Augustus

XV

A LONG FAREWELL

31–30 B.C.

Now the tourist resort of Mersa Matrouh, this small coastal town commands a large and beautiful lagoon with miles of sandy beach. In this delightful spot (promoted today as a “corner of paradise”), Antony plunged into the deepest gloom. He had hoped to make contact with four of his legions in Cyrene, but they declared for Octavian and refused to meet him. He sent Cleopatra ahead to Alexandria, where her ships arrived garlanded as if in victory. Before the truth came out, she had any potential opponents killed. In the meantime, her disconsolate paramour was able, in Plutarch’s dry words, “to enjoy all the solitude he could desire.”

Octavian sent a victory dispatch to Rome, but, patient and methodical as ever, was in no hurry to deal with Antony and Cleopatra. He decided to spend the oncoming winter on the island of Samos.

Many more soldiers were under arms than were needed or could be afforded. Octavian sent Italian veterans above a certain age back to Italy for formal discharge, but gave them neither land nor money because for the moment he had none. There were soon disgruntled mutterings, and Agrippa was sent back to deal with the problem.

There was other evidence that the regime was unpopular. Maecenas uncovered a plot to assassinate Octavian on his return to Italy. It was ineptly masterminded by Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, son of the self-seeking former triumvir and a nephew of Marcus Brutus. “A young man whose good looks exceeded his prudence,” he was put to death. Dio writes that Antony and Cleopatra schemed to “actually kill [Octavian] by treachery.” Were they, one wonders, ever in touch with young Lepidus?

It is a sign of Octavian’s managerial good sense that while he was away from Rome, he was willing to delegate powers to Agrippa and Maecenas, men who had been at his side throughout the long adventure and whom he trusted completely. He allowed them to read in advance his dispatches to the Senate, and correct them if they so wished. He had a duplicate made of his seal ring—the image of a sphinx—so that they could seal his letters up again.

The Donations of Alexandria were swiftly canceled. While deposing many minor princelings, Octavian confirmed on their thrones most of the major client kings—Amyntas of Galatia, who had defected to him with his cavalry; Polemo of Pontus, who had stayed behind in his kingdom; and Archelaus of Cappadocia. These were capable rulers, who knew it would be in their interest to remain loyal to whoever was in charge of the Roman empire. His former colleague was a good judge of character and Octavian saw no reason to disturb the arrangements he had made. So far as directly governed provinces were concerned, trustworthy colleagues were appointed in due course as proconsuls; for example, Cicero’s son, Marcus, frequently drunk but a safe pair of hands, was given Syria.

The newly formed province of Armenia was irretrievably lost, for its deposed king had seized the distraction of the Actium campaign to reclaim his realm. Octavian coolly ignored this insult to Roman power and interests. The question of what to do about the eastern frontier—the Armenians, the Medes, and behind them the fierce Parthians, who still held the lost standards of Crassus—would have to wait. He was too busy.

In January of 30 B.C., Agrippa wrote to Octavian on Samos that he was unable to handle the Italian veterans, who were now openly mutinous, and that his presence was urgently needed. This was the worst possible time of year to undertake a long sea journey, but there was nothing for it. When Octavian disembarked at Brundisium, he was met by the entire Senate (except for a couple of praetors and the tribunes), many equites, and large numbers of ordinary citizens. He received an enthusiastic welcome. It was usual for senators to meet a returning statesman outside the gates of Rome, but for them to travel three hundred miles was a unique honor. Official Rome recognized that it was now under the control of one unchallenged ruler.

Not willing to be left behind, the angry veterans marched down to Brundisium as well. Octavian wasted little time in meeting their demands, although he did not have enough ready cash to pay them all off on the spot and was obliged to issue promises postdated to the expected fall of Alexandria. The veterans were reluctantly satisfied, and after a month on Italian soil Octavian returned to Samos, where he laid plans for the invasion of Egypt.

In theory, Antony and Cleopatra had no reason to despair, for they still ruled half the Roman empire, and all its financial and human resources should have been at their disposal. But since Actium, people of power in the eastern provinces were unwilling to supply yet more soldiers to bolster what they judged to be a lost cause.

