. Although episcopal collegiality was supported by Vatican II and Pope Paul VI, it has suffered as a result of the centralizing tendencies of John Paul II. Historical conceptions of the relationship of the papacy to the world
Theories concerning the relationship of the papacy to the world at large have both reflected and conflicted with the established political conceptions of the day. The pope has been conceived successively as a leading dignitary in an imperial church headed in effect by an emperor, as a majestic potentate possessed of a supreme and direct authority even in temporal matters, and as a primarily spiritual figure who in temporal matters has no more than an indirect power of intervention. With the post-Reformation fragmentation of Christendom, the growth of secularism, and the emergence of the unified modern state claiming omnicompetence within its borders, even such attenuated claims to an indirect power became increasingly anachronistic. Throughout the 20th century the pope, although affected by the conventions regulating the relations of heads of state with each other, possessed mainly a moral authority deriving from the dignity and prestige of his office. The strength of that authority, however, depended upon his moral standing as a person, upon the persuasive force of his cause, and upon the degree of enthusiasm he could arouse within the church. Despite these limitations, the pope could still exercise great influence on political affairs, as events of the late 20th century demonstrated. Contemporary teaching on papal authority
After the mid-20th century some voices in Roman Catholic circles questioned both the doctrine of papal infallibility and the exercise of papal primacy—at least as it was envisaged in the teaching of Vatican I and the Code of Canon Law. The church’s official teaching on the papal office remains that of Vatican I, solemnly reaffirmed at Vatican II. Nevertheless, the latter council’s juxtaposition of the doctrine of episcopal collegiality with the existing teaching on papal primacy and infallibility created something of a dilemma in Catholic ecclesiology. Although the text of Lumen gentium insisted that the doctrine of episcopal collegiality in no way impugned the pope’s primacy, a minority of the council fathers remained unconvinced, though they were said to have been won over by the explanatory note that the Theological Commission, by papal authority, appended to the decree. The note is framed in much more juristic terms than is the decree itself, and in discussing the possession by the college of bishops of “supreme and full power over the whole Church” it insists that “there is no distinction between the Roman Pontiff and the bishops taken collectively” and that “necessarily and always, the College carries with it the idea of its head,” so that the bishops acting independently of the pope cannot be considered to constitute a college. At the same time, the note insists that “since the Supreme Pontiff is the head of the College, he alone can perform certain acts which in no wise belong to the bishops, for example, convoking and directing the College, approving the norms of action, etc.,” norms that “must always be observed.”
Already in 1964 there were some who regarded this note with considerable unease, feeling that it withdrew from the bishops, in practical and legal terms, the supreme authority they were said, on theological grounds, to share. Subsequent events did little to dispel such misgivings. In 1968 Pope Paul VI, rejecting the recommendations of a commission he sanctioned and failing to consult the bishops, promulgated Humanae vitae (the encyclical on birth control), considered by some observers to be the most divisive papal initiative of recent times and one that amounted to a de facto negation of collegiality. Although Paul seemed less supportive of collegiality, he did encourage the exploration of the relationship between collegiality and infallibility. He also established the Synod of Bishops in 1965, which would continue to meet regularly throughout his papacy and that of his successors.
The controversy over papal primacy and episcopal collegiality continued during the papacy of John Paul II. Clearly committed to the spirit of Vatican II, John Paul reached out to the people of the world in his many travels and through his internationalization of the College of Cardinals. He maintained an almost ultramontane understanding of papal authority and sharply curtailed the authority of national episcopal conferences. The Roman Curia, a name first used for the body of papal assistants in the 11th century, became increasingly centralized and remained the administrative power in the church. John Paul also reestablished the papacy as a leading moral authority in the world, a role that had become increasingly important after the loss of temporal sovereignty in 1870. Although many Roman Catholics and non-Catholics alike disagreed with him on a number of issues, he remained a highly respected figure on the world stage. During his reign the papacy continued to be a force for international peace, justice, and human rights, as well as a focal point of controversy on matters of gender and sexuality. The offices of the clergy The Roman Curia and the College of Cardinals
In the day-to-day exercise of his primatial jurisdiction, the pope relies on the assistance of the Roman Curia. The Curia originated in the local body of presbyters (priests), deacons (lower order of clergy), and notaries (lower clerics with secretarial duties) upon which, like other bishops in their own dioceses, the early bishops of Rome relied for help. By the 11th century this body had been narrowed to include only the leading (or cardinal) presbyters and deacons of the Roman diocese and broadened to embrace the cardinal bishops (the heads of the seven neighbouring, or “suburbicarian,” dioceses). From this emerged the Sacred College of Cardinals, a corporate body possessed, from 1179 onward, of the exclusive right to elect the pope. The college, in a special assembly known as a conclave, still possesses the right to elect the pope, as well as the right to govern the church in urgent matters during a vacancy in the papal office. Since 1958, a series of popes extended the size of the Sacred College beyond the traditional limit of 70 and broadened its membership to make it more representative of the church’s international character, though Paul VI limited the number of cardinals who could participate in papal elections to 120 and decreed that cardinals could not participate in papal elections or curial business after age 80. Under John Paul II the college eventually comprised 185 cardinals from 69 countries.
Cardinals are selected by the personal choice of the pope, in consultation with the cardinals in Rome at the time, in a consistory, or solemn meeting, which is secret. The cardinals reside either as bishops in their own sees or in the Vatican as the highest rank of papal advisers and officers in the Roman Curia. Since the time of Martin V (reigned 1417–31), the names of some newly promoted cardinals have been held in pectore (Latin: “in the breast” or “in the heart”) by the pope. The name of a cardinal in pectore is not made public, and he acquires the responsibilities and rights of the other cardinals only if his name is subsequently published.
During the Middle Ages the cardinals played an important role as a corporate body, not only during papal vacancies, as today, but also during the pope’s lifetime. In the 12th century the Roman councils that popes had hitherto convoked when urgent matters were at hand were replaced by the consistory of the cardinals, which thus became the most important collegial (corporate) body advising the pope and participating in his judicial activity. Eventually it began to make oligarchic claims to a share in the powers of the Petrine office and attempted, with sporadic success, to bind the pope to act on important matters only with its consent. During the 16th century, however, the Roman congregations (administrative committees), each charged with the task of assisting the pope in a specific area of government, were finally established, and the power of the consistory began to decline, and with it the importance of the cardinals as a corporate body. At the same time, there was an increase in the power and influence of the “curial” cardinals—those who did not administer local dioceses but who served as the pope’s representatives in important foreign affairs or resided permanently in Rome, holding responsibilities in the curial congregations, tribunals, and offices that proliferated in the course of the next three centuries.
By the early 20th century the growth of the Roman Curia had produced a bewildering tangle of administrative and judicial bodies in which neither temporal and ecclesiastical functions nor executive and judicial powers were clearly demarcated. The reforms of Pius X (reigned 1903–14) and Benedict XV (reigned 1914–22) clarified and streamlined the work of the Curia and introduced a measure of order into its maze of overlapping jurisdictions. In the wake of Vatican II and in response to complaints about abuses of curial power and requests for an internationalization of curial staff and a modernization of curial functions and procedures, Paul VI pledged himself to act. His reforms, instituted in the apostolic constitution Regimini ecclesiae universae (“Government of the Universal Church”) of 1967, were further modified in 1988 by John Paul II in the apostolic constitution Pastor bonus (“The Good Shepherd”).
The Curia is divided into several agencies, or dicasteries, including the Secretariat of State, the various congregations, the tribunals, and the pontifical councils. The Secretariat of State, which is divided into two sections, is the agency that works most closely with the pope in his mission to govern the church and to establish relations with foreign countries. The Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (originally the Sacred Congregation of the Universal Inquisition) is the oldest of the nine congregations and is responsible for spreading and defending Roman Catholic belief. The other congregations are those for the Oriental Churches, for Divine Worship and the Discipline of the Sacraments, for the Causes of Saints, for the Evangelization of Peoples, for the Clergy, for Institutes of Consecrated Life and Societies of Apostolic Life, for Catholic Education, and for Bishops. The tribunals constitute the judicial branch of the Curia and include the Apostolic Penitentiary (which grants indulgences, absolutions, and other favours), the Roman Rota (a court of appeals and first instance), and the Apostolic Signatura (the highest judicial body of the church). In addition to restructuring the established dicasteries, John Paul II also restructured a number of administrative bureaus and created the pontifical councils, which include councils for the laity, Christian unity, interreligious dialogue, dialogue with nonbelievers, and others. Finally, the offices of the Curia are responsible for the financial administration of the Curia and the papacy. Francis Christopher Oakley The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica The college of bishops
In Roman Catholicism the college of bishops is the successor to the college of the Apostles; the earliest mention of the office of bishop is found in the New Testament. Every Roman Catholic bishop is a bishop of a place—either a proper area, or jurisdiction, of which he is the ordinary (as he is called in church law), or a fictitious place, a see no longer existing, of which he is named titular bishop. The office of the first bishops differed from the later institution; references in the Gospels to episkopoi are better understood to mean “overseers.” In the early Christian communities there was often little distinction between bishops and presbyters, and there was usually more than one bishop associated with each community, though the appearance of the bishop as the individual leader of the local church—the monarchical bishop—was a fairly early development. Ignatius of Antioch—whose letters, written about ad 107, provide an early description of the Christian community—was clearly a monarchical bishop, and he did not think of himself as the only one of his kind; thus, the institution must have arisen in apostolic or early postapostolic times.
The bishops succeed to the apostolic power, which is understood as the power to teach Catholic doctrine, to sanctify the church through the administration of the sacraments, and to govern the church. The residential bishop is supreme in his territory in this threefold function, having no superior other than the Roman pontiff. As the principal teacher of his diocese, the bishop is responsible for providing witness to Christ and for preaching the gospel of Christ. The bishop must also educate his flock on all the teachings of the church concerning faith and morals, children and the family, the individual, and society. In his priestly function, the bishop is called on to administer the sacraments and to encourage his flock to experience the Eucharist as a means of achieving unity in the love of Christ. As the chief officer of the diocese, the bishop has executive, legislative, and judicial powers to govern the church. The responsibilities of the office are great and demand considerable leadership.
Bishops in modern times have been more visible as managers of the business of the diocese than as pastors and teachers. No authentic “Catholic” activity is conducted in a diocese without at least the tacit approval of the bishop; his disposal of funds and persons makes it evident that the activity will flourish much more vigorously if it enjoys his active support and encouragement. His power to discourage or forbid activities, which he is free to use according to his judgment, is both a strength and a weakness of the Roman Catholic structure. The bishop is assisted in governing the diocese by a staff called, like the staff of the pope, a curia. The structure of the staff is to some extent determined by canon law—e.g., vicar-general, chancellor, and official, or head, of the diocesan tribunals. Otherwise, the bishop at his discretion may appoint a staff according to the needs of his diocese. His authority over the staff and his clergy is nearly absolute.
Until Vatican II the Roman Catholic Church had not dealt with the ambiguity of two concurrent jurisdictions, pontifical and episcopal. The pope cannot define or limit the powers of a bishop; the powers are “ordinary,” inhering in the office itself. Vatican II accepted the emphasis that recent theologians have laid on the collegial character of the episcopacy, and the supremacy of the pope is understood as supremacy in the college; the pope needs the college of which he is head, though Vatican I declared that he needs neither its consultation nor its approval. It is now understood that such solitary action should be the exception rather than the rule; and the Synod of Bishops, established after Vatican II, was a step toward involving the body of bishops in the policy of the entire church, hitherto formulated exclusively by the Roman see. During the papacy of John Paul II, the church proceeded along a contradictory path regarding the role of the episcopacy. In his 1995 encyclical Ut unum sint (“That They May Be One”), the pope seemingly supported the emphasis on collegiality voiced at Vatican II, but he also taught that there were limitations to episcopal independence.
Originally elected to office and often appointed by kings and emperors during the early Middle Ages, bishops have been chosen by the pope since the 11th century. In modern practice, appointments to the office are made from confidential lists of suitable priests sent to the pope every three years by the bishops. Bishops in modern times have generally been career administrators in the church, but any priest can ascend to the office if he possesses certain qualifications. A candidate for the office must be at least 35 years old and have served as a priest for at least five years; he must also have strength of faith and moral character, and he must have a licence or expertise in Scripture, theology, and canon law. In 1970 Pope Paul VI established 75 as the mandatory age of retirement for all bishops except the bishop of Rome. Ecumenical councils
The first church council, which set the precedent for all subsequent meetings, took place at Jerusalem about ad 50 and was attended by the Apostles, who debated whether Gentile Christians were obliged to follow the Mosaic Law. Regional councils of bishops, convoked to settle doctrinal and disciplinary questions, appeared in the 2nd century. The first general council representing the bishops of the whole world occurred at Nicaea in Asia Minor in 325 (the Greek oikumenē, from which the word ecumenical is derived, referred to the inhabited world). The council was convoked not by an ecclesiastical authority but by the Roman emperor Constantine, who wanted the church to reach a final decision on the Arian controversy. (According to Arius, the Son of God was a creature of similar but not the same substance as God the Father.) The Roman Catholic Church has held 21 such assemblies, though only three (Trent, Vatican I, and Vatican II) have been held since the mid-16th century.
Canon law defines an ecumenical council and its procedure; actually, the law represents the procedure followed in the convocation of Vatican I. There is no precise criterion for determining what is an ecumenical council, and one can say only that councils are ecumenical if and only if the Roman Catholic Church regards them as such. The Orthodox churches recognize the first eight councils only.
The ecumenical council is recognized as the supreme authority within the Roman Catholic Church. Along with the pope this makes two supreme authorities; the church reconciles this logical dilemma by asserting that the ecumenical council, acting with the pope, is supreme. Only the pope can convoke an ecumenical council, and he or his legates must preside. There are no limits to the competence of an ecumenical council, but the pope must approve its decrees.
