Identity

1

Francis Fukuyama, “The Populist Surge,” The American Interest 13 (4) (2018): 16–18.

2

Larry Diamond, “Facing Up to the Democratic Recession,” Journal of Democracy 26 (1) (2015): 141–55.

3

Francis Fukuyama, “The End of History?,” National Interest 16 (Summer 1989): 3–18; The End of History and the Last Man (New York: Free Press, 1992).

4

I am interpreting Hegel through the lens of Alexandre Kojève, who saw the evolving European Economic Community as the embodiment of the end of history.

5

Francis Fukuyama, The Origins of Political Order: From Prehuman Times to the French Revolution (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2011); Political Order and Political Decay: From the Industrial Revolution to the Globalization of Democracy (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2014).

6

I am grateful to those people who actually took the time to read my book. See in particular Paul Sagar, “The Last Hollow Laugh,” Aeon, March 21, 2017, https://aeon.co/essays/was-francis-fukuyama-the-first-man-to-see-trump-coming.

Please note that some of the links referenced throughout this work may no longer be active.

7

Seymour Martin Lipset Lecture; see Francis Fukuyama, “Identity, Immigration, and Liberal Democracy,” Journal of Democracy 17 (2) (2006): 5–20; Latsis lecture “European Identity Challenges,” given at the University of Geneva in November 2011, see “The Challenges for European Identity,” Global, January 11, 2012, http://www.theglobaljournal.net/group/francis-fukuyama/article/469/.

1

Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Oklahoma City: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991).

2

Steven Radelet, The Great Surge: The Ascent of the Developing World (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2015), 4.

3

For a comprehensive account of the growth of global inequality, see Branko Milanovic, Global Inequality: A New Approach for the Age of Globalization (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2016).

4

Diamond, “Facing Up to the Democratic Recession,” 141–55.

5

Ali Alichi, Kory Kantenga, and Juan Solé, “Income Polarization in the United States,” IMF Working Paper WP/16/121 (Washington, DC, 2017); Thomas Piketty and Emmanuel Saez, “Income Inequality in the United States, 1913–1998,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 118 (1) (2003): 1–39.

6

Viktor Orbán, “Will Europe Belong to Europeans?,” speech given in Baile Tusnad, Romania, July 22, 2017, Visegrád Post, July 24, 2017, https://visegradpost.com/en/2017/07/24/full-speech-of-v-orban-will-europe-belong-to-europeans/.

7

Rukmini Callimachi, “Terrorist Groups Vow Bloodshed over Jerusalem. ISIS? Less So,” New York Times, December 8, 2017.

8

Orbán, “Will Europe Belong?”

9

James D. Fearon, “What Is Identity (As We Now Use the Word)?,” unpublished paper, November 3, 1999, http://fearonresearch.stanford.edu/53-2.

1

Daniel Kahneman, Thinking, Fast and Slow (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2013).

2

The Republic of Plato, trans., with notes and an interpretive essay, by Allan Bloom (New York: Basic Books, 1968), variorum sec. 439b–c.

3

Ibid., 439e–440a.

4

Ibid., 440a–b.

5

Ibid., 440e–441a.

6

For an account of how isothymia plays out in practice, see Robert W. Fuller, Somebodies and Nobodies: Overcoming the Abuse of Rank (Gabriola Island, British Columbia: New Society Publishers, 2003).

7

Robert H. Frank, Choosing the Right Pond: Human Behavior and the Quest for Status (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), 7.

1

G. R. Elton, Reformation Europe, 1517–1559 (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1963), 2.

2

Martin Luther, Christian Liberty, ed. Harold J. Grimm (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1957), 7–8.

3

Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern Identity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989), 18.

4

Elton, Reformation Europe, 196.

5

See Taylor’s Sources of the Self and Multiculturalism: Examining the Politics of Recognition (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994).

6

See Arthur M. Melzer, The Natural Goodness of Man: On the System of Rousseau’s Thought (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990).

7

Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Oeuvres complètes de Jean-Jacques Rousseau, vol. 3 (Paris: Éditions de la Pléiade, 1966), 165–66. Author’s translation.

8

Ibid., 165.

9

Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Les rêveries du promeneur solitaire (Paris: Éditions Garnier Frères, 1960), 17. Author’s translation.

