The King

48. Claiming Sanctuary

The ayatollah’s fatwa had brought the country to its senses. You could see hope in everyone’s eyes. In Isfahan one of the big tobacco merchants brought his stock to the bazaar square and dramatically set the bales on fire.

The destruction of the hookahs had made everyone conscious of their power. The shah had proved vulnerable, and fear of the country’s rulers slowly ebbed away. Merchants in the bazaars of Tehran, Tabriz, Isfahan and Shiraz went en masse to the Jameh mosques in their own cities to ‘claim sanctuary’. Claiming sanctuary was a well-known way of going on strike. The demonstrators would take refuge in a place of worship and stay there until their demands were met. As long as they remained in a mosque or shrine they were safe. No one was allowed to trouble them. Even an arrest warrant from the king had no validity. Now large groups of people were entering the various mosques to support the strike.

The people behind the strike kept in contact with Jamal Khan’s committee in Tehran. All the supporters made use of the same slogans: ‘England! Hands off our tobacco!’ and ‘Give us a national telegraph network or we pull down the poles and cables!’

Some members of Jamal Khan’s group had additional demands. They wanted Persian experts to serve as inspectors at the oil wells. But the others felt it was too early for such a move. Besides, no one had enough expertise to judge the situation properly. For the time being they stuck with attainable demands that people could grasp.

The resistance grew. More and more people came to claim sanctuary with the merchants. The shah pretended to be unimpressed and said that under no circumstances would he cede to the demands of the demonstrators. To do so would jeopardise the deal he had struck with regard to his income. That agreement, and the fixed royal duties being levied on the telegraph and oil-drilling projects, covered the enormous expense of running his palace and his harem and paying for his travels. He didn’t want to put his ties with mighty England at risk, especially now that he was feeling threatened at home. In turbulent times like these the British embassy was a more dependable ally than his own ignorant people.

More than ever he was seized by doubt. So he went back to paying regular visits to his old mother, who had helped him before with her powers of discernment. Mahdolia knew her son. She talked to him and roused his flagging spirits: ‘These are moments that every king has to endure. Your subjects don’t understand what they want from life. It is the shah’s job to direct them. Don’t forget that Russia is standing right behind you. Your father and I forged a strong bond with them. Don’t take a single step backwards, my son, not even when your enemy is closing in on you. The men of our tribe have never feared death.’

His mother never hesitated to remind him of this alliance, but the shah doubted its value. The Russians were not a whit better than the rest. When it came to the crunch they too would think only of themselves. He was determined to endure to the bitter end. He wanted to show England that he was capable of defending their interests. So he gave the heads of all the country’s police forces the authority to crush the resistance with violence.

The fatwa issued by the aged ayatollah had not yet had any direct impact on the military. The army had always been unconditionally loyal to the king, and it would take a while for the power of the ayatollah’s words to penetrate the thick skin of the armed forces.

In Tehran armed policemen stormed the Jameh mosque and threw the striking merchants out. A few shopkeepers fought back, and one was killed as a result. As the merchants carried the body of their dead colleague to the bazaar mosque on their shoulders, a gang of bandits set fire to the shops. People tried to extinguish the fire with buckets of water to keep the whole bazaar from going up in flames.

News of the arson served as a warning to the other cities. The bazaars were guarded day and night.

In Tehran the head of the police force locked the door of the Jameh mosque and issued an order to arrest anyone found in the vicinity. The merchants continued to claim sanctuary in the small bazaar mosque, however, and countless people gathered on the square of the mosque to protect them.

The police were ruthless. They rode into the crowd, beat them with their long sticks and finally drove them from the square. The merchants were thrown out of their small mosque as well. With such exceptionally harsh measures and violent arrests it became impossible for the merchants to stand firm and united. And although the bazaars were guarded, bandits nevertheless succeeded in sneaking in under cover of night and burning down a shop here, a warehouse or storage area there. The merchants were gripped by fear and doubt. They wondered whether it might not be wiser to open the doors of their shops.

Jamal Khan’s committee became aware of their misgivings and decided to change their tactics. So far now they had followed a policy of passive resistance, but now it was time for a new initiative. It was either that or lose the battle.

After several meetings the decision was made to attack British property all across the country. Tobacco factories and plantations were occupied and the British and Indian employees were sent packing.

England exerted pressure on the shah to provide protection for its people and to safeguard its property and factories. The shah sent in the army to defend the British embassy and to rid the tobacco factories of demonstrators. On the tobacco plantations the farmers showed what they were made of. Armed with nothing but shovels and sticks they attacked the soldiers, and the soldiers opened fire.

The army’s brutal response aroused the anger of the populace. Telegraph cables were cut and poles were pulled from the ground and set on fire.

All the Britons in Persia were sent to the southern province, where it was safe. Only the ambassador and his staff remained in the embassy in Tehran in order to be close to the shah and to follow developments as they happened.