The Great Schism (1378–1417), during which three men claimed the papacy simultaneously, led to the movement known as conciliarism, which maintained that the ecumenical council was the means of saving the church from scandal and corruption. The idea of conciliarism was rooted in debates from the 12th century; in the 15th century it was applied with much success to the resolution of the schism, though the excesses of extremist conciliarists soon led to the demise of the movement, and much of the policy of the Roman see since that time has been devoted to the suppression of conciliarist sentiments. This has naturally led to questions about the value of ecumenical councils, which are cumbersome and expensive compared with an omnicompetent office such as the papacy. Nevertheless, the usefulness of ecumenical councils has been illustrated by both Vatican I and Vatican II. Apart from the public and psychological impact produced by a consensus so broad, the council makes available to the church a fund of wisdom and experience not available to the Roman Curia, and it seems to generate among participants a state of mind and a strength of purpose that is above their normal level of thought and action. The priesthood
Although the term “priest” (Greek hiereus) refers to the entire Christian people, it is given to no church officer in the New Testament. First appearing in the 2nd century, the office is associated with the establishment of the eucharistic sacrifice, over which the priest was called to preside. No doubt the development of the monarchical episcopate also contributed to the emergence of the priesthood; the bishop needed assistance in his threefold task of teaching, sanctifying, and governing, and the priest exercised this power as an officer of the bishop. Although priests are members of either a diocese or a religious community, in the exercise of the threefold ministry every priest is subject to the bishop of the diocese in which the ministry is conducted.
The pastor of the parish is the model priest. Despite the fact that in large parishes the pastor may be primarily an administrator, Catholics experience their church directly through the parochial clergy. Catholics hear sermons, worship, receive the sacraments, and look for religious counsel and direction in their parish. Many Catholics, particularly in the United States, send their children to parish schools. The parish is also the centre of activities ranging from recreation to adult education and social work, all under the direction of the clergy. Whereas the parochial clergy are genuine pastors, the pastoral office has often been reduced for the bishop and is barely visible in the pope. The strength of the Roman Catholic Church historically has been rooted in its priests, especially in its parochial clergy.
Roman Catholicism for centuries has fostered a distinct clerical identity, symbolized by clerical garb, which sets priests as a class apart from lay Catholics. The priesthood is also set apart by gender; only men may become Catholic priests. The most striking feature of this class, celibacy, has stirred up considerable dissatisfaction in the modern church. Many priests and other observers have called for the acceptance of married priests, arguing that the rule of celibacy interferes with the ministry. Others have urged the acceptance of female priests. Because of this dissatisfaction and the issues related to it, there have been a significant number of departures from the priesthood and an alarming decrease in the number of candidates. Religious communities
Religious communities in the Roman Catholic Church consist of groups of men or women who live a common life and pronounce the three vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience (the evangelical counsels). Members of religious communities generally accept a rule of life that emphasizes humility and the renunciation of worldly goods and pleasures. The aim of such a life has traditionally been the contemplation of God and the pursuit of Christian perfection (theologically defined as perfect love). The religious life also has been understood as flight from the world, though monastic communities often have been great economic and cultural centres. Hermits and monks
The origins of the religious life traditionally have been traced to the apostolic community in Jerusalem at the very beginning of the church. In the 1st century, groups of ascetics adopted lives of celibacy and poverty. In the 3rd and 4th centuries St. Anthony and other anchorites, or hermits, who escaped sin and temptation by flight from the world—mostly in the deserts of Syria, Egypt, and Palestine—greatly stimulated the growth of the movement. Flight from the world became the rule of the cloister, forbidding both free entrance of “externs” and free egress of the religious and imposing supervision in all dealings with seculars. The evangelical counsels meant a life of solitude and destitution and an effort to attain union with God by prolonged, almost constant contemplation. Where large numbers of hermits assembled in the same place, cenobitism (common life) emerged, and the hermits or monks (Greek monachos, “solitary”) elected one of their members abbot (Aramaic abba, “father”). Eastern monasticism produced the rules of Pachomius and Basil in the 4th century, and travelers (most notably John Cassian) introduced monasticism into the Latin church. Western monasticism, however, came to be dominated by the rule of Benedict of Nursia, who founded his communities in Italy in the 6th century.
Compared with most contemporary monastic rules, the Benedictine Rule emphasizes less austerity and contemplation and more common life and common work in charity and harmony. It has many offshoots and variations, and it has proved itself sturdy, surviving many near collapses and reforms. The monk does not join an “order” but a monastery. He takes vows of obedience, stability, and fidelity to the monastic life, adopts the habit (i.e., the distinct form of dress of the order), and the tonsure. Although Benedictine monasteries were almost always located in rural regions, the labour of the monks transformed them into food-producing areas which then attracted settlement. Thus, the monks who had fled the world found that the world sought them out for services, which they gladly rendered.
A medieval monk copying from a text, in a scriptorium.The Bettmann Archive
The monks established internal and external schools in their communities and preserved the learning of antiquity by copying numerous ancient Latin manuscripts, both pagan and Christian. The primary purpose of the monastic community, however, was religious. The Benedictine monk was committed to a life of prayer, which was fulfilled in choir by the communal chanting of the divine office (a set form of liturgical prayer) at specific times of day. As the centre of the perfected religious life, monasteries received much support from the laity, who bestowed upon the monks numerous pious donations in the hopes of establishing spiritual kinship with them and being included in the monks’ prayers. Mendicant friars and clerks regular
Mendicant orders, such as the Franciscans, the Dominicans, the Carmelites, and the Augustinians, arose in the 13th century. The friary was like a monastery, with common life and the divine office in choir, but the friars made excursions, sometimes at great length both in time and distance, for apostolic works, mostly preaching. All of the mendicant orders had apostolic work in mind at their foundation. They were thus at the ready disposal of the pope, and the principle of clerical exemption (exemption from the jurisdiction of the bishop) became much more important than it had been for the monks. Originally, the friars did not need even the approval of the bishop to preach in his diocese, though this freedom has been restricted in modern times. Preaching became almost the specialty of the mendicant friars in the Middle Ages, and they were important in the foundation of the great medieval universities.
The third major form of religious life, that of the clerks regular, developed in the 16th century. These communities were formally and frankly directed to active ministry. According to Ignatius of Loyola, founder of the Society of Jesus (Jesuits)—the best-known example of clerks regular—the Society imitated the manner of living of devout secular priests (i.e., priests not bound by a rule) and placed itself at the disposal of the pope. The clerks regular were even more mobile than the friars and possessed the resources necessary to undertake specialized works. Since the 16th century the works of these religious communities have been education, foreign missions, preaching, and theological scholarship. Nuns and brothers
Until the 17th century, religious communities of women were almost entirely contemplative and generally subject to rigid cloister, or seclusion. (The Beguine movement—laywomen living communal lives of celibacy, prayer, and work—is one exception to this tradition.) Beginning in the 16th century, women’s communities began to admit girls into the convents not as novices (those admitted to probationary membership in the community) but to educate them as gentlewomen. Modern communities of women all stem from the type of community instituted in France in the mid-17th century by Vincent de Paul under the name Daughters of Charity. At first these groups were deliberately nonmonastic; Vincent did not wish cloister. The Daughters of Charity was founded to help the poor and the sick and to provide their children with religious training and rudimentary education. These have remained the major works of the communities of women.
Religious communities are orders if the members (or some of them) pronounce solemn vows and are congregations if the members pronounce simple vows. Whereas solemn vows are perpetual, simple vows may be perpetual or temporary. The difference between the two is subtle: solemn vows, though dispensable, were meant to be a more permanent and durable consecration than simple vows. Men who make religious profession but who do not receive the sacrament of holy orders are “brothers.”
Secular institutes, such as Opus Dei, have arisen since World War II. They are not religious (and therefore do not pronounce the three vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience), have little or no common life in a common residence, have no superior but rather a manager of their few common affairs, and intend to bear Christian witness in the world in any type of secular employment. The laity
Although the laity as a class are not mentioned in the New Testament, they came into being with the clergy at the end of the 1st century; the laity were identified as the part of the church that is not in orders. If the office of the clergy is conceived as teaching, sanctifying, and governing, then the function of the laity is to be taught, sanctified, and governed. The modern term Catholic Action (especially under Pius X and Pius XI) meant the organized general assistance by the laity in the mission of the church, yet, as it was more closely defined, the mission of the church was still entirely clerical, and lay action was accessory to the mission proper.
Building on the precedents of the two popes Pius, Vatican II redefined the laity as part of the people of God and revised the role of the laity in the church. It called “secular” all nonecclesiastical activity and declared that the secular is the proper area of the layperson. This means that laypersons are the judges of how to realize their Christian destiny in the secular sphere. Although “proper” does not mean exclusive, the statement implies that the clergy can offer principles and general directions but not make specific decisions. The Roman Catholic Church intended to make the laity the channel of its relevance in the world.
The council also took steps against passivity of the laity in ecclesiastical life, a reform some Roman Catholics were at first slow to accept, because they were not accustomed to the idea and because they were uncertain about how it should be implemented. The council’s most visible reform involved the liturgy, which was now rendered in the vernacular. The altar was turned around so that the presiding priest faced the laity, who participated more fully in the mass through congregational singing and by responding to liturgical prayer. The council also recommended the creation of lay councils in each diocese and parish, which were gradually established in the following generation.
The council’s reform of the role of the laity was reinforced by a revision in 1983 of the Code of Canon Law and by Pope John Paul II’s apostolic exhortation Christifidelis laici (December 30, 1988; “The Lay Members of Christ’s Faithful People”). The new law code highlighted a number of rights for the laity, including eligibility to hold church offices. Laypersons were allowed to serve as diocesan chancellors and to attend diocesan synods. The laity were also called on to participate in diocesan and parish financial and pastoral councils and to serve as advisers to bishops and priests. The revised code also established the right of laypersons to serve as lectors, commentators, and cantors, and they were even allowed to preach, confer baptism, and distribute Holy Communion. In his exhortation, the pope sanctioned the new lay ministries and duties described in the canon law. Drawing from the decrees of Vatican II, John Paul explained that all Christians share in the mission of Jesus Christ and are responsible for spreading the faith. The laity are called on to manifest the faith in their daily lives and to live as Christians in the world, thereby sanctifying it. Canon law
The earliest individual church law was called a canon (Greek kanōn, “rule, measure, standard”), and the canons came to be referred to as canon law. Church laws appeared almost as soon as church authority, and some passages of the New Testament reflect early rules; whether they should be called “law” at this primitive stage is doubtful. Laws of dioceses or of regions were formed by diocesan synods or regional councils even before Constantine. Laws for the whole church appear with the earliest ecumenical councils. Collections of canon law, which were made throughout the Middle Ages, include the important codes of Burchard of Worms and Ivo of Chartres, though the first definitive codification was made only about 1140 by Gratian in the Decretum Gratiani. To this collection in the next 400 years were added the decretals (papal decrees on points of law) produced in the reigns of Gregory IX (1234), Boniface VIII (1298), and John XXII (1317) and two collections known as Extravagantes (1500). These formed the Corpus Juris Canonici (“Body of Canon Law”); no further collection of laws was made later than the Corpus. Effectively, though not formally, canon law included the opinions of canonists who interpreted the Corpus.
This unsatisfactory and cumbersome collection led to calls for codification. No doubt the desire was influenced by the production of the Napoleonic Code (1804), which became the basic law of most of the nations of western Europe. The codification was begun by a document of Pius X (1904) and was completed, under the direction of Cardinal Pietro Gasparri, during the reign of Benedict XV (1917); it became law in 1918. This Codex Juris Canonici (Code of Canon Law) remained the basic law of the Roman Catholic Church until 1983, when a new Code of Canon Law, originally commissioned by Pope John XXIII, was instituted by Pope John Paul II. Eastern Catholic Churches in union with Rome, however, have their own code of canon law.
The history and structure of church law are treated more fully under canon law. Beliefs and practices Faith Concepts of faith
The idea of faith shared by all Christian churches is rooted in the New Testament. But the New Testament idea of faith is not simple; indeed, it possesses a breadth of meaning that has led to varying understandings, even within a single Christian communion. Most modern interpreters of the New Testament would agree to a description of faith as the personal knowledge of God revealing himself in Christ. Yet it is doubtful whether the post-Reformation theology of any Christian church has presented faith simply in these terms.
Well before modern theologians considered the meaning of faith, Christian thinkers, beginning with St. Paul and the Evangelists, sought to explain faith. In the Gospels" class="md-crosslink">Synoptic Gospels, God was the object of faith, and faith itself was belief in Jesus as the Messiah and Son of God. The Apostle Paul taught that faith meant belief in Christ and the preaching of Christ, which is the word of God, as well as obedience to Christ. Faith also was the key to salvation, and as such it offered confidence in the reconciliation with God. For St. John, faith was inspired by miracles and was knowledge of Jesus as the Messiah. The Apologists and other early writers commented on faith, but the most influential discussion of faith was that of St. Augustine, for whom faith was the acceptance of revelation and the freely given gift of God. This idea was developed and given official sanction at the second Council of Orange (529), which declared that the beginning and even the desire of faith was the result of the gift of grace. In the 13th century Thomas Aquinas" class="md-crosslink">St. Thomas Aquinas defined faith as an intellectual assent to divine truth by the command of the will inspired by grace and the authority of God. Aquinas’s definition was made canonical by the Council of Trent (between 1545 and 1563) and Vatican I (1869–70). The fathers at Vatican II (1962–65) confirmed this understanding of faith in the dogmatic constitution Dei verbum (November 18, 1965; “The Word of God”), which declared that faith must be preceded and assisted by “the grace of God and the interior help of the Holy Spirit.” Vatican II stressed that both the bestowal of grace and the human response to it are free acts. Preambles and motivation of faith
Two subjects are key to understanding Catholic faith: the preambles of faith and the motivation of faith. The preambles of faith include those rational steps through which the believer reaches the conclusion that belief in God is reasonable. The freedom of faith is respected by affirming that such a conclusion is as far as the preambles can take one. That is, the preambles show that there is good evidence for the existence of God and that belief in God is reasonable, but they cannot establish God’s existence with absolute certainty or beyond rational doubt. Thus, the preambles leave one free to accept faith or to reject it.
Traditional approaches to the preambles include the study of the scientific and historical difficulties raised against the Christian fact itself (i.e., the Incarnation, Resurrection, Ascension, and glorification of Jesus Christ), against the Roman Catholic interpretation and proclamation of the Christian fact, or against the Roman Catholic claim to be the exclusive custodian of revealed doctrine and the means of salvation. In their earlier forms, these studies attempted to show that faith is the necessary result of a purely rational process. But a faith that proceeds necessarily from reason alone can be neither free nor the result of grace.