When Antony eventually arrived in Alexandria from Paraetonium, he abandoned the palace and his friends, living by himself in a quayside house beside Alexandria’s great lighthouse, more than three hundred feet high, on the island of Pharos. On January 14, 30 B.C., he entered his fifty-fourth year. The queen eventually tempted him from self-indulgent misery by throwing a spectacular birthday party for him. According to Plutarch,

Cleopatra and Antony now dissolved their celebrated Society of Inimitable Livers and instituted another, which was at least its equal in elegance, luxury and extravagance, and which they called the Order of the Inseparable in Death. Their friends joined it on the understanding that they would end their lives together, and they set themselves to charm away the days with a succession of exquisite supper parties.

The couple knew that with the arrival of spring Octavian would march against them. They had no realistic prospect of escaping to some other part of the world, although they had briefly thought of Spain and Cleopatra had tried and failed to organize an expedition to Arabia. The star-crossed lovers were cornered. Their only recourse now was to negotiate and, assuming that failed, to prepare for a last, futile stand.

The queen had plenty of money and still commanded the loyalty of her people. An army and a fleet were assembled. To cheer up the Alexandrians, a great ceremony—almost as splendid as the Donations of Alexandria—was held, at which the sixteen-year-old king of kings, Ptolemy XV Caesar, alias Caesarion, and Antony’s son by Fulvia, the fourteen-year-old Antyllus, officially came of age.

Octavian received a succession of envoys from Alexandria who laid various proposals before him. He listened, but conceded nothing. Although he declined to make his own position clear, his policy was in fact straightforward: he wanted to win the great prize of Egypt, that rich, self-contained, and exotic realm which had attracted the greedy gaze of eminent Romans for more than a century—and he wanted to win it for himself, not simply for Rome.

Octavian’s plan of attack was yet another pincer movement. Four Antonian legions that had switched loyalties would invade from Cyrenaica, which lay west of Egypt; in a signal mark of favor, Octavian appointed to command them the thirty-year-old Gaius Cornelius Gallus, although he was only an eques and previously best known as a fine lyric poet.

Octavian marched through Syria at the head of a substantial army toward the Egyptian frontier. The campaign was unlikely to be problematic, so this time Agrippa’s services were not required. Octavian judged himself capable of managing on his own.

At last Antony bestirred himself. Believing that there was a good chance of winning over his legions, he marched back, at the head of a strong force of infantry and a powerful fleet, to Paraetonium where Gallus had installed himself. But his attempt to win back the legionaries and take the town failed, and his ships were trapped in the harbor and either burned or sunk.

The rest of Antony and Cleopatra’s forces were stationed at Pelusium, a port on the easternmost edge of the Nile delta. It straddled the coastal route that skirted the Sinai desert and, being the only means of entry by land into Egypt from the east, was strategically important. Pharaohs throughout the ages had always taken care to give it a strong garrison. However, Pelusium fell with little or no resistance, perhaps surrendered by Cleopatra or else quickly stormed. If the former, she was creating a distance between herself and Antony—as may well be, for her first loyalty was always to her kingdom and the preservation of her own power. This and other accounts of her behavior during this time may have been lifted from Octavian’s propaganda, which often stressed the queen’s eastern deviousness and Antony’s humiliating status as a dupe. However, it is perfectly possible that Cleopatra saw no advantage in going down with Antony and tried to save herself.

Octavian seems to have encountered little or no resistance in his advance on Alexandria. He passed the fashionable suburb of Canopus and set up camp near the racecourse or hippodrome, just outside the city walls. When he received the news that Pelusium was lost, Antony rushed back to Alexandria and, on its outskirts, surprised and routed an advance guard of enemy cavalry. Elated by the victory, he returned to the palace and embraced Cleopatra while still in full armor. He then introduced to her a soldier who had displayed unusual valor in the engagement. As a reward, the queen gave him a golden helmet and breastplate. He took them, and that night deserted to Octavian.

With hopeless bravado Antony challenged his onetime colleague to single combat, as if they were a pair of Homeric heroes. He can hardly have anticipated an acceptance. Octavian responded dismissively: “There are many different ways by which Antony can die.”