In the oil-rich areas several villages sprang up overnight. The British had everything they needed there for the long haul. One look at all the installations, buildings, athletic fields and water facilities made it clear that England was planning on staying in the country for at least a hundred years.

But what the British had feared so long was now about to happen. The shah was incapable of controlling the revolt. At first England had seen his weak power apparatus as an advantage. They were satisfied when the powerful vizier was succeeded by vizier Sheikh Aqasi. But now that their interests were being threatened they began to think differently. In order to secure their position they would have to learn to work together with the country’s bazaars. So London instructed its ambassador to speak with both the shah and the leaders of the insurgents. But the shah rejected any form of mediation out of hand.

‘We know our subjects better than you do,’ he told the British ambassador. ‘If we give these ayatollahs free rein, we’ll never be rid of them. The businessmen can’t keep their shops closed for ever. They’ll get tired of striking and start pushing their wares again. Have patience, as we do.’

Jamal Khan and his people reviewed the situation. They saw two possibilities: either increase their attacks on British property in the south or hold a mass march on the palace to put the shah under even more pressure. An attack on the British in the south was not feasible, so the committee decided to turn their attention to two strategic places in Tehran: the British embassy, which they would have to occupy, and the palace of the shah, which they would have to surround.

‘The British embassy is out of the question,’ said Jamal Khan during their talks. ‘They need us and we need them. We have to fight them and at the same time regard them as a partner against the repression of the shah, or we’ll lose the battle on both fronts. If we attack the British embassy it will give the shah an excuse to destroy us. I think we have to increase the pressure on the shah and at the same time demand a national telegraph system from the British.’

The plan sounded good, but it was still risky. What if things got out of hand and people began storming the palace? What if they took the shah hostage or, even worse, murdered him? Wouldn’t England and Russia take advantage of the chaos and divide the country between themselves? And wouldn’t that put an end to the ancient Persian Empire, once and for all? The occupation of the British embassy seemed like the best way forward. It would force both the British and the shah to take further steps.

After a week of interminable discussions Amir Nezam had something surprising to report. ‘The British tobacco company is prepared to discuss national tobacco production.’

The embassy had passed on the proposal via a mediator, an old acquaintance of Amir Nezam who met with him regularly in a tea house. As the son of a carpet dealer he had lived in London for a few years. Now he had his own business exporting Persian carpets to England. He was on good terms with the British embassy.

‘Friends, we have learned from talks with the mediator that London is not happy with Sheikh Aqasi as vizier. A peaceful, stable Persia would be to their benefit, and they’re looking for a way to influence developments. Reading between the lines, I get the feeling that London is prepared to reach a compromise.’

‘A compromise about what?’ asked Talebof.

‘A domestic telegraph network.’

‘Were these the mediator’s actual words?’ asked Jamal Khan with surprise.

‘No, not exactly. The ambassador submitted the idea to the shah, but he doesn’t want to talk about it just yet. The shah is afraid that if he agrees, he’ll lose control of the country.’

Everyone was impressed by this message.

‘But what does the mediator want?’ asked Mirza Reza.

‘Nothing. He just passed it on to me.’

‘England seems to be saying they’re not happy with the shah and they’re looking for a reliable partner,’ said Amir.

‘England’s motives are more complex than we think,’ said Jamal Khan. ‘That’s why we have to come up with our own strategy and turn the heat up under the shah.’

Amir Nezam wasn’t the only one who had picked up these signals. The British were playing a two-handed game. They were afraid that if emergency struck, Russia would support the shah. So they passed a message on to the ayatollah through those who were closest to him: ‘England is prepared to give in, but the shah is blocking every option. Your help is needed.’

After Friday prayers the merchants stopped claiming sanctuary and went to the shah’s palace, followed by a huge crowd. With one voice they cried, ‘Tobacco! Tobacco! Persian tobacco! Telegraph! Telegraph! Telegraph!’

The shah was sitting at his writing desk when a palace guard knocked on the door and said, ‘Your Majesty! Your Majesty! Thousands of your subjects are on their way to the palace!’

The shah looked in the mirror and saw himself turn pale.

‘What are they shouting?’

‘They’re shouting anti-British slogans!’

‘What kinds of slogans?’

‘I don’t know, Your Majesty. I just received the report from one of our guards.’

The shah wanted to know whether they were shouting slogans against him as well.

‘But what are they shouting?’

‘Something about tobacco and telegraphs,’ said the man hesitantly.

‘Where are they now?’

‘They’re coming from the bazaar square and they’re probably about halfway here.’

‘Prepare our cannon,’ said the shah. ‘Put a row of cannons on the palace square with the barrels aimed at the demonstrators and warn Eyn ed-Dowleh immediately!’