The study of the motivation of faith attempted to meet this difficulty. Some analyses presented faith as resting solely on evidence and clumsily postulated a movement of grace necessary to assent to it. Normally, however, one "wills" to believe something only in cases where the evidence for the belief is less than rationally compelling. Ultimately, the Roman Catholic analysis must say that the evidence that belief is reasonable can never be so clear and convincing that it compels one to believe on rational grounds alone. At this point, the will inspired by grace chooses to accept revelation for reasons other than the evidence.
The motive of faith that has been presented by Catholic theologians is “the authority of God revealing.” It is held that the preambles of faith show that it is reasonable to believe that God exists and that he has revealed himself. This evidence, together with an acceptance of the notion that, if God reveals himself, he does so authoritatively (i.e., through church authorities), motivates a person to make the act of faith. The problem with such an analysis has been to define how the authority of the revealer is manifest to the believer. It seems that the notion of the authority of God revealing must be an object of faith rather than a motive, because the believer cannot ever experience the conjunction of this authority together with the fact of revelation. This dilemma caused an increasing number of Catholic theologians to move closer to a view that emphasizes faith as a personal commitment to God rather than as an assent to revealed truth. Heresy
Heresy is the obstinate denial by a professed, baptized Christian of a revealed truth or of that which the Roman Catholic Church has proposed as a revealed truth. The unbaptized are incapable of heresy, and the baptized are not guilty of “formal” but only of “material” heresy if they do not know that they deny a revealed truth. The seriousness with which Roman Catholicism regarded heresy is shown by the ancient penalty of excommunication. Civil penalties, including death, did not appear until the age of Constantine. Lesser civil disabilities continued in force, though the law was often ignored, into the 20th century. Protestant governments were often as severe as Roman Catholic governments in the suppression of heresy.
Roman Catholic theologians often deal with heresy, paradoxically, as a necessary step in the development of dogma. They point out that the questions raised by heresy are often legitimate, though heretics too quickly assume a one-sided and exclusive view of the doctrine they wish to impose on the entire church. Modern studies have noted that many of the criticisms of the church made by the heretics of the early 11th century were made by the papal reformers after 1050. In recent times many of the theses of Modernism, which were condemned vigorously by Pius X in 1907, found their way into Catholic theology later in the 20th century. Revelation The concept of revelation
Although other religions have ideas of revelation, none of them bears a close resemblance to the idea of revelation found in the Bible and in Christianity. Roman Catholic theologians distinguish between revelation in a broad sense, which means knowledge of God deduced from facts about the natural world and human existence, and revelation in the strict formal sense, which means the utterances of God. This latter idea can be conceived only by analogy with human utterances, and its precise definition involves difficulties.
The earliest idea of revelation is the one found in the Hebrew Scriptures, in which the speech of God is addressed to Moses and the Prophets. They in turn are described as quoting the words of God rather than interpreting them. Jesus, as the fulfillment of the Prophets, does not merely speak the word of God: he is the word of God. This phrase, which occurs only in the opening verse of both the Gospel and the First Letter of John, has become a technical term in theology; Jesus is the incarnate Word. As such he is both the revealer and the revealed. The content of revelation
The proper content of revelation is designated in Roman Catholic teaching as mystery; this theme was important in the documents of Vatican I. The theme of mystery was developed in response to the intellectual movements of the 18th and 19th centuries known as the Enlightenment, scientism, and historicism. The Roman Catholic Church perceived these movements as threats to the idea of a sacred revelation, because they appeared to claim that human reason had no frontiers or that human reason had demonstrated that revelation was historically false or unfounded or that the content of revelation was irrational. The affirmation of mystery meant that the reality of God was unattainable to unaided human reason (theologians had long used the word incomprehensible, which says more than modern theologians wish to say). Mystery refers both to the divine reality and to the divine operations of the world. These operations can be observed only in their effects; the operation itself is not seen, nor is its motivation seen. The plan of God, which is realized in history, is mysterious. Vatican I insisted that the existence of God and of a moral order is attainable to reason, and some of the fathers of the council wished to state that these truths were imposed upon reason by the evidence, a step that the council did not choose to take. Mystery does not mean the incomprehensible or the unintelligible. It means, in popular language, that humankind cannot know who God is or what God is doing or why God is doing it unless God reveals it. Mystery also means that even when revelation is made the reality of God and his works escapes human comprehension.
The term supernatural has been used in Roman Catholic theology since the 17th century to designate not only revelation but other aspects of divine work in the world. The term’s inescapable ambiguity, however, has led many modern theologians to avoid it. The “natural” that the supernatural presupposes is the world of human experience; the quality of this experience is not altered by technological and social changes, as long as they are fulfillments of the potentialities of nature. Indeed, it is the spectacular growth in the knowledge of these potentialities in modern times that leads to doubt as to whether there can be a supernatural at all. The supernatural reality is identified with God in his reality and in his operations. This is a reality that humans cannot create or control. The supernatural in cognition is this reality as it is perceptible to humankind; it is, for human beings, simply unknown as far as unaided reason can attain. Vatican I affirmed that without revelation human reason cannot reach anything but a distorted idea of the divine and an imperfect idea of the moral order. This means also that without revelation human beings are unaware of their destiny, either individually or collectively, and are unable to achieve it without the entrance of the supernatural into the world of history and experience.
Contemporary theologians of revelation are aware that historical and literary criticism have rendered untenable the primitive idea of revelation as the direct utterance of God to man. Although Roman Catholic theologians have not found a satisfactory way of describing revelation, they do not agree that the destruction of a naive idea of revelation entails the destruction of any possible idea. Theologians also recognize that the older idea of a “revelation of propositions” as a collection of timeless and changeless verities, almost like a string of pearls, is no longer tenable. Every utterance that is called a revelation was formed in a definite time and place and bears the marks of its history. There is no revealed proposition that cannot be restated in another cultural situation. Indeed, contemporary theologians are aware that these propositions must be restated if the Roman Catholic Church is to speak meaningfully in the modern world. Roman Catholicism does not accept the possibility of a new revelation; it believes that reason can never completely penetrate the “mystery” and that it must continue the exploration of the mystery that has already been revealed. Tradition and Scripture
In Roman Catholic theology, tradition is understood both as channel and as content. As channel, it is identical with the living teaching authority of the Catholic church. As content, it is “the deposit of faith,” the revealed truth concerning faith and morals. In Roman Catholic belief, revelation ends with the death of the Apostles; the deposit was transmitted to the college of bishops, which succeeded the Apostles.
The Roman Catholic Church recognizes that the Bible is the word of God and that tradition is the word of the church. In one sense, therefore, tradition yields to the Scriptures in dignity and authority. But against the Protestant slogan of sola Scriptura (“Scripture alone”), itself subject to misinterpretation, the Roman Catholic Church advanced the argument that the church existed before the New Testament. In fact, the church both produced and authenticated the New Testament as the word of God. For this belief, at least, tradition is the exclusive source. This belief also furnished a warrant for the Catholic affirmation of the body of truth that is transmitted to the church through the college of bishops and preserved by oral tradition (meaning that it was not written in the Scriptures). The Roman church therefore affirmed its right to determine what it believed by consulting its own beliefs as well as the Scriptures. The Council of Trent affirmed that the deposit of faith was preserved in the Scriptures and in unwritten traditions and that the Catholic church accepts these two with equal reverence. The council studiously avoided the statement that they meant these “two” as two sources of the deposit, but most Catholic theologians after the council understood the statement as meaning two sources. Some Protestants thought it meant that the Roman Catholic Church had written a second Bible.
“St. Matthew,” page from the Ada Codex, c. 890; in the Stadtbibliothek Trier, Germany (MS. 22, fol. 15r).Courtesy of the Stadtbibliothek Trier, Ger.
In contemporary Catholic theology this question has been raised again, and a number of theologians now believe that Scripture and tradition must be viewed as one source. They are, however, faced with the problem of nonbiblical articles of faith. To this problem several remarks are pertinent. The first is that no Protestant church preaches “pure” gospel; all of them have developed dogmatic traditions, concerning which they have differed vigorously. It is true, however, that they do not treat these traditions “with equal devotion and reverence” with the Bible. The second remark is that, through the first eight ecumenical councils (before the Schism of 1054), the Christian church arrived at nonbiblical formulas to profess its faith. Protestants respond that this is at least a matter of degree and that the consubstantiality of the Son (i.e., his being of the same substance as the Father), defined by the Council of Nicaea (325), is more faithful to the Scriptures than the Assumption of Mary, which was defined as dogma by Pius XII in 1950.
Roman Catholics and Protestants should be able to reach some consensus that tradition and Scripture mean the reading of the Bible in church. Protestants never claimed that a person with a Bible is a self-sufficient Christian church. The New Testament itself demands that the word be proclaimed and heard in a church, and the community is formed on a common understanding of the word proclaimed. This suggests a way toward a Christian consensus on the necessity and function of tradition. No church pretends to treat its own history as nonexistent or unimportant. By reading the Scriptures in the light of its own beliefs, the church is able to address itself to new problems of faith and morals that did not exist or were not attended to in earlier times.
Catholic theologians of the 19th century dealt with this problem under the heading of the development of dogma. To a certain extent the question is an epistemological one: Is a new understanding of an ancient truth a “new” truth? It is important to note that the problem of the development of dogma does not arise out of faith. Thus, Sir Isaac Newton’s observations of falling bodies consisted of nothing that people had not seen for thousands of years, yet his insights profoundly altered our understanding of the universe. The problem is important in theology because of the necessity of basing belief on the historical event of the revelation of God in Christ. Unless this link is maintained, the church is teaching philosophy and science, not dogma. Hence, Roman Catholic theology has tended to say that dogma develops through new understanding, not through new discoveries. The magisterium The concept of teaching authority
The Roman Catholic Church claims for itself a teaching authority that is unparalleled in the Christian community. In its broadest sense, this authority belongs to all members of the church, who, according to Vatican II, share in the threefold mission of the church by virtue of baptism. Teaching authority in a narrower sense is held only by bishops and the pope by virtue of their office and by theologians by virtue of their learning. In its strictest definition, the magisterium refers to the teaching authority of bishops and the pope. The reformers of the 16th century rejected the traditional definition of the magisterium and did not claim for their own churches the authority they rejected in the Roman church.
To teach with authority means that the teacher is able to impose doctrine upon the learner under a religious and moral obligation. This obligation does not derive from the nature of teaching itself; the learner is morally obliged only to assent to manifest truth. Instead, it derives from the premise that the teaching authority of the Roman church is founded on the commission given by Jesus to the Apostles as contained in the New Testament (Luke 10:16, “Whoever listens to you listens to me”). But whereas the response of the hearers of the Apostles was faith, the response of the Roman Catholic is expected to go beyond faith. The Apostles were presumed to speak to those who did not yet believe, whereas the Roman Catholic Church imposes its teaching authority only upon its members. The definition of the church’s teaching authority must show that these modifications do not exceed the limits of legitimate doctrinal development. Organs of teaching authority
Although teaching authority most broadly defined is vested in the whole church, it is especially associated with certain well-defined organs. These organs are the hierarchy—the pope and the bishops. The Roman Catholic Church has traditionally been divided into “the teaching church” and “the listening church.” Clergy below the hierarchical level are included in “the listening church,” even though they are the assistants of the bishops in the teaching office. The hierarchy alone teaches what the Roman Catholic Church calls “authentic” doctrine. This idea contradicts the traditional belief that “the consent of the faithful” is a source of authentic doctrine. The conventional resolution of this problem, which stipulates that the consent of the faithful is formed under the direction of the pastors, deprives the consent of the faithful of any meaning.
As Vatican I solemnly declared, the Roman pontiff is vested with the entire teaching authority of the Roman Catholic Church. This means that the pope is the only spokesman for the entire Roman church and that the papacy carries in itself the power to act as supreme pastor. It is expected that the pope will assure himself that he expresses the existing consensus of the church, but in fact the documents of Vatican I are open to the understanding that he may form the consensus by his utterance alone. Vatican II clarified this ambiguity in the idea of the spokesman of the church by its emphasis on the collegial character of the primacy of the pope. The pope, however, does not always speak as the supreme pastor and head of the Roman church, and he is expected to make this clear in his utterance.
The bishops are authentic teachers within their dioceses. Thus, the same implicit conflict exists with regard to teaching as was noted in connection with governing. The conflict is resolved by collegiality: whether the doctrine taught by the authentic teacher is orthodox can be determined by comparing it with the doctrine of his episcopal colleagues. In the pre-Constantinian church, doctrinal disputes were resolved in this way, and a regional council was called if necessary. Since the Reformation, the Roman see has never admitted publicly that a bishop has fallen into doctrinal error; the united front of authentic doctrine is preserved, and the matter is dealt with by subtle means. What is taught by all the bishops is understood to be authentic doctrine. It is further understood that the bishops teach in communion with the Roman pontiff, and a conflict of doctrine on this level is simply not regarded as a possibility. This consensus of the bishops is known as “the ordinary teaching.” “The extraordinary teaching” signifies the solemn declaration of an ecumenical council (which is the assembly of the bishops) or the most solemn type of papal declaration, known as a definition of doctrine ex cathedra. Object and response
The object of authentic teaching is defined as “faith and morals.” Faith means revealed truth. Morals theoretically means revealed moral principles, but it has long been understood as moral judgment in any area of human conduct. Thus, not only does the Roman Catholic Church prohibit contraception for its members, it also asserts that contraception is universally wrong by declaring that it is contrary to “natural law.” In this way morals includes both the declaration and the interpretation of natural law. The limits of faith and morals have never been defined by the Roman Catholic Church, nor can one take the exercise of the teaching authority as a reliable guide. Thus, the teaching authority condemned the heliocentric theory of Galileo as contrary to the Bible because it had always understood that revealed truth, in the context of current knowledge, may require one to accept or to reject certain propositions, though those propositions themselves are not part of revealed doctrine.
Dogma is the name given to a proposition that is proclaimed with all possible solemnity either by the Roman pontiff or by an ecumenical council. A dogma is a revealed truth that the Roman Catholic Church solemnly declares to be true and to be revealed; it is most properly an object of faith.