On July 31, Antony decided to launch an all-out attack by land and sea on the following day. At dinner he ate and drank particularly well, telling the people around him that he did not expect to survive the battle. That evening, or so the story goes, about the hour of midnight, when all was hushed and a mood of dejection and fear of its impending fate brooded over the whole city, suddenly a marvellous sound of music was heard…as if a troop of revellers were leaving the city, shouting and singing as they went…. Those who tried to discover a meaning for this prodigy concluded that the god Dionysus, with whom Antony claimed kinship and whom he had sought above all to imitate, was now abandoning him.

Gods were imagined to leave besieged cities before they fell—Troy, Athens, Jerusalem. If the story has a basis in fact, perhaps Alexandrians were hearing Octavian, supported by a soldiers’ chorus, conducting an evocatio; in this ceremony, a Roman general used to call on the gods of an enemy city to change sides and migrate to Rome.

On August 1, as soon as it was light, Antony sent his fleet eastward to meet Octavian’s ships, and he drew up his remaining land forces on rising ground between the city walls and the hippodrome. The upshot was an almost comic fiasco. The ships raised their oars and surrendered without a fight; the fleets immediately combined and set a new course for the city. The cavalry deserted and the foot soldiers ran away.

Antony made his way back inside the walls of Alexandria and fell into a rage. He is reported to have shouted out that Cleopatra had betrayed him to the very men whom he was fighting for her sake. Terrified, she had word sent that she was dead.

There was only one thing now to be done. Antony went to his room and took off his armor. He asked his body servant to run him through, but the man suddenly turned away and fell on his sword instead. Antony then stabbed himself in the stomach and fell on the bed. The wound not only failed to kill him but soon stopped bleeding. Racked with pain, he begged bystanders to put him out of his misery, but they ran from the room.

The queen heard what had happened and sent word for Antony to be brought to her. She was hiding in a large mausoleum she had commissioned, which stood half complete in the palace grounds near a temple of Isis. Fearful of being surprised, she refused to unseal the doors, and she and two woman servants laboriously pulled the dying man with ropes up to a high window. Plutarch writes of the queen “clinging with both hands to the rope and with the muscles of her face distorted by the strain.” Cleopatra beat and scratched her breasts in the traditional manner of a grieving widow, and smeared her face with blood from Antony’s wound. He did his best to calm her, and, true to character to the last, called for and drank a cup of wine before expiring.

One of Antony’s bodyguards brought Octavian the dead man’s bloodstained sword, and it is said he withdrew into his tent and wept. Usually he kept his feelings under control, and we hear of him breaking down in tears on only one other occasion: when he received an account of Julius Caesar’s funeral. If he did weep now, it could have been the result of a snapping of tension after years of struggle rather than empathy. Octavian had never gotten on with Antony, and he is unlikely to have grieved for a man whom he had schemed to clear from his path for most of his public career. Alternatively, the incident was invented, and merely illustrated the victor’s highly developed skill at news management.

Octavian may have been the ruler of the Roman world, but he had never seen a great Hellenistic megalopolis before. He was familiar with cities that, like Rome and Athens, had grown untidily and organically over many centuries—crowded, noisy, ugly conurbations devoid of wide avenues and splendid vistas. So Alexandria made a great impression on him.

Founded in 331 B.C. by Alexander the Great, the twenty-five-year-old Macedonian king who conquered the Persian empire, the city was built on a narrow bar of land with the Mediterranean on one side and a shallow lake, called Maraeotis (today’s Lake Mariout, smaller and shallower than in ancient times), on the other. A little way offshore lay an island, Pharos, with its celebrated lighthouse, which was three miles long and gave protection from storms.

As in a modern American city, the street plan was based on a grid. A mile-long mole or dike was built between the shore and the island of Pharos, so creating two harbors, the Great harbor on the east side and the Eunostus (or Happy Return) harbor to the west. A canal from Lake Maraeotis in the south connected the city to the Nile and so to Egypt both as a production center and a market.