The shah had appointed Eyn ed-Dowleh military advisor. By giving his son-in-law an important position and responsibility in the army he was securing his allegiance. Eyn ed-Dowleh was brave and trustworthy. The shah hoped that his grandson would inherit those characteristics. Taj Olsultan was almost full term. She was eagerly looking forward to the birth of her baby. As was the shah.

He spoke with Eyn ed-Dowleh in private and ordered him to protect the palace with everything at his disposal.

The crowd had now reached the palace square, but armed guards managed to keep the people at a distance. The head of the guards was waiting impatiently for reinforcements from the army. He had warned the demonstrators that if they took one more step, his men would fire on them with cannons.

When Eyn ed-Dowleh rode onto the palace square with his column of cavalrymen, the head of the guards breathed a sigh of relief. Eyn ed-Dowleh positioned the cavalrymen between the cannons and the crowd. He rode his own great black horse right to the front line. With sword drawn he stood before his troops.

The demonstrators began shouting ‘Shah! Shah! Shah!’ at the top of their voices. ‘Tobacco! Tobacco! Tobacco!’

Eyn ed-Dowleh put his sword away and pulled out his rifle. This awkward threat provoked the masses, who pressed forward.

‘Halt or I’ll shoot!’ shouted Eyn ed-Dowleh menacingly.

No one listened to him.

‘Telegraph! Telegraph! Telegraph!’ the crowd shouted. ‘Shah! Shah! Shah!’

The shah stood on the roof and looked through his binoculars to see how his son-in-law would deal with this difficult situation.

‘Halt!’ threatened Eyn ed-Dowleh again.

But no one listened.

‘Halt!’ he shouted once more, and he shot three times over their heads.

The people were alarmed. They scattered, only to come back together and surround him. Sensing the danger his horse whinnied anxiously and tried to clear a path through the mass of people. The demonstrators blocked his flight and came threateningly close.

‘Fire!’ shouted Eyn ed-Dowleh, obeying his own command.

The troops behind him opened fire. It was a one-sided battle. The unarmed demonstrators tried to escape down the square’s side streets, where new troops flew at them with truncheons. Desperate, the people forced their way into the government buildings on nearby streets and set several departments on fire. No one was in charge. In the chaos everyone did whatever occurred to him. Heavy smoke began to rise, blanketing the palace square in an impenetrable fog. Dead bodies lay everywhere, and the people dragged the wounded to surrounding houses.

This was a development that Jamal Khan and the committee had not counted on. They knew there might be some deaths, but a blind outburst like this had been unexpected. The age-old frustration of an entire people had been expressed in a single day.

The fighting continued all through the evening. Only when it was dark, and the muezzins called the people to evening prayer, did the demonstrators withdraw. The fight had been fought, for now. There was no more shooting or shouting of slogans.

Although it remained relatively calm outside for the rest of the night, the palace was alive with activity. The shah met with his vizier and advisors, and received repeated visits from the messenger, who was riding back and forth between the palace and his mother.

Another messenger was also riding back and forth in the dark, to and from the British embassy. Behind heavy curtains that kept out even the slightest breeze, the ambassador and his staff were intent on leaving their mark on history. All week long they had been in contact with an ayatollah in Tehran who operated as an envoy for the aged Ayatollah Shirazi.

At the same time the mother of the shah received two visits in her palace from a messenger of the Russian embassy.

The demonstrators had been working deep into the night, barricading the houses and streets around the palace with sandbags. When the sun came up the cavalrymen on the palace square were surprised to find rows of men positioned behind sturdy sandbag bulwarks. They were armed with the rifles they had taken from the soldiers during the previous day’s fighting.

The parties stood there, face to face and motionless. They waited until the sun reached its zenith. It was time for afternoon prayers, but the muezzins were silent.

Suddenly there was movement in the crowd. The people were making way for Tabatabai, one of the old ayatollahs of Tehran. It was he who was making decisions on behalf of Shirazi. He had received a special message from the British ambassador the night before and had notified Jamal Khan immediately. Accompanied by seven prominent businessmen from the Tehran bazaar and carrying his walking stick, the ayatollah walked calmly up to the palace, where the shah was waiting for him.

The head of the palace guards received the delegation. The negotiations continued until late in the afternoon, and all that time everyone patiently waited. When the delegation finally came out the ayatollah waved his walking stick as a sign of victory. A loud cheer rose up from the palace walls. The shah had signed the document spelling out the terms under which the British tobacco company would hand over the tobacco trade to the Persian government.

An agreement had also been reached with the British embassy concerning plans for a domestic telegraph network. British engineers would come to discuss the execution of the plans with the shah. What no one else knew was that the ambassador had also firmly urged the shah to replace Sheikh Aqasi. He was a weak link.

What followed was spectacular. For the first time in Persian history people took to the streets carrying flags, and street musicians could be heard everywhere. The shopkeepers treated everyone to free biscuits and tea, and in all the bazaar squares across the country great pots of food were cooked over fires for the entire population. The festivities lasted a whole week.