Vatican I declared that the pope, when he teaches solemnly and in the area of faith and morals as the supreme universal pastor, teaches infallibly with that infallibility that the church has. The infallibility of the church has never been defined, but its extent is understood by theologians to be limited to faith and morals, as is pontifical infallibility. These terms are ambiguous, as noted above. Although the doctrine of infallibility is subject to many reservations and qualifications, pontifical documents often have an aggressive tone that may mislead the incautious reader. The real problem is how an authority that can and does make errors in doctrinal teaching can be called infallible, even with numerous and serious reservations. In the early 1970s some Catholic theologians, such as Hans Küng, suggested that the church should be understood as indefectible—i.e., not able to fail or be totally led astray—rather than infallible.
The proper response of the Roman Catholic to authoritative teaching that is “ordinary” and does not clearly deal with faith or morals is religious assent, a term that is extremely difficult to define. The theory of religious assent does permit considerable dissent from authoritative teaching, such as the dissent that greeted Pope Paul VI’s teaching against contraception in 1968. Religious assent is particularly relevant to the pontifical document called the encyclical, which first appeared in the 18th century and became the normal mode of pontifical communication in the 19th century. The encyclical letter is a channel of ordinary teaching, not solemn and definitive, and is somewhat provisional by definition. Religious assent may be withheld, in popular language, by anyone who in good conscience thinks he or she knows better. Although the decisions of Vatican II raised the possibility that the church would implement its teaching authority in a less juridical and less hierarchical way, Pope John Paul II reasserted the traditional claims of the teaching authority and emphasized the need for all Roman Catholics to adhere closely to a strict definition of orthodoxy. Major dogmas and doctrines
The Roman Catholic Church in its formula of baptism still asks that the parents and godparents of infants to be baptized recite the Apostles’ Creed as a sign that they accept the basic doctrines of the church and will help their children grow in the Catholic faith. The creed proclaims belief in the Holy Trinity; the Incarnation, Passion, and Resurrection of Christ; the Second Coming and Last Judgment of Christ; the remission of sins; the church; and eternal life. The early Church Fathers made the creed the basis of the baptismal homilies given to catechumens, or those preparing for the rite. The homilies, like modern Roman Catholic doctrine, went considerably beyond the bare articles of the creed.
Roman Catholic faith incorporates into its structure the books of the Hebrew Bible, or Old Testament. From these books it derives its belief in original sin, conceived of as a hereditary and universal moral defect of human beings that makes them incapable of achieving their destiny and even incapable of basic decency. The importance of this doctrine lies in its explanation of the human condition as caused by human and not by divine failure (nor, in modern Roman Catholic theology, by diabolical influence). Humankind can be delivered from its debased condition only by a saving act of God—the death and Resurrection of Jesus. In Jesus, God is revealed as the Father who sends the Son on his saving mission, and through the Son the Holy Spirit comes to dwell in the redeemed. Thus, the Trinity of persons is revealed, and the destiny of humankind is to share the divine life of the three persons of the Trinity. The saving act of Jesus introduces grace, which in Roman Catholic belief signifies both the love of God and the effect produced in human beings by his love. (The theological idea of grace has been hotly disputed.) The response of believers to the presence of grace is the three theological virtues of faith, hope, and charity; these enable them to live the Christian life. Human beings are introduced to grace and initiated into the church by baptism, and the life of grace is sustained in the church by the sacraments.
“Adam and Eve,” detail by Giulio Clovio from the Book of Hours of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, completed 1546; in the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York City (MS. 69, fol. 27)Courtesy of the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York City
The life of grace reaches its fulfillment in eschatology. In this area of belief about the end of the world and “the last things,” modern theology rejects the physical rewards and punishments that were central to earlier belief and so vividly depicted by Dante. Most theologians recognize the allegorical character of most of the traditional imagery of heaven, hell, and purgatory, and the church’s catechism identifies separation from God as the greatest punishment of the “eternal fire” of hell. Judgment itself is both personal and general, according to the church. Every individual will be judged immediately after death according to his or her faith and works, but Christ will also come to judge the living and the dead at the end of time. Central to Catholic eschatology is belief in the resurrection of the body, which, for Roman Catholics, as for all Christians, is confirmed by the bodily Resurrection of Jesus. Indeed, the importance of the Ascension of Christ in his flesh was noted in the Gospels and the letters of St. Paul the Apostle.
The Last Judgment, fresco by Michelangelo, 1533–41; in the Sistine Chapel, Vatican City. 14.5 x 13.5 m.SCALA/Art Resource, New York Sacraments General characteristics
In Roman Catholic theology a sacrament is an outward sign instituted by Jesus Christ that is productive of inner grace. The number of sacraments varied throughout much of the first millennium of Christian history, as did the definition of the term sacrament itself. After extensive theological discussion during this period, church leaders in the 11th and 12th centuries decided upon seven as the exact number of sacraments. They are baptism, confirmation, the Eucharist, reconciliation (penance), anointing of the sick, marriage, and holy orders. This number was confirmed by the Council of Trent against the Protestant reformers, who maintained that there were only two sacraments (baptism and the Eucharist).
The sacrament in modern theology is frequently described as an encounter with mystery, the mystery being the saving act of God in Christ, and theological studies have explored the ideas of sign and significance. The traditional Roman Catholic view of the effectiveness of the sacraments (as defined by the Council of Trent) is described by the phrase ex opere operato (“from the work done”), which is best explained briefly by saying that the faith and virtue of the minister neither add to the sacrament by their presence nor detract from it by their absence. The minister is merely the agent of the church, and the effectiveness of the sacrament is based on the saving act of God in Christ, which is signified by the rite and applied to the recipient of the sacrament.
The theological explanation of the sign that effects by signifying is not easily communicated and has often been criticized by those outside the church. Roman Catholic theologians remark, however, that the mystery of God’s saving act is not capable of complete rational explanation, though there are analogies in common experience. Indeed, there is no society that does not employ effective signs. The inauguration of the president of the United States, for example, is an effective sign in the sense that the ceremony results in the oath taker becoming president. The sign of the coronation of a monarch is similarly effective.
Traditionally, the church attributes the institution of the sign to Jesus Christ (though this has been the subject of discussion among modern theologians), which removes the right of anyone to tamper with it. The Roman Catholic Church believes that, if God gives a sign, alteration of the sign might cause it to lose its significance or otherwise render it ineffective. Hence, the proper material and the traditional formula are treated as sacred. Since Aquinas, the material used is called “matter” and the words are called “form”; the terms are borrowed from Aristotelian metaphysics. The material becomes sacred and salutary only by its conjunction with the proper words. The effect produced has for centuries been called “grace.”
The term sacramental is used to designate verbal formulas (such as blessings) or objects (such as holy water or medals) to which a religious significance has been attached. These are symbols of personal prayer and dedication, and their effectiveness is measured by the particular dispositions of the person who uses them. Baptism
Baptism is the sacrament of regeneration and initiation into the church that was begun by Jesus, who accepted baptism from St. John the Baptist and also ordered the Apostles to baptize in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit (Matthew 28:19). According to the teaching of St. Paul, which draws an analogy with the death and Resurrection of Jesus, baptism is death to a former life and the emergence of a new person, which is signified by the outward sign of water (Catholic baptism involves pouring or sprinkling water over the candidate’s head). Baptism is understood, therefore, as the total annulment of the sins of one’s past and the emergence of a totally innocent person. The newly baptized person becomes a member of the church and is incorporated into the body of Christ, thus becoming empowered to lead the life of Christ. Nothing but pure natural water may be used, and baptism must be conferred, as Jesus taught, in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit. Baptism is normally conferred by a priest, but the Roman Catholic Church accepts baptism conferred in an emergency by anyone, Catholic or non-Catholic, having the use of reason “with the intention of doing what the church does.” In the spirit of Vatican II, which acknowledged the validity of any baptism that is “duly administered as Our Lord instituted it” (Unitatis redintegratio [“The Restoration of Unity”]; November 21, 1964), the church has recognized as valid the baptisms of a wide range of non-Catholic churches.
Baptism of Christ, page from the Benedictional of St. Aethelwold (folio 25), Anglo-Saxon, Winchester School, c. 963–984; in the British Library.Reproduced by permission of the British Library
As the sacrament of rebirth, in which the baptized person is made new and permanently sealed with the spiritual mark of belonging to Christ, baptism cannot be repeated. The Roman Catholic Church baptizes conditionally in cases of serious doubt of the fact of baptism or the use of the proper rite, but it no longer approves of the conditional baptism of miscarried or stillborn infants.
Two points of controversy still exist in modern times. One is baptism by pouring or sprinkling water on the head rather than by immersion of the entire body, even though immersion was probably the biblical and early Christian rite. The change almost certainly occurred during the spread of Christianity into Europe north of the Alps and the usual occurrence in early spring of the baptismal feasts, Easter and Pentecost. The Roman Catholic Church simply asserts that the symbolism of the bath is preserved by a ritual infusion of water.
The second point of controversy concerns the baptism of infants. There is no certain evidence of this practice earlier than the 2nd century, and the ancient baptismal liturgies are all intended for adults. There is, however, extensive testimony suggesting the introduction of infant baptism as early as the 1st century. The Apostle Paul compares baptism with circumcision, the Jewish rite initiating male infants into the religious community. Other early Christian writers provide evidence of the practice: Tertullian rejected it, thus suggesting its widespread use, and Origen spoke of infant baptism as an established practice. It became the norm by the 4th century and remained so until the 16th century, when various Protestant groups rejected it. It remains the practice of the Roman Catholic Church and many mainline Protestant churches.
The long-standing liturgy of infant baptism, however, indicates the importance of an independent adult decision; without this decision the sacrament cannot be received. The Roman Catholic Church accepts this principle by introducing adults (sponsors, godparents), who make the decision for the infant at the commission of the parents and are given the responsibility of ensuring the child’s Christian upbringing. The responsibilities of parents and godparents have received great emphasis in the church’s rite of baptism for children, which was first promulgated in 1969 and subsequently revised. It is expected that, when they grow up, children who have been baptized will accept the decision made for them and will thus fulfill and validate the adult decision that was presumed.
Traditionally, one of the justifications for infant baptism was the popular and learned belief in children’s limbo (limbus infantium). Although discussed by theologians, including Aquinas, the doctrine of limbo was never formally pronounced by the church. From the 12th century, however, it was commonly believed that the souls of children who die unbaptized go to limbo, where they experience neither the torments of hell nor the joys of heaven. In the 20th century, belief in limbo became more rare, and the church taught that unbaptized infants are entrusted to the mercy of God and Jesus, who said Let the children come to me; do not prevent them, for the kingdom of God belongs to such as these.
(Mark 10:14) Confirmation
A sacrament that is conferred through the anointing with oil and the imposition of hands, confirmation is believed to strengthen or confirm the grace bestowed by the Holy Spirit at baptism. Apostolic precedent for the sacrament has been found in the Acts of the Apostles, chapters 8 and 19, in which St. Peter and St. Paul on separate occasions put their hands on already-baptized Christians to confer on them the gifts of the Holy Spirit. The sacrament was originally administered as part of baptism, as it still is in Orthodox churches, but gradually evolved into a distinct sacrament. As a result of its detachment from baptism, confirmation came to be delayed until later in life, so that in the modern church the minimum age for receiving it is seven; many dioceses, however, have established an older minimum age. The postponement of confirmation has led many Roman Catholic theologians to interpret it as a rite of passage from childhood, like the Jewish bar mitzvah ceremony. It is also understood as a rite in which Christians can confirm the commitment to the church made for them at baptism.
The confirmation rite is a relatively simple ceremony that is traditionally performed during the mass by the bishop, though modern liturgical renewal has empowered pastors of parishes to confer confirmation. The service includes a homily, usually on the meaning of the sacrament, followed by the renewal of the vows of baptism by the confirmands. The bishop raises his hands over those taking confirmation and prays for the bestowal of the sevenfold gifts of the Holy Spirit (according to Isaiah 11:2–3, wisdom, understanding, counsel, strength, knowledge, piety, and fear of the Lord). He then anoints the forehead of each confirmand with chrism (holy oil consecrated at the Maundy Thursday service) and says Accipe signaculum doni Spiritus Sancti (“Be sealed with the gifts of the Holy Spirit”). The rite concludes with the eucharistic service and blessing of the congregation. The recipient of confirmation, who is presented by a sponsor of the same sex, traditionally takes a “confirmation name” that will remind the confirmand of this sacrament. Many confirmands choose the name of a saint whose qualities they admire. The Eucharist
The Eucharist (from the Greek for “thanksgiving”) is the central act of Christian worship; also known as Holy Communion and the Lord’s Supper, it is practiced by most Christian churches in some form. Along with baptism it is one of the two sacraments most clearly found in the New Testament, and along with baptism and confirmation it is one of the sacraments of initiation. The Roman Catholic Church distinguishes the Eucharist as sacrifice (mass) and sacrament (communion).
The rite was instituted by Jesus and is recorded in the Synoptic Gospels (Matthew, Mark, and Luke) and in the letters of Paul. According to the Evangelists’ account, Jesus established the practice at the Last Supper, a traditional Passover seder, when he blessed the bread, which he said was his body, and shared it with his disciples. He then shared a cup of wine with his disciples and told them “this is the blood of my covenant, which is poured out for many.” According to St. Luke, Jesus called on his followers to repeat the ceremony in his memory, and it is clear that the earliest Christians regularly enacted it. Originally, the Eucharist was a repetition of the common meal of the local group of disciples with the addition of the bread and the cup signifying the presence of Jesus. During the 2nd century the meal became vestigial and was finally abandoned. The Eucharist was originally celebrated every Sunday, but by the 4th century it was celebrated daily. The eucharistic formula was set in a framework of biblical readings, psalms, hymns, and prayers that depended in form somewhat on the synagogue service. This remained one basis of the various liturgies that arose, including the Roman rite.