The city was a runaway success. In the first century B.C., the total population may have been about the same size as that of Rome, up to one million. With its grand overall look, Alexandria, rather like Haussmann’s Paris in the nineteenth century, became a center for culture and fashion throughout the eastern Mediterranean. Strabo called it the “greatest emporium of the inhabited world.”

Octavian was now free to enter the city, and on foot he led his men through the Gate of the Sun, not far from the hippodrome outside the walls, and along one of the city’s main streets, the Canopic Way. Nervous crowds had gathered. Octavian made a point of being accompanied by Areius, an Alexandrian citizen and a well-known philosopher and rhetorician. This friendly gesture was presumably calculated to allay the fears of the people, for it was an accepted custom of war that a captured city could be given over to pillage by the victors.

Octavian and his party made their way to the Gymnasium, where the triumvir and the queen had probably held the ceremony of the Donations of Alexandria. The place was packed: when Octavian came in and mounted a speaker’s dais, the audience was beside itself with fear and all present fell on their faces. He announced that he had no intention of holding the city at fault for the conduct of its rulers. At Areius’ request, he granted a number of pardons.

Octavian’s next destination was the Royal Palace, which lay north of the Canopic Way; here he would find the queen. He sent ahead as his envoy an eques called Gaius Proculeius, a close friend of his whom, it so happened, Antony in his last moments had recommended to the queen. Proculeius was under instruction to do whatever was needed to capture her alive.

The “palace” took up an entire fifth of the city, along the quayside of the Great harbor. We can imagine a large park or campus dotted with mansions, temples, and pavilions of one kind or another. The complex has almost entirely disappeared under later buildings and there are no ruins to visit; however, some of it sank into the sea as a result of an earthquake and tidal wave in the fourth century A.D., and is now being explored.

The main palace building stood on Cape Lochias, a promontory at the harbor opening. A twentieth-century historian writes: “No Latin ruler, gasping for air in the hot Roman summer, had nearly so attractive a situation as these Greek rulers of the Egyptian people.”

Somewhere in the vicinity, Cleopatra sat desolate in her mausoleum, awaiting her conqueror. She had gathered there all the most precious items of royal treasure—gold, silver, emeralds, pearls, ebony, ivory, and cinnamon (an extremely costly spice in those days and regarded as a fit present for royalty)—and also a great quantity of firewood and tinder. These preparations transmitted an implicit threat to Octavian: if he did not treat her well, she would set fire to the lot.

The ancient sources report that this consideration weighed heavily with him, although it cannot have been decisive: the queen can hardly have had personal possession of the kingdom’s entire reserves of precious metals—and, even if she had, they would survive a fire. The loss of the jewelry and other precious items would be a pity, but was not a matter of high importance.

Proculeius soon arrived outside the mausoleum, to which he managed to gain entry by a trick. He noted that the upper window through which the dying Antony had been dragged was still open; while someone distracted the queen by engaging her in conversation through the door of the mausoleum, Proculeius leaned a ladder against the wall and climbed in through the window accompanied by two servants. He captured Cleopatra and placed her under guard. She was allowed to preside at Antony’s funeral (not before Octavian had inspected the corpse), but her spirit was broken and she fell ill. She remained a prisoner inside the mausoleum.

(Possession of Egypt solved Octavian’s financial problems once and for all. When in due course the kingdom’s bullion reserves were transported to Rome, the standard rate of interest immediately dropped from 12 percent to 4 percent. There was plenty of money to settle his account with the veterans and to buy all the land they required [unsurprisingly, land values doubled]. Ample resources were also available for investing in public works, and the much-tried people of Rome received generous individual money grants.)

Not long after her arrest, Octavian called on the queen. He knew her (one assumes) from her stay at Rome as Julius Caesar’s guest and lover nearly fifteen years previously, but her bedraggled appearance now must have made her nearly unrecognizable. According to Plutarch, “she had abandoned her luxurious style of living, and was lying on a pallet bed dressed only in a tunic, but, as he entered, she sprang up and threw herself at his feet. Her hair was unkempt and her expression wild, while her eyes were shrunken and her voice trembled uncontrollably.”