Last Supper, fresco by Domenico Ghirlandajo, 1480; in the Church of Ognissanti, Florence.SCALA/Art Resource, New York
The sacrificial character of the Eucharist is derived from the sacrament’s relation to the death of Jesus. According to the Gospel accounts, Jesus spoke of himself as a sacrifice, possibly foreshadowing his imminent sacrifice on the cross. He used bread and wine to symbolize his body and blood, possibly reflecting contemporary Jewish usage of bread and wine as sacrificial elements, and gave them to his disciples so that they could share in his sacrifice. The theme is clearly elaborated on in St. Paul’s Letter to the Hebrews, and the sacrificial character of the Eucharist was widely accepted by the early Christians. Roman Catholic theology preserves the early understanding of the Eucharist as a sacrifice in its teaching on the mass, and it has firmly insisted that the mass repeats the rite that Jesus told his disciples to repeat. The rite is the memorial of the original sacrifice of Christ. It is an effective commemoration of his death that also makes present the sacrifice on the cross; during the mass
the same Christ who offered himself once in a bloody manner on the altar of the cross is contained and offered in an unbloody manner. (Catechism of the Catholic Church; 1992)
Roman Catholics believe in the real presence, an issue that has dominated Catholic-Protestant controversies about Holy Communion. The celebrated term transubstantiation is defined as the change of the substance of bread and wine into the substance of the body and blood of Jesus Christ, even though the physical appearance of the offering remains unchanged. Roman Catholic teaching, which was developed during the Middle Ages and supported by later councils and popes such as Paul VI, applies Aristotelian categories to explain the mystery of Christ’s literal presence in the sacramental bread and wine. This teaching of the real presence is intended to emphasize the intimate relationship between Jesus and the communicant. Although Catholic theologians developed new ways to interpret the mystery of the sacrament of the Eucharist in the period after Vatican II, the doctrine of transubstantiation remains the fundamental understanding of all Catholics.
As a result of Vatican II, the church sought to restore to the Eucharist the symbolism of Christian unity that the sacrament clearly has in the New Testament. Originally, the symbolism was that of a community meal, an accepted symbol of community throughout the whole of human culture. Roman Catholic efforts to restore this symbolism have included the use of the vernacular and the active participation of the laity. As a means of symbolizing unity, the ancient rite of concelebration—i.e., several priests or bishops jointly celebrating a single eucharistic liturgy—was restored by Vatican II, which also emphasized the corporate nature of communion as well as the important role of the laity in eucharistic celebrations. The practice of celebrating the Eucharist in an informal setting—i.e., in private homes or classrooms—was instituted in some places as a way of drawing the laity more intimately into the rite.
Church law obliges Roman Catholics to receive Holy Communion at least once a year (during the Lent-Easter season) but encourages them to take it at mass every Sunday, on feast days, and even every day. In this way the faithful can receive the many benefits of the Eucharist. In addition to strengthening community, frequent communion also strengthens contact with Jesus Christ and allows the faithful to participate in Jesus’ sacrificial work. Finally, the Eucharist focuses attention on the ultimate goal, the return of Jesus Christ. Communion is the anticipation of the coming glory of heaven. Reconciliation
The name of the fourth sacrament, reconciliation, or penance as it was once known, reflects the practice of restoring sinners to the community of the faithful that was associated with the earliest discipline of the penitential rite. Those who sinned seriously were excluded from Holy Communion until they showed repentance by undergoing a period of trial that included fasting, public humiliation, the wearing of sackcloth, and other austerities. At the end of the period, they were publicly reconciled to the church. Although there were some sins, called mortal sins—e.g., murder, adultery, and apostasy—for which certain local churches at certain times did not perform the rite, this did not mean that God did not forgive but only that good standing in the church was permanently lost. Elsewhere it was believed that the rite of penance could be performed only once; relapsed sinners lost good standing permanently. Rigorist sects that denied the power to forgive certain sins were regarded as heretical. The penitential rite involving strict discipline did not endure beyond the early Middle Ages, and there can be no doubt that it was too rigorous for most Christians. In the opinion of many, it did not reflect the forgiveness of Jesus in the Gospels with all fidelity.
It is impossible to assign an exact date of origin for “auricular confession”—i.e., the confessing of faults by an individual penitent to a priest—but it was most likely developed in the 6th century by Irish monks and introduced to the Continent later by Irish and Anglo-Saxon monks. This is the penitential rite that has endured into modern times. It was rejected by most of the reformers on the ground that God alone can forgive sins. The Roman Catholic Church claims that the absolution of the priest is an act of forgiveness; to receive it, the penitent must confess all serious (mortal) sins and manifest genuine “contrition,” or sorrow for sins, and a reasonably firm purpose to make amends. Following Vatican II, the church began to emphasize penance as a process of reconciliation with the church and as a means of obtaining pardon from God. The priest is seen as a healer aiding in the process, and the penitent sinner is called to conversion and correction of his or her life.
Indulgences, which caused such controversy at the beginning of the Reformation, represent neither instant forgiveness to the unrepentant nor licenses of sin to the habitual sinner. Rather, they are declarations that the church accepts certain prayers and good works, listed in an official publication, as the equivalent of the rigorous penances of the ancient discipline. Anointing of the sick
This sacrament was long known in English as “extreme unction,” literally rendered from its Latin name, unctio extrema, meaning “last anointing.” It is conferred by anointing the forehead and hands with blessed oil and pronouncing a prayer. It may be conferred only on those who are seriously ill or who have been seriously injured, or on elderly people who are experiencing the frailties of old age. Seriousness is measured by the danger of death, but imminent death, however certain, from external causes—such as the execution of a death sentence—does not render one apt for the sacrament. It may be administered again during the same illness if the illness worsens. Its effects are described as the strengthening of both soul and body. An ancient rite that continues Jesus’ ministry of healing, the sacrament is directed against “the remains of sin.” Although this is a poorly defined phrase, it was long ago recognized that serious illness saps one’s spiritual resources as well as one’s physical strength so that one is not able to meet the crisis of mortal danger with all one’s powers. In popular belief, anointing is most valuable as a complement to confession or—in case of unconsciousness—as a substitute for it.
Anointing is not the sacrament of the dying—it is the sacrament of the sick. The New Testament passage to which the Roman Catholic Church appeals for this rite (James 5:14–15) does not envisage a person beyond recovery. Postponement until the patient is critically ill (in modern medical terms) means that the sacrament is often administered to unconscious or heavily sedated patients even though the church urges that the sacrament be given, if possible, while the person is still conscious. Marriage
The inclusion of marriage among the sacraments gives the Roman Catholic Church jurisdiction over an institution that is of as much concern to the state as it is to the church. The church claims complete jurisdiction over the marriages of its members, even though it is unable to urge this jurisdiction in modern secular states. The sacrament in Roman Catholic teaching is administered by the spouses through the exchange of consent. The priest, whose presence is required, is an authorized official witness; in addition, the church requires two other witnesses. Marriage is safeguarded by a number of impediments that render the marriage null whether they are known or not, and the freedom of the spouses must be assured. This means that the Roman Catholic Church demands an unusually rigorous examination before the marriage, and this in turn means that it is practically impossible to marry on impulse in the Catholic church. All of this is for the purpose of assuring that the marriage so contracted will not be declared null in the future because of some defect.
The rigid Roman Catholic rejection of divorce, which is based on the teachings of Jesus, has been a major cause of hostility toward the church in the modern world. Absolute indissolubility is declared only of the marriage of two baptized persons (Protestants as well as Catholics). The same indissolubility is not declared of marriages of the unbaptized, but the Roman Catholic Church recognizes no religious or civil authority except itself that is empowered to dissolve such marriages; this claim is extremely limited and is not used unless a Roman Catholic is involved. Declarations of nullity, however, should not be confused with divorce nor be thought of as a substitute for divorce.
The onerous conditions that Roman Catholicism formerly imposed upon non-Catholic partners in “mixed” marriages have been relaxed significantly since Vatican II, particularly as regards written promises that the children will receive religious education in the Roman Catholic faith. The church’s former rigidity toward such marriages has also largely disappeared. They may now be celebrated in church during the mass, and a Protestant minister or a Jewish rabbi may share the witness function with the priest. Holy orders
This sacrament confers upon candidates the power over the sacred, which means the power to administer the sacraments. The Latin church had long recognized four minor orders (porter, lector, exorcist, acolyte) and four major orders (subdeacon, deacon, priest, bishop). The minor orders represented church services rendered by persons not ordained. In 1972 Pope Paul VI issued the apostolic letter Ministeria quaedam (“Certain Ministries”), which abolished the major order of subdeacon and all minor orders and created the lay liturgical ministries of lector and acolyte. Only the major orders are held to be sacramental, but they are regarded as one sacrament within which a tripartite hierarchy of sacramental effects is administered separately. Ordination is conferred only by the bishop; the rite includes the imposition of hands, anointing, and delivery of the symbols of the order. The power of the sacred peculiar to the bishop is shown only in the sacraments of confirmation and orders. Ordination can neither be repeated nor annulled. Priests who are suspended from priestly powers or laicized (permanently authorized to live as laymen) retain their sacred power but are forbidden to exercise it except in emergencies. The priest is always ordained to a “title,” meaning that he is accepted in some ecclesiastical jurisdiction. Lectors and acolytes are instituted by a bishop or by the major superior of a clerical religious institute. Following a calling of the candidates, instruction, and prayer, lectors are presented with a Bible and acolytes with a vessel with bread or wine. In 1967 Pope Paul VI restored the permanent diaconate (with the powers to baptize, preach, and administer the Eucharist), to which both married and single men are admitted.
Following Vatican II, much theological discussion was devoted to such issues as the ordination of women, which is a divisive issue within the church and between the Roman Catholic Church and other Christian denominations. Catholic women do serve in various roles, as lectors, eucharistic ministers, even marriage tribunal officers and altar servers, and a large number of women are lay chaplains. Many traditionalist Catholics, however, saw the advent of altar girls in 1994 as merely the first salvo in the battle for the complete ordination of women, and John Paul II made it clear to dioceses and bishops that they are under no pressure to use altar girls. Some nuns have also pushed for a larger role in a more “inclusive” church, and some of them have even gathered in groups to administer the Eucharist to one another at the risk of excommunication. Liturgy
Cultic worship—a formal system of veneration—is so universal in religion that some historians of religion actually define religion as cult. Cultic worship is social, which means more than a group worshipping the same deity in the same place at the same time. A cult is structured, with a division of sacred personnel (priests) who lead and perform the cultic ceremonies for the people, who are in a more distant relation with the deity. The sacred personnel are designated by the choice and acceptance both of the deity and of the worshipping group. The words and actions of the cultic performance are divided into roles assigned to the leaders and to the worshippers. It is the tendency of cultic worship to replace spontaneity, which it once had, with set and even rigid forms of words and acts. These are preserved by tradition, and they generally have a sacredness that is based on the belief that the directions for cultic worship came ultimately from the deity. The mass
Roman Catholic liturgy has its roots in Judaism and the New Testament. The central act of liturgy from earliest times was the eucharistic assembly, the commemorative celebration of the Last Supper of Jesus. This was set in a structure of liturgical prayer. During the first six centuries of the Christian church, there developed a rich variety of liturgical systems, many of which have survived in the “Oriental” (i.e., Eastern) churches. In the West the Latin liturgy appeared fully developed in Rome in the 6th and 7th centuries. The Roman liturgy was adopted throughout western Europe from the 8th century. In the same period, however, liturgy developed in Frankish territories, and the Roman rite that emerged as dominant in the 10th century was a Roman-Frankish creation. The Roman rite was reformed by the Council of Trent by the removal of some corruptions and the imposition of uniformity. After Trent the Roman see was the supreme authority over liturgical practice in the entire Roman Catholic Church.
By the 11th century, Roman liturgy had acquired the classic form that it retained up to Vatican II. The fullness of the liturgy could be witnessed only in some cathedrals, collegiate churches, and monastic churches. The full liturgy included the daily celebration of the solemn high mass and the recitation of the divine office in choir. The solemn high mass was entirely sung and was performed by at least three major officers (celebrant, deacon, and subdeacon), assisted by many acolytes and ministers; the low mass was spoken and conducted by a single priest and a server or two. Except during the penitential seasons of Advent and Lent, the altar was decorated, and numerous candles (used in the Middle Ages for light rather than for ornamentation) and incense were employed. Singing and chanting were accompanied by the organ and in modern times even by orchestral music. Indeed, Mozart once complained that the archbishop of Salzburg compelled him to compose a mass without the resources of a full symphonic orchestra.
Latin did not become the language of the Roman rite until the 6th century. As a sacred language, Latin really has no parallel. Jews have always made a genuine effort to learn some Hebrew, and other sacred languages are archaic forms of the vernacular; the English of the Authorized Version of the Bible became the language of prayer in many Protestant churches. The effect of the use of Latin, it has been argued, was to make the liturgy the preserve of the clergy and to make the laity essentially passive. This was countered by efforts to use sound and spectacle in the performance of the solemn liturgy. For centuries the canon of the mass, the central eucharistic formula, was recited by the celebrant inaudibly, with his back to the people, and the elevation of the host and chalice and the ringing of the bells to signal the consecration were the only means of communicating to the people that the pivotal point of the mass had arrived; the canon of the mass was a kind of verbal “sanctuary” that the laity were not even supposed to hear.
The abandonment of Latin as a result of Vatican II in the 1950s excited deep antagonisms. Some Catholics cherished the Latin liturgy and regarded it as the symbol of the timeless and changeless Roman Catholic Church. Others believed that the restoration of the vernacular would restore to the liturgy two functions that it had in the early centuries: to instruct converts and to confirm members in their faith. Although most Roman Catholics came to accept the vernacular mass approved at Vatican II, a minority group, the so-called Catholic traditionalists, rejected the reforms of Vatican II and remained devoted to the Latin mass. The best-known figures in this movement were Gommar De Pauw in the United States and, especially, Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre in France. The missal was revised in 2011 in order to reintroduce some of the mystery and spirituality that more traditionally inclined Catholics claimed had been lost in the post-Vatican II translations. The divine office
The divine office was a legacy to the clergy from the monks. From the earliest times, monks assembled several times daily for prayer in common. This practice developed into set common prayer at stated times each day (matins or vigils, midnight; lauds, first daylight; prime, sunrise; terce, mid-morning; sext, noon; none, mid-afternoon; vespers, sunset; compline, before retiring). The divine office consisted basically of the chanting of the Psalms (in a weekly cycle), the recital of prayers, and the reading of the Scriptures (to which were later added selections from the writings of the Church Fathers, probably instead of a homily given by one of those present). Together with the mass, the office has been the only “official” prayer of the Roman Catholic Church; all other prayer forms are “private,” even if several hundred people recite them together. For this reason, clerics in major orders since the Middle Ages have been obliged to recite the divine office, or “breviary,” privately if they are not bound to attend the office in choir. It was long recognized that there is an inconsistency in the private silent reading of a prayer structure that is intended for choral chanting. Vatican II recommended a reform of the canonical hours, which included simplifying their observance, encouraging participation by the laity, and restoring the practice of singing the hours in groups. The liturgical year
The liturgy has traditionally been arranged in an annual cycle that is a reenactment of the saving events of the life, death, Resurrection, and glorification of Jesus Christ. The events are reenacted as an assurance that the saving act will reach its eschatological fullness, and the liturgy is an expression and a support of the Christian hope. The cult of the saints is an intrusion into the liturgical cycle, and it has been much reduced in the contemporary liturgical reforms.