Octavian asked her to lie down again and sat beside her. Cleopatra then tried to justify her part in the war, saying she had been forced to act as she did and had been in fear of Antony. Octavian demolished her excuses point by point, and she changed her manner, begging for pity as if desperate to save her life. Octavian was pleased by this, for it suggested that the queen did not intend to kill herself. He wanted her to live, the ancient sources claim, for she would make an admirable display in the triumph he intended to hold in Rome.

However, Publius Cornelius Dolabella, a young aristocrat on Octavian’s staff who was “by no means insensible to Cleopatra’s charms,” warned her that Octavian was about to leave Egypt and that she and her children were to be sent away within three days. So far as she was concerned, this was the end. She arranged for an asp—the Egyptian cobra—to be smuggled in to her in a basket of figs. She dismissed all her attendants except for two faithful ladies-in-waiting, and closed the doors of the mausoleum.

“So here it is,” she said, lifting away the figs to reveal the snake, and held out her arm to be bitten (another version has her provoking the snake with a golden spindle till it jumped out of a jar and bit her). She was thirty-nine. Plutarch reports that she was found “lying dead upon a golden couch dressed in her royal robes. Of her two women, Iras lay dying at her feet, while Charmion, already tottering and scarcely able to hold up her head, was adjusting the crown which encircled her mistress’s brow.”

How much of this romantically tragic ending is true? Mists of propaganda have clouded the historical record, and a degree of skepticism is in order. Octavian would surely have found the queen’s survival more inconvenient than otherwise. Executing a woman was not the Roman way, and her appearance at his triumph in Rome might well have been counterproductive; he will have recalled how her half sister, Arsinoe, had won the crowd’s sympathy when led in chains in one of Julius Caesar’s triumphs. No, far better for the queen to be persuaded to do away with herself. It may be that, when she showed no signs of taking this step, Dolabella, probably half her age and far from being sincerely her cavaliere servente, was instructed to leak his employer’s travel plans in the hope that the information would edge her over the precipice, as indeed it did.

As for the method of Cleopatra’s death, it is safest to agree with Dio’s judgment that “no one knows clearly in what way she perished.” The story of the asp is problematic, for an individual one is typically about eight feet long, rather large for a basket of figs and inconvenient to handle. Also, a single bite by an asp is not necessarily fatal, and even when it is, as much as two hours may pass before life is extinguished.

It is possible that Octavian arranged for Cleopatra’s murder and put about the fiction that she killed herself. However, there is no evidence for this. All that can be said is that the queen’s removal was to his advantage, and that he showed no qualms in having the boys Caesarion and Antyllus caught and killed. Their coming-of-age ceremony was their death warrant, for it had qualified them as culpable adults. (The younger children, the twins Alexander Helios and Cleopatra Selene, and Ptolemy Philadelphus, were spared. After adorning Octavian’s triumph, they joined the stable of youngsters being looked after by the kindly Octavia. When Cleopatra Selene grew up, she married the scholarly King Juba of Numidia, by whom she had a son and a daughter. She probably took her brothers with her to North Africa; nothing more is heard of them and we may guess that they led quiet lives, doing their best to avoid the world’s dangerous attention.)

Octavian enjoyed being a tourist, but unlike many Romans abroad he was no looter of beautiful and costly objects; the only item he personally took away from the palace of the Ptolemies was a single agate cup. He visited some of the sights of Alexandria, dazzling in white limestone and marble.

The first and foremost of these was the tomb of Alexander the Great, which stood at the crossroads of the city’s two main avenues. Alexander had died in 323 B.C. His embalmed body in its gold and crystal coffin was the new city’s most sacred relic. Not a trace of the corpse or the building that housed it, the Soma, remains, although it probably stood on the site of today’s Mosque of the Prophet Daniel.

At thirty-three, Octavian was the same age as Alexander when he died. A great admirer of the Macedonian, he wanted to see the mummy and honor it; so it was temporarily removed from its coffin and burial chamber and displayed in public.

The young Roman gazed at the body for a time, then paid his respects by crowning the head with a golden diadem and strewing flowers on the trunk. He was asked, “Would you now like to visit the Mausoleum of the Ptolemies?” To which he retorted, “I came to see a king, not a row of corpses.”