The liturgical season begins with Advent, a time of preparation for the Christmas holiday. After Christmas the first of two periods of Ordinary Time follows and continues until Ash Wednesday, the beginning of Lent, a time of penitence leading to the Paschal Triduum, the period beginning on Holy Thursday and ending with the evening prayer on Easter Sunday. Easter Sunday marks the start of the Easter season, which continues as a time of celebration until Pentecost Sunday, some 50 days later. Pentecost (commemorating the descent of the Holy Spirit on the disciples) marks the start of the second period of Ordinary Time, which continues until the Advent season begins anew.
The colour of the priest’s outer garments reflects the liturgical season or day: white or gold is worn for Christmas and Easter; purple is worn for Advent and Lent, except on the third Sunday of Advent (Gaudete Sunday) and the fourth Sunday of Lent, the midpoint of the penitential seasons, when pink is worn as a sign of hope and joy; red is worn for Good Friday, Palm Sunday, and Pentecost and on the feasts of martyrs; green, another symbol of hope, is worn for the rest of the liturgical year; and white is worn for funerals as a symbol of life instead of mourning. Paraliturgical devotions
In the Roman Catholic Church, liturgy in the proper sense is the liturgy of the mass, the divine office, and the sacraments. For hundreds of years, however, the Latin language, the clerical character of the liturgy, and the search for novelty have combined to produce forms of worship that are “paraliturgical,” meaning that they lie outside the liturgy and in some cases contradict it. These acts are also known as devotions or devotional practices, which means that they are accepted voluntarily and not from obligation. Eucharistic devotions
A number of eucharistic devotional practices arose in the Middle Ages, when Catholics rarely received the Eucharist more than once a year. The practice of benediction of the Blessed Sacrament, for example, is a blessing conferred by a priest holding a consecrated host in a vessel of display called a monstrance; the priest’s hands are covered to signify that it is the blessing of Jesus and not his own. This blessing is accompanied by hymns, the organ, and the use of incense. The practice of “exposition” is the public and solemn display of the eucharistic bread, again with the accompaniment of hymns, the organ, incense, and processions. The most prominent of the eucharistic celebrations is the Feast of Corpus Christi, which was instituted in the 13th century by Pope Urban IV (reigned 1261–64) and was inspired by St. Juliana, prioress of Mont Cornillon (near Liège in present-day Belgium). The reservation of the Eucharist in churches is a way in which Catholics can address themselves in personal prayer to Jesus “really present.” These eucharistic devotions have often functioned as substitutes for mass and Holy Communion, and since the modern renewal of liturgy they occur much less frequently.
monstranceMonstrance with reliquary, Cologne Cathedral, Cologne, Germany.Mkill Cult of the saints
Other devotions involve the cult of the saints, a practice of great antiquity repudiated by the reformers of the 16th century as a denial of the total mediation of Christ. Although this objection oversimplified Catholic practice, the devotions did sometimes approach superstition. Since the Second Council of Nicaea in 787, Catholic theologians have distinguished (by Greek technical terms) the worship paid to God (latria, “adoration”) from the veneration addressed to Mary (hyperdulia, “super-service”) and the saints (dulia, “service”). The Roman Catholic understanding of the intercession of the saints is an extension of the belief in the communion of saints. Although such veneration does tend to multiply mediators, it has often fostered a simple and not unpleasing familiarity with the world of the supernatural.
The cult of the most important saint, Mary, has been the source of great controversy with Protestant denominations, especially after the papal declarations of the Immaculate Conception in 1854 and the Assumption in 1950. As the mother of Jesus (Greek Theotokos, “God-bearer”), Mary has long been accorded special devotion by Catholics and other Christians. She is given the feminine traits of sympathy and tenderness that are not improper to the deity but are somewhat improper to the father figure and the king figure. She is the object of one of Catholicism’s most famous prayers, the Hail Mary:
Madonna and Child Surrounded by Angels, central panel of the triptych by the Master of Moulins, c. 1498; in the Cathedral of Notre-Dame, Moulins, France.Telarci—Giraudon/Art Resource/Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. Hail Mary, full of grace,
the Lord is with thee.
Blessed art thou among women,
and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus.
Holy Mary, Mother of God,
pray for us sinners, now,
and at the hour of our death. Amen.
A mediator before her son, Mary has been thought by some to be a co-redeemer with Christ, and the church recognizes her as the mother of the church, a model of faith, and a symbol of eschatological hope. The multitude of apparitions of Mary (e.g., at Lourdes, France, and at Fátima, Portugal) reflects the need among many Roman Catholics for local symbols and signs of her presence.
Basilica at Fátima, Port.© Taolmor/Shutterstock.com The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica John L. McKenzie Mysticism
The word mysticism is of relatively recent coinage. The Catholic tradition for centuries has spoken of theologia mystica (a term taken from the Pseudo-Dionysius), which means the experience of God in prayer without images in the mind—a direct, albeit obscure, experience of God; a foretaste of the vision of God in the next life. St. Augustine, famously in the Confessions, described that experience as an ascent toward God. That “dark” contemplative experience runs like a thread from the Greek Fathers into medieval spirituality (especially among the Carthusians), reaching its greatest expression in the writings of the 16th-century Carmelite school best represented by St. Teresa of Ávila and St. John of the Cross. Its greatest 20th-century exponent was the Cistercian monk Thomas Merton.
More generally, the modern term mystic has been applied to those spiritual teachers and writers who have reached intense levels of contemplative prayer through their identification with the person of Christ (St. Francis of Assisi) or through a disciplined practice of meditation (St. Ignatius of Loyola) or through other forms of contemplative practice. While some of these figures may have exhibited ecstatic phenomena (stigmatization, locutions, etc.), such exterior signs are not essential (St. John of the Cross warned against them). The Roman Catholic Church has always expressed some reservations about such experiences for fear that they may be the result of psychological pathologies or demonic illusions. The constant test of the authenticity of mystical prayer has been whether it increases love of God and neighbour; as St. John of the Cross once put it, “In the evening, you will be examined in love.” The order of the mass
Catholics are expected to attend mass each Sunday and on various holy days of obligation designated by the church. The mass itself is highly structured and can be difficult for non-Catholics to follow. Typically lasting about an hour, sometimes longer, the mass is generally divided into two parts, the liturgy of the Word and the liturgy of the Eucharist, but in reality five distinct phases are discernible: the introductory rites, the liturgy of the Word, the liturgy of the Eucharist, the communion rite, and the concluding rite. Catholics must stand, sit, kneel, bow, and make the sign of the cross at various points throughout the mass. Variations in the order of the mass (discussed below) are common depending on certain circumstances and the time of year. The introductory rites
A typical Sunday mass begins with an entrance song, during which the priest, deacon, and ministers and sometimes altar servers (both altar boys and girls are permissible), lectors, and lay eucharistic ministers (who assist in administering Holy Communion) process to the altar. The priest and deacon then kiss the altar. After greeting the congregation, the priest asks the people to recall their sins and to repent by reciting the penitential rite (“I confess to almighty God…”) or a version of it. Unless it is included in the penitential rite, the Kyrie is then spoken (“Lord, have mercy…”), followed (except during Christmas and Lent) by the Gloria, an ancient hymn of praise (“Glory to God in the highest, and peace to his people on earth…”). The priest then delivers the opening prayer, to which the congregation responds with “Amen” (“So be it”), thus concluding the first part of mass. The liturgy of the Word
The second phase of the mass, the liturgy of the Word, typically consists of three readings: a reading from the Old Testament, a non-Gospel reading from the New Testament, and a reading from the Gospels; the first two readings are done by a lector (a lay reader), and the Gospel is proclaimed by the deacon. A responsorial psalm and a Gospel acclamation divide the three readings. The priest then delivers the homily, which usually focuses on one of the readings or on that day’s special occasion. The public profession of faith follows, which means reciting either the Nicene Creed or the shorter Apostles’ Creed. The Nicene Creed is a succinct statement of Catholic doctrine: I believe in one God,
the Father almighty,
maker of heaven and earth,
of all things visible and invisible.
I believe in one Lord Jesus Christ,
the Only Begotten Son of God,
born of the Father before all ages.
God from God, Light from Light,
true God from true God,
begotten, not made, consubstantial with the Father;
through him all things were made.
For us men and for our salvation
he came down from heaven,
and by the Holy Spirit was incarnate of the Virgin Mary,
and became man.
For our sake he was crucified under Pontius Pilate,
he suffered death and was buried,
and rose again on the third day
in accordance with the Scriptures.
He ascended into heaven
and is seated at the right hand of the Father.
He will come again in glory
to judge the living and the dead
and his kingdom will have no end.
I believe in the Holy Spirit, the Lord, the giver of life,
who proceeds from the Father and the Son,
who with the Father and the Son is adored and glorified,
who has spoken through the Prophets.
I believe in one, holy, catholic and apostolic Church.
I confess one Baptism for the forgiveness of sins
and I look for the resurrection of the dead
and the life of the world to come. Amen.
Ending the liturgy of the Word are the general intercessions (the Prayer of the Faithful), in which petitions are commonly offered for the church, for the civil authorities, for those oppressed by various needs, for all humankind, and for the salvation of the entire world. Specific prayers may also be extended to couples recently married in the church, to persons ordained or confirmed in the church, or to members of the church suffering illness or bereavement. The liturgy of the Eucharist
The third part of mass, the liturgy of the Eucharist, is the high point of the celebration. While the gifts (donations) of the people are being gathered and brought to the altar, an offertory song is typically sung. Meanwhile, the deacon and assistants prepare the altar. The priest washes his hands, and he offers a prayer of thanks to God (quietly or aloud, if no song is being sung) for the gifts of bread and wine that presently will be changed into Christ’s body and blood. He then invites the people to pray that their sacrifice will be acceptable to God, whereupon the people repeat: "May the Lord accept the sacrifice at your hands for the praise and glory of his name, for our good, and the good of all his holy Church." The eucharistic prayer follows, in which the holiness of God is honoured, his servants are acknowledged, the Last Supper is recalled, and the bread and wine are consecrated. The host and chalice are then elevated into the air by the priest, who sings or recites: "Through him, with him, in him, in the unity of the Holy Spirit, all glory and honour is yours, almighty Father, forever and ever." The people respond with "Amen." The communion rite
At the start of the communion rite, the priest calls on the people to pray the most universal of Christian prayers—the Lord’s Prayer (the "Our Father," the Pater Noster)—whose author, according to the Gospels, was Christ himself. The prayer is said or sung, often while members of the congregation join hands: Our Father who art in heaven,
hallowed be thy name.
Thy kingdom come.
Thy will be done on earth, as it is in heaven.
Give us this day our daily bread,
and forgive us our trespasses,
as we forgive those who trespass against us,
and lead us not into temptation,
but deliver us from evil.
In divergence from Protestant practice, the Catholic church stops the prayer after "deliver us from evil," which is where the original prayer ended before an additional two lines (a doxology) were added about 100 ce. At this pause in the prayer the priest says, "Deliver us, Lord, from every evil, and grant us peace in our day…," at which point the people in unison complete the final two lines of the prayer, saying “For the kingdom, the power, and the glory are yours, now and forever.” The deacon then asks members of the congregation to exchange a sign of peace with their neighbours to signify one family in Christ, an act which usually consists of a handshake or a nod while saying "Peace" or "Peace be with you."
After the priest prepares the bread and wine, the people exclaim: "Lord, I am not worthy that you should enter under my roof, but only say the word and my soul shall be healed." Once the priest has administered Holy Communion to his assistants, the people then file up to the altar, row by row, receiving the bread first (which is placed in their hands or on their tongues by the priest, deacon, or eucharistic minister) and the chalice of wine, if offered, second. (Communion offered in both kinds—bread and wine—has a long and complicated history; beginning in the 12th century, the chalice gradually came to be reserved for the priest alone. Though Communion under both kinds is now allowable at the discretion of the bishop, many churches offer both kinds to the priest’s assistants at the altar but offer only the bread to the congregation at large; this is often done merely to ensure an "orderly" administering of Communion to the congregation, and the church teaches that the whole Christ is present in the individual elements of bread and wine.) Upon receiving Communion, the people then return to their seat and kneel in silent prayer while waiting for Communion to end. The concluding rite
Once Holy Communion is completed and the altar has been cleared, the final part of mass follows: the concluding rite. The priest, after a period of silence for reflection on the "mystery" that has just occurred, offers a final greeting. Church announcements are typically made at this point, a final blessing is then offered, and the people are dismissed, encouraged to "go in peace to love and serve the Lord." Variations on the dismissal include “The mass is ended, go in peace,” and “Go in the peace of Christ.” Some parishes sing a final song, though this is not required according to the official order of the mass. The role of the church in society Missions
From its beginnings, Christianity has regarded itself as a true world religion that appeals to all people without distinction of race, nation, or culture. Roman Catholics believe that their church has preserved this missionary thrust more faithfully than any of the non-Roman churches. During the 4th and 5th centuries the Roman church devoted itself to the evangelization of the various peoples who had begun to pressure and cross the frontier of the Roman Empire. Wishing to become “Roman,” these peoples accepted the church as a component of Roman civilization or at least recognized the power of the Christian God, as did the great Frankish king Clovis. Those who established themselves in the Western Roman Empire, notably the Anglo-Saxons and the Franks, became active missionaries after their conversion to Christianity, at times finding themselves in competition with missionaries from the Byzantine world.
Routes of missionaries, dates of establishment of dioceses, and current distribution of Roman Catholicism.Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.
After the year 1000, the growing awareness of Islam as a religious and political rival of Christianity led to the Crusades. The church’s response to Islam was not solely violent but included active missionary efforts by members of the Franciscan and Dominican orders; the most famous such mission was that of St. Francis during the Fifth Crusade.
The missionary movement received new stimulus during the two ages of European exploration and colonial expansion in the 16th and 17th centuries. Spanish and Portuguese monarchs included missionaries among the colonizers sent to the Americas, Africa, and Asia, and French merchant interests sponsored missionaries in areas that the French explored. In the 17th century, control of evangelical missions gradually passed from national political and economic leaders to the papacy. In the 19th century Rome assumed a much more central role in missionary work, defining missionary territories and assigning responsibility for them to various religious orders, and individual popes personally supported the missionaries and directed their evangelical efforts.
Missionary churches achieved the independence appropriate to the diocesan structure only in the 20th century, many at the time of Vatican II. Vatican II officially ended the colonial phase of missions and declared that “the whole Church is missionary, and the work of evangelization is a basic duty of the People of God.” Nevertheless, it was difficult for Roman Catholic missions to divorce themselves from colonialism, and many missionaries, it must be said, did not want the divorce. Until the mid-20th century, most of the clergy and all of the hierarchy in mission countries were European or American, as were the heads of educational and benevolent operations. Even the peoples of the mission countries, including their clergy and religious personnel, generally wished to give their church a European identity rather than an Asian or African one.
After Vatican II the situation changed, as the very definition of missionary activity was transformed and the duties of all Christians to undertake evangelical work was emphasized. The “new evangelism” emphasized the importance of bearing witness to Christ, which includes efforts to spread the gospel and to promote the church’s teachings on human dignity. The former missionary churches were placed more and more in the hands of local peoples, and the bishops in regional councils took over leadership of evangelization formerly held by missionary orders. In the decades following Vatican II, the church’s mission was conducted with greater sensitivity toward other cultures, and church leaders emphasized interreligious dialogue. In 1986 and 2002 Pope John Paul II invited world religious leaders to Assisi to pray for peace, and he subsequently prayed at a synagogue and a mosque. The pope offered further guidance on missions in his encyclical Redemptoris missio (December 7, 1990; “The Mission of Christ the Redeemer”), renewing the church’s commitment to mission and calling for the evangelization of lapsed Christians and non-Christians alike. Education
Between the so-called “barbarian invasions” and the Protestant Reformation, education in Europe, except in the Arabic and Jewish centres of learning, was conducted by representatives of the church. Learning during the early Middle Ages was preserved by the monasteries. Monks copied the books of the Bible and the manuscripts of Latin pagan writers and of the Church Fathers, and they composed works of history, hagiography, and theology. They were also charged with establishing schools and teaching those with the ability and desire to learn. The establishment of the European universities after 1100 was also the work of the church; these institutions were stimulated by Arabic scholars, whose writings introduced Europeans to Aristotle, thereby laying a foundation for later Scholastic philosophy and theology. The cultivation of literature and the arts in the 15th century flourished under the patronage of the papacy and of Catholic princes and prelates.
The birth of modern science was coincidental with the Reformation and the ages of European expansion. The Roman Catholic response to the new science, as well as to the new philosophical systems that accompanied it, was largely hostile; consequently, the world of European learning after 1600 was dissociated from the Roman Catholic Church, which patronized only defensive learning. At the same time, Roman Catholic initiatives in educating the poor were gaining momentum. The invention of printing had diffused education to an extent far beyond what was possible before, and all the churches were interested in reaching the minds of the young. This interest was matched after the French Revolution by the modern states, which in the 19th century moved toward the exclusion of church influence from education. But the Roman Catholic Church, through its religious communities, was a pioneer in educating children and the poor.
In the 20th century the Roman Catholic educational endeavour in many European and American countries, particularly in the United States, had become a vast enterprise. In the second half of the century, however, mounting costs and reduced numbers of religious instructors and other personnel created critical problems for Catholic schools, and even their survival was at stake in many regions. The problems were not lessened by the fact that Roman Catholic education, even where it was strongest, reached only a minority of Catholic students. In addition, the church had to confront its traditional reputation as an adversary of the intellectual freedom that the modern academic world cherishes. Pope John Paul II took steps to improve relations with the scholarly world by promoting the value of modern science and technology and by commissioning a review of the church’s condemnation of Galileo (see BTW: Galileo’s Condemnation). Charitable activities
Institutional benevolence to the poor, the sick, orphans, and other people in need has been characteristic of the Christian church from its beginnings. The church’s charitable activities have involved organized assistance, supported by the contributions of the entire community and rendered by dedicated persons. The church in this way fulfills the duty of “the seven corporal works of mercy” mentioned in The Gospel According to Matthew (chapter 25) and carries on the healing mission of Jesus. Protestant churches continued the works of institutional benevolence after their separation from the Roman church. Institutional assistance to the needy is a legacy from the church to modern governments. Church and state relations
The most important modification in the Roman Catholic theory and practice of church-state relations was the declaration of Vatican II in which the Roman Catholic Church recognized the modern, secular, pluralistic nation as a valid political entity. Union of church and state had been the common pattern since the era of Constantine, and all pontifical declarations of the 19th century rejected separation of church and state as pernicious. This position was steadfastly maintained despite the fact that the separation of church and state had been accepted by the Protestant countries of Europe; it reflected a long history of the state’s domination of the church and the church’s involvement in political power struggles. Vatican II declared that the Roman Catholic Church is not a political agent and will not ask for political support for ecclesiastical ends. A significant change in the Roman attitude toward the state was the council’s explicit endorsement of freedom of religion. Although they did not support any specific form of secular government, the popes of the 20th century, including John XXIII and John Paul II, asserted that the state must guarantee the human rights and personal dignity of all its citizens. Economic views and practice
During the centuries when the Roman Catholic Church constituted the whole of Christendom, each individual’s place in the church reflected his or her place in the political and economic structure. In modern times the identification of the church hierarchy with the landed aristocracy led the revolutionaries of 18th-century France to attempt to destroy the Roman Catholic Church along with other components of the old order. The Roman Catholic Church entered the 19th century with a firm official bias against revolutionary movements, and the brief liberalism of Pius IX ended with his experiences in Italy during and after the Revolutions of 1848. The Roman Catholic Church was inflexibly opposed to all forms of socialism, and its opposition to Marxist communism was implacable. Thus, the Roman Catholic hierarchy was identified with the new capitalist classes of industrial society. In many European countries this meant that the church lost membership among the working classes. In Rerum novarum (1891), Leo XIII became the first pope to speak out against the abuses of capitalism. The church’s teaching on social issues was further elaborated by Pius XI in Quadragesimo anno (1931; “In the 40th Year”), by John XXIII in Mater et magistra and Pacem in terris, by Paul VI in Populorum progressio, by John Paul II in Centesimus annus (1991; “In the Hundreth Year”), and by Pope Francis in Laudato Si (2015; “Praise Be to You”). The church’s opposition to socialism has gradually diminished, and it has approved of labour unions and even moderated its staunch opposition to liberation theology. John Paul II, whose role in the fall of communism is widely recognized, was highly critical of unregulated capitalism as well as Western materialism and consumerism.
In its own practices, the Roman Catholic Church has insisted on exercising complete control of its private property and productive investments. It is not accountable to the laity for its funds, which are managed by the hierarchy; hence, the wealth of the Roman Catholic Church has long been a mystery. However, the raids of greedy anticlerical governments, as well as some public disclosures, have indicated that the wealth of the church is exaggerated in popular belief. Following Vatican II, there was a strong movement in favour of public financial reports. In 2015 Pope Francis ordered an audit of the Vatican’s finances and called for greater transparency of the church’s spending and of the Vatican Bank. The family
Roman Catholic teaching identifies the family as the social and moral centre of the community; the family, according to the Catechism of the Catholic Church, is “the original cell of social life.” The guiding principle of church teaching, the stability of the family, does not admit divorce, which was banned by Jesus. Although the church long defined the family as a hierarchical structure headed by the father, it now in keeping with the declarations of Vatican II and the teachings of John Paul II rejects the traditional subordination of women in the family in favour of equality of dignity and responsibility between men and women. The family, moreover, is child-centred; traditional Catholic teaching makes the primary end of marriage the procreation and rearing of children. Only recently have Catholic theologians begun to speak of mutual love as an end “equally primary.”
In the late 20th and early 21st centuries the Roman Catholic Church was faced with the problem of preserving the unquestioned values of mutual love and responsibility in marriage while attempting to come to terms with the realities of modern life. The practice of birth control has proven particularly controversial within Catholic sexual ethics, which uphold the family ideal. In Humanae vitae (1968; “Of Human Life”) Paul VI restated the church’s traditional prohibition of artificial birth control, against the recommendations of a commission instituted at Vatican II and despite the opposition of many theologians and laypersons, asserting that “each and every marital act must of necessity retain its intrinsic relationship to the procreation of human life.” In the 1980s and ’90s the church’s position banning condom use by Catholics was criticized by health and human rights advocates as possibly fostering the spread of AIDS. Upheld by John Paul II, the ban was reaffirmed by his successor, Benedict XVI, after a 2006 study on the theological ramifications of using condoms with the intention of preventing sexually transmitted diseases rather than insemination. In 2010, however, Benedict stated in an interview that condoms could be used in some circumstances as a means of preventing the transmission of AIDS. A Vatican spokesman subsequently declared that condoms could not be used as birth control. Dignitas Personae (2008; “The Dignity of a Person”), a Vatican statement on bioethics, proscribed Catholics from taking the “morning-after” pill, because its use manifests the intention to commit abortion; denounced in vitro fertilization, because it disrupts the natural process of conception; and condemned medical research using embryonic stem cells, though it endorsed research with adult stem cells. While many theologians, clergy, and laypersons agreed with church policy on these matters, many others disagreed and even chose to defy it.
The church also struggled with the issue of homosexuality among the laity and clergy. The church opposed gay marriage, declared homosexual behaviour to be sinful and homosexuality an “objective disorder,” and advised gay Catholics to remain chaste. It also provided specific guidelines for the pastoral care of homosexuals, denounced violence against them, and taught that the fundamental dignity of homosexuals as human beings must be respected. The church since Vatican II
The Second Vatican Council, also known as Vatican II, which took place from 1962 to 1965, was one of the most important councils in church history, and it profoundly changed the structures and practices of the church. It sought, in the words of Pope John XXIII, aggiornaménto, “to bring the church up to date,” and many of the council’s decrees did bring the church into the modern world. Although the reforms were welcomed by many, they produced internal disruptions greater than any the church has known since the Protestant Reformation. Some have argued that the council did not go far enough, while others have maintained that its reforms went too far, too fast. In the decades following the council, liberal and conservative Catholics were divided over interpretation of its decrees. Although such disunity posed a real threat of schism, there were only a few group departures. The number of departures of individual members of the laity and clergy, however, was large enough to cause concern and remained an important matter for the church long after the council ended.
In accordance with Vatican II, the Roman Catholic Church officially abandoned its “one true church” position and formally ended the thousand-year schism with the Greek Orthodox Church. It also entered into ecumenical conversations with other churches with the hope of establishing greater Christian unity. The church has assumed observer status in the World Council of Churches and has participated in groups associated with the World Council. Representatives of the church participated in the discussions sponsored by the World Council that led to the publication of the important document Baptism, Eucharist, and Ministry (1982), which identified areas of agreement between the churches on several core teachings; the church responded positively, though with qualification, to the text. Steps to improve relations with non-Christian religions were made at Vatican II and by the popes of the later 20th century. The council’s declaration Nostra aetate (October 28, 1965; “In Our Era”) rejected the traditional accusation that the Jews killed Christ, recognized the legitimacy of Judaism, and condemned anti-Semitism. Efforts at improving relations with other religions, especially Judaism, were pivotal to the papacy of St. John Paul II, who prayed with world religious leaders in 1986, made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and prayed in a mosque and a synagogue.
The openness of the Catholic church following Vatican II took surprising forms in places such as Latin America, where many local church leaders supported liberation theology (the Latin American movement that sought to aid the poor as a religious duty and criticized existing socioeconomic structures) in the 1970s. For a time, the church adopted a less confrontational approach to communist governments in the hope of improving the lives of Catholics in those countries. Following the election of John Paul II, however, the church supported opposition movements in communist eastern Europe and suppressed liberation theology; at the same time, it remained keenly involved in international affairs, as the pope undertook numerous pastoral visits throughout the world.
Problems, however, have been more in evidence than progress. The church faced the challenge of resolving the long-latent conflict between the hierarchy and the lower clergy over the tradition of total obedience in lifestyle and ministry. This conflict has come to a head on the issue of clerical celibacy; although there are no sure statistics, there are estimates that as many as one-half of Catholic clergy wish celibacy to be optional. The issue of clerical celibacy was raised anew in the late 1990s and early 2000s, when members of the clergy, as discussed earlier, were accused of sexually abusing minors. However, some have argued that pedophilia is unrelated to the celibacy requirement, claiming that the root of the sex abuse lies in the infiltration of the clergy by sexual predators seeking to exploit priests’ easy access to children.
There was also discontent among the clergy regarding the nature of the church’s ministry. Many religious workers felt that the conventional ministries were not reaching enough people and were not meeting their most urgent needs. The desire to work “in the world,” while hardly alien to the New Testament ministry, was not easily satisfied within the traditional roles assigned to the clergy. And what might have appeared to be a minor issue in some places became a major issue in others; many priests and religious (women religious in particular, who have had more of a problem) no longer wished to wear the identifying garb, because they believed it to be an obstacle to personal relations. The discontent with life and ministry led to a large number of departures from the priesthood, most dramatically following Paul VI’s encyclical Sacerdotalis caelibatus (June 24, 1967; “Priestly Celibacy”), which confirmed the necessity of celibacy. The laity too became more restive, and many left the church for a variety of reasons, including the church’s teachings on artificial birth control. Some left because they believed the reforms of Vatican II were too liberal. More generally, there was a widespread but not explicit rejection of the traditional uses of authority and obedience in Roman Catholic clergy and religious communities.
Vatican II also made profound changes in the liturgical practices of the Roman rite. It approved the translation of the liturgy into vernacular languages to permit greater participation in the worship service and to make the sacraments more intelligible to the vast majority of the laity. The change, a sharp break with the older tradition of using Latin in worship, caused discomfort for some but allowed for adaptation of the liturgy according to the needs and desires of many throughout the world.