The Alexandrians were doubtless impressed by Octavian’s admiring curiosity, but the effect may have been lessened when he accidentally knocked off part of Alexander’s nose.

Octavian’s friend Areius may have introduced him to the Mouseion, or Place of the Muses. This was a group of buildings in the palace grounds, linked by colonnaded walks and facing the Soma. They included richly decorated lecture halls, laboratories, observatories, a park, and a zoo. Generously funded by the Ptolemies, the Mouseion was a center for scientific research and literary studies.

Its library was world renowned. Staffed by many famous Greek writers and literary critics, it contained a vast collection of books, perhaps about 500,000 in all, and was open to anyone who could read. (Julius Caesar was accused of having accidentally burned it down during his brief Alexandrian war of 48–47 B.C.; in fact, only a part of it was destroyed.)

All in all, Octavian’s stay in Alexandria will have given him a clearer concept of what a capital city might be, both architecturally and culturally. Here the art of state persuasion, whether recorded in carved stone or on inked papyrus, was at its most refined. In particular, the Ptolemies had shown how intellectuals and artists could flourish in a form of tamed liberty, or free and de luxe bondage. Rome could not be rebuilt in a day, but Octavian returned from Egypt determined to create a city whose public symbols manifested an appropriate splendor.

Egypt now lost the independence it had enjoyed (with a few intervals) for thousands of years and would not regain until the twentieth century A.D. Octavian handed it over, as was proper, to the Senate and people of Rome, but in many ways it became his private fiefdom. As well as being “lord of the two lands” (that is, Lower and Upper Egypt), Octavian was recognized as king of kings, an ironic echo of the grandiose title that Antony had accorded Cleopatra. The Egyptians soon accepted their Italian pharaoh. Modern archaeologists have recently discovered a telling example of assimilation: an image of the Egyptian jackal-headed god, Anubis, guarding the entrance of a tomb, but dressed and armed as a Roman soldier.

Any ruler of the Roman empire had good reason to set Egypt apart from the run-of-the-mill province. As the Mediterranean’s major producer of wheat, it was Rome’s bread basket. This made it much too dangerous to allow a senator, a full-dress member of the ruling class, to govern the kingdom; Octavian appointed an eques, his friend the poet Gallus, to become its first prefect.

The new governor was energetic and effective, but his splendid status as deputy pharaoh seems to have gone to his head. He indulged in “indiscreet talk when drunk” about his imperial employer, set up statues of himself, and had a list of his achievements inscribed on the pyramids. A colleague informed on him, and in 27 B.C. Gallus was dismissed. Octavian merely denied him access to his house and the privilege of entering the provinces of which he was the proconsul. But the Senate exiled him and confiscated his estates. Octavian in tears thanked the Senate for supporting him in his painful severity.

“I am the only man in Rome,” he said, “who cannot limit his displeasure with his friends. The matter must always be taken further.”

Reportedly, Gallus felt so humiliated by his disgrace that he took his life (although another story was told that he died while having sexual intercourse). Like that of Salvidienus Rufus, his fate was an awful warning to others in leading circles.

The Mediterranean world had had plenty of time between Actium and the deaths of Antony and Cleopatra to consider the final conclusion of the civil wars and reckon with the unchallenged supremacy of Octavian. Honors cascaded on him from every quarter, including the right to use Imperator, the title with which soldiers acclaimed victorious generals, as his permanent first name. Other awards he declined with a well-judged display of modesty.

The senatorial decree that gave Octavian the greatest pleasure was the formal closing of the gates of the tiny Temple of Janus. This building stood in the Forum and had perhaps originally been a bridge over the stream that used to cross the square (long since covered over and turned into a drain). Janus was the god of gateways; he had two faces, one looking forward to the future, the other to the past. The temple had doors at either end, which were closed in times of peace and open in times of war. The Romans were a warlike people and the doors were almost always open.

That they were shut now was a great compliment to Octavian, and a symbol of the much heralded, much delayed arrival of peace throughout the empire.