Perhaps the most significant change brought about by Vatican II was the beginning of what the German theologian Karl Rahner (1904–1984) called the emergence of the Weltkirche (German: “world church”). Vatican II was not dominated by the churches of Europe and the Americas, the traditional centres of Catholic strength. The Weltkirche continued to develop during the rest of the 20th century, as the Catholic church established a vigorous presence in Africa and parts of Asia and became a more prominent and outspoken church in Central and Latin America.
A Catholic procession marching past spectators on the streets of Lagos, Nigeria.Paul Almasy/Corbis
The shifting demographics of contemporary Roman Catholicism have presented the church with a number of challenges. How should it respond to declining church attendance, declining numbers of religious, and the increasing secularism in the West and in the traditionally Catholic countries of Europe in particular? Would the ordination of women and married men check these trends? How should the church respond to the growing numbers of Muslims in some of these countries? How should it adapt its message and its practice in non-Western regions of the world, especially Africa? How should it balance papal authority over the entire church and the rights of the bishops over the local churches so as to avoid centralized authoritarianism on the one hand and the loss of unity on the other? What pastoral strategies should be used to combat the aggressive evangelization by fundamentalist groups in Latin America? Such challenges are among many that will face the church in the new millennium as it tries to be faithful to that Gospel dictum of “bringing forth old things and new.” Lawrence Cunningham The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica
Citation Information
Article Title: Roman Catholicism
Website Name: Encyclopaedia Britannica
Publisher: Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc.
Date Published: 21 June 2019
URL: https://www.britannica.com/topic/Roman-Catholicism
Access Date: August 13, 2019
Additional Reading General Works History
Large-scale works are Hubert Jedin and John Patrick Dolan (eds.), History of the Church, 10 vol. (1986–89). John McManners (ed.), The Oxford Illustrated History of Christianity (1990, reissued 2001), is useful. Roland H. Bainton, The Horizon History of Christianity (1964, reissued as Christianity, 2000), is a well-written, beautifully illustrated, comprehensive introduction to Western Christianity through the centuries and includes references to modern Catholicism worldwide. Belief and practice
Reference works include Robert C. Broderick (ed.), The Catholic Encyclopedia, rev. and updated ed. (1987); Thomas Carson and Joann Cerrito (eds.), New Catholic Encyclopedia, 2nd ed., 15 vol. (2003), which treats all phases of Roman Catholicism; Karl Rahner et al. (eds.), Sacramentum Mundi: An Encyclopedia of Theology, 6 vol. (1968–70), which deals with Catholic doctrine and theological thought; and F.L. Cross and E.A. Livingstone (eds.), The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, 3rd ed. (1997), with informative articles on Roman Catholic subjects and helpful bibliographies.
An excellent brief compendium of doctrine is A New Catechism: Catholic Faith for Adults, trans. by Kevin Smyth (1967, reissued 1982; originally published in Dutch, 1966). Also valuable is Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger (later elected as Pope Benedict XVI) and Christopher Schönborn (one of the contributors to the church’s new catechism), Introduction to the Catechism of the Catholic Church (1994). Roman Catholic theology of the church is discussed by Hans Küng, The Church (1967, reissued 1976; originally published in German, 1967); and Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger, Called to Communion: Understanding the Church Today, trans. by Adrian Walker (1996; originally published in German, 1991).
The contemporary Roman Catholic Church is surveyed by John L. McKenzie, The Roman Catholic Church (1969, reissued 1971). A balanced and comprehensive introduction is Richard P. McBrien, Catholicism, completely rev. and updated (1994). See also Barrie Ruth Straus, The Catholic Church (1987, reissued 1992). Jaroslav Pelikan, The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of Doctrine, 5 vol. (1971–91), opens with the apostolic Fathers and closes with the Second Vatican Council. Jaroslav Pelikan, Credo: Historical and Theological Guide to Creeds and Confessions of Faith in the Christian Tradition, 4 vol. (2003), is a comprehensive collection of statements of faith and includes a volume of commentary on the creeds. Rosemary Ruether and Eleanor McLaughlin (eds.), Women of Spirit: Female Leadership in the Jewish and Christian Traditions (1979, reissued 1998), is a step toward redressing the imbalance in most scholarship. An important starting point for developments in Roman Catholic theology after the Second Vatican Council is Hans Küng, On Being a Christian, trans. by Edward Quinn (1976, reissued 1984; originally published in German, 1974). On developments in Roman Catholic feminist theology, see Mary Jo Weaver, New Catholic Women: A Contemporary Challenge to Traditional Religious Authority (1985, reissued 1995). The Latin church from antiquity to the late Middle Ages
Perceptive introductions to the medieval church are Bernard Hamilton, Religion in the Medieval West (1986); and R.W. Southern, Western Society and the Church in the Middle Ages (1970, reprinted 1990). A useful survey of the history of the early church is Peter Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom: Triumph and Diversity, ad 200–1000, 2nd ed. (2003). Important studies of the church in late antiquity and the early Middle Ages are Peter Brown, The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity (1983); R.A. Markus, The End of Ancient Christianity (1998); Richard E. Sullivan, Christian Missionary Activity in the Early Middle Ages (1994); and J.M. Wallace-Hadrill, The Frankish Church (1983). Étienne Gilson, History of Christian Philosophy in the Middle Ages (1955, reissued 1980), is a masterly summary with a full bibliography. Heiko A. Oberman, The Harvest of Medieval Theology: Gabriel Biel and Late Medieval Nominalism, rev. ed. (2000), looks at the theology of the late Middle Ages in its entirety, with special emphasis on nominalism. C.H. Lawrence, Medieval Monasticism: Forms of Religious Life in Western Europe in the Middle Ages, 3rd ed. (2001); and C.H. Lawrence, The Friars: The Impact of the Early Mendicant Movement on Western Society (1994), are accessible surveys of the medieval religious orders. The profound changes in spirituality and church organization that occurred in the 11th and 12th centuries are studied in Uta-Renate Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy: Church and Monarchy from the Ninth to the Twelfth Century (1988, reissued 1991); Michael Frassetto (ed.), Medieval Purity and Piety: Essays on Medieval Clerical Celibacy and Religious Reform (1998); Rachel Fulton, From Judgment to Passion: Devotion to Christ and the Virgin Mary, 800–1200 (2002); Gerd Tellenbach, The Church in Western Europe from the Tenth to the Early Twelfth Century (1993); and Caroline Walker Bynum, Jesus as Mother: Studies in the Spirituality of the High Middle Ages (1982).
Henry Charles Lea, The Inquisition of the Middle Ages: Its Organization and Operation (1954, reissued 1993), remains the essential, but sectarian, introduction to the topic. Bernard Hamilton, The Medieval Inquisition (1981); and Edward Peters, Inquisition (1988), offer a more balanced view; and Henry Kamen, The Spanish Inquisition: A Historical Revision, 2nd ed. (1997, reissued 2000), is the best introduction to the institution in Spain. The history of medieval heresy is best examined in Malcom Lambert, Medieval Heresy: Popular Movements from the Gregorian Reform to the Reformation, 3rd ed. (2002); and R.I. Moore, The Origins of European Dissent (1977, reissued 1994).
A useful introduction to the Crusades is Thomas F. Madden, A Concise History of the Crusades (1999). Francis Oakley, The Western Church in the Later Middle Ages (1979, reissued 1985); and Steven Ozment, The Age of Reform, 1250–1550: An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe (1980), cover the late Middle Ages with sound judgment. W.A. Pantin, The English Church in the Fourteenth Century (1955, reissued 1980), is a good introduction to late medieval English developments; and Lawrence G. Duggan, Bishop and Chapter: The Governance of the Bishopric of Speyer to 1552 (1978), an important study of the institutional church in Germany. Reformation and Counter-Reformation
The period is surveyed thoroughly in two reference works: Thomas A. Brady, Heiko A. Oberman, and James D. Tracy (eds.), Handbook of European History, 1400–1600: Late Middle Ages, Renaissance, and Reformation, 2 vol. (1994–96); and Hans J. Hillerbrand (ed.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, 4 vol. (1996). An important introduction is G.R. Elton (ed.), The Reformation, 1520–1559, 2nd ed., vol. 2 (1990) of The New Cambridge Modern History, 14 vol. (1957–77, reissued 1975–99). Other useful introductions to the period are John Bossy, Christianity in the West, 1400–1700 (1985); Euan Cameron, The European Reformation (1991); Heiko A. Oberman, The Dawn of the Reformation: Essays in Late Medieval and Early Reformation Thought (1986, reissued 1992); and Lewis W. Spitz, The Protestant Reformation, 1517–1559 (1985).
Jaroslav Pelikan, Obedient Rebels: Catholic Substance and Protestant Principle in Luther’s Reformation (1964), is an investigation of Luther’s thought; and Roland H. Bainton, Here I Stand: A Life of Martin Luther (1950, reissued 1995), remains the best introduction to Luther’s life. Developments in England are considered in Eamon duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, 1400–1580 (1992). George Huntston Williams, The Radical Reformation, 3rd ed. (2000), is a synoptic presentation of the “left wing” of the Reformation. Reform in the Roman Catholic Church is treated best in Robert Bireley, The Refashioning of Catholicism, 1450–1700 (1999); Michael A. Mullett, The Catholic Reformation (1999); and R. Po-chia Hsia, The World of Catholic Renewal 1540–1770 (1998). Roman Catholicism in modern times
An extensive and valuable study is Kenneth Scott Latourette, Christianity in a Revolutionary Age: A History of Christianity in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, 5 vol. (1958–62, reissued 1973); vol. 1, 3, and 5 concentrate on Roman Catholic themes. E.E.Y. Hales, The Catholic Church in the Modern World: A Survey from the French Revolution to the Present, new rev. ed. (1960), concentrates on Europe and America. Two works that make aspects of the American Catholic experience readily available to readers are John Tracy Ellis, American Catholicism, 2nd ed. rev. (1969); and Jay P. Dolan, The American Catholic Experience: A History from Colonial Times to the Present (1985, reissued 2001), an essential study. Stephen Neill, Colonialism and Christian Missions (1966), and A History of Christian Missions, 2nd ed. rev. by Owen Chadwick (1986, reissued 1990), provide brief and generally fair comments on Catholic ventures. Gustavo Gutiérrez, A Theology of Liberation: History, Politics, and Salvation, trans. and ed. by Caridad Inda and John Eagleson, rev. ed. (2001; originally published in Spanish, 1972), is a provocative introduction to Roman Catholicism in the developing world. Another essential study is Anthony Gill, Rendering unto Caesar: The Catholic Church and the State in Latin America (1998). Adrian Hastings, The Church in Africa, 1450–1950 (1994), is a valuable introduction.
Lester R. Kurtz, The Politics of Heresy: The Modernist Crisis in Roman Catholicism (1986), provides an introduction to the debate over Modernism. Austin Flannery (ed.), Vatican Council II: The Conciliar and Post-Conciliar Documents, new rev. ed. (1996), is a useful collection of documents from the council; and Adrian Hastings (ed.), Modern Catholicism: Vatican II and After (1991), is a valuable consideration of the postconciliar Roman Catholic Church. The papacy
Eamon Duffy, Saints and Sinners: A History of the Popes, 2nd ed. (2002), is a comprehensive and lively study of the papacy. An excellent brief introduction to papal history up to the Reformation is Geoffrey Barraclough, The Medieval Papacy (1968, reissued 1979). Essential studies for the development of medieval papal claims are W. Ullmann, The Growth of Papal Government in the Middle Ages: A Study in the Ideological Relation of Clerical to Lay Power, 3rd ed. (1970); and Brian Tierney, Origins of Papal Infallibility, 1150–1350: A Study on the Concepts of Infallibility, Sovereignty, and Tradition in the Middle Ages (1972, reissued 1988). Other valuable studies of the medieval papacy are Peter Llewellyn, Rome in the Dark Ages (1971, reissued 1996); Colin Morris, The Papal Monarchy: The Western Church from 1050 to 1250 (1989); Guillaume Mollat, The Popes at Avignon, 1305–1378, trans. by Janet Love (1963; originally published in French, 9th ed. 1949); and Francis Oakley, Council over Pope? Towards a Provisional Ecclesiology (1969).
Good studies of the papacy from the Renaissance to modern times include John A.F. Thomson, Popes and Princes, 1417–1517: Politics and Polity in the Late Medieval Church (1980); A.D. Wright, The Early Modern Papacy: From the Council of Trent to the French Revolution, 1564–1789 (2000); Owen Chadwick, The Popes and European Revolution (1981); and Frank J. Coppa, The Modern Papacy Since 1789 (1998). Edward Cuthbert Butler, The Vatican Council, 1869–1870: Based on Bishop Ullathorne’s Letters, ed. by Christopher Butler (1930, reissued 1962), is a history of the First Vatican Council. Walter M. Abbott (ed.), The Documents of Vatican II (1966, reissued 1989), is an introduction to the achievement of the Second Vatican Council. Garry Wills, Papal Sin: Structures of Deceit (2000), is a controversial and highly critical commentary on the modern papacy.
Works on the papacy from theological perspectives include Paul C. Empie and T. Austin Murphy (eds.), Papal Primacy and the Universal Church (1974), an ecumenical dialogue; and Rudolf Schnackenburg, The Church in the New Testament (1965, reissued 1974; originally published in German, 1961), which presents the results of 20th-century Roman Catholic biblical scholarship. Raymond E. Brown, Karl P. Donfried, and John Reumann (eds.), Peter in the New Testament: A Collaborative Assessment by Protestant and Roman Catholic Scholars (1973, reissued 2002), considers the biblical problems in the Petrine question. Karl Rahner and Joseph Ratzinger, The Episcopate and the Primacy, trans. by Kenneth Barker (1962; originally published in German, 1961), is an analysis of the pope-bishop relationship; and Hans Küng, Infallible? An Unresolved Enquiry, new expanded ed. (1994; originally published in German, 1970), and Structures of the Church, trans. by Salvator Attanasio (1964, reissued 1982; originally published in German, 1962), are basic to an understanding of contemporary “liberal” Roman Catholic thinking on the papacy. Francis Dvornik, Byzantium and the Roman Primacy, trans. by Edwin A. Quain (1966, reprinted 1979; originally published in French, 1964); and John Meyendorff et al., The Primacy of Peter, 2nd ed. (1973, reissued 1992; originally published in French, 1960), are useful studies of Eastern Orthodox views on papal primacy. The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica
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