10

Charles Taylor, The Ethics of Authenticity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), 26.

11

Rousseau’s belief that sex was natural but not the family does not seem to be true of behaviorally modern human beings. It is true, however, of modern chimpanzees and may well have been true of the presumed chimplike progenitor of modern humans.

12

For a more detailed treatment of this topic, see Fukuyama, Origins of Political Order, 26–38.

13

Frank, Choosing the Right Pond, 21–25.

1

Alexandre Kojève, Introduction à la lecture de Hegel (Paris: Éditions Gallimard, 1947).

1

Rex Glensy, “The Right to Dignity,” Columbia Human Rights Law Review 43 (65) (2011): 65–142.

2

Samuel Moyn, “The Secret History of Constitutional Dignity,” Yale Human Rights and Development Journal 17 (2) (2014): 39–73. The term dignity has entered into arguments over abortion, since the Catholic Church has maintained that human dignity begins at conception and constitutes an inviolable moral status.

3

Glensy (“Right to Dignity,” 77) notes that the word dignity appears in Federalist No. 1 (by Hamilton), but only in conjunction with the status of high officials.

4

Taylor, Ethics of Authenticity, 29.

5

David F. Strauss, The Life of Jesus, Critically Examined (London: Chapman Brothers, 1846).

6

Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833.

1

Johann Gottfried von Herder, Reflections on the Philosophy of the History of Mankind (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968).

2

Ibid., 31.

3

Herder was no particular fan of the absolute monarchies of his day and did not believe they were more conducive to human happiness than the stateless societies of North America or Africa. See Johann Gottfried von Herder, J. G. Herder on Social and Political Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), 318–19.

4

Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983), 33, 35.

5

Fritz Stern, The Politics of Cultural Despair: A Study in the Rise of German Ideology (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), 19–20.

6

Ibid., 35–94 passim.

7

Olivier Roy, “France’s Oedipal Islamist Complex,” Foreign Policy, January 7, 2016; Olivier Roy, “Who Are the New Jihadis?,” Guardian, April 13, 2017.

8

Richard Barrett, Foreign Fighters in Syria (New York: Soufan Group, 2014).

9

See Omer Taspinar, “ISIS Recruitment and the Frustrated Achiever,” Huffington Post, March 25, 2015.

10

Gilles Kepel, Terror in France: The Rise of Jihad in the West (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2017); Robert F. Worth, “The Professor and the Jihadi,” New York Times, April 5, 2017; Robert Zaretsky, “Radicalized Islam, or Islamicized Radicalism?,” Chronicle of Higher Education 62 (37) (2016).

1

Sheri Berman, “The Lost Left,” Journal of Democracy 27 (4) (2016): 69–76. See also “Rose Thou Art Sick,” Economist, April 2, 2016.

2

Thomas Piketty, Capital in the Twenty-First Century (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2014), 20–25, 170–87.

3

The number of bi-billionaires, that is, individuals with wealth of $2 billion in 2013 dollars, increased fivefold from 1987 to 2013; their combined wealth is more than all of Africa’s. Milanovic, Global Inequality, 41–45.

4

Ibid., 11.

5

Alichi, Kantenga, and Solé, “Income Polarization,” 5.

6

Gellner, Nations and Nationalism, 124.

1

Adam Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments (Indianapolis: Liberty Classics, 1982), 50–51.

2

Frank, Choosing the Right Pond, 26–30.

3

Ibid., 21–26. See also Francis Fukuyama, Our Posthuman Future: Consequences of the Biotechnology Revolution (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2001), 41–56.

4

Kahneman, Thinking, Fast and Slow, 283–85.

5

Federico Ferrara, “The Psychology of Thailand’s Domestic Political Conflict: Democracy, Social Identity, and the ‘Struggle for Recognition’” (manuscript presented at the international workshop “Coup, King, Crisis: Thailand’s Political Troubles and the Royal Succession,” Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center, Stanford University, January 24–25, 2017).

6

See inter alia William Julius Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988).

7

Charles Murray, Coming Apart: The State of White America, 1960–2010 (New York: Crown Forum, 2010); Robert D. Putnam, Our Kids: The American Dream in Crisis (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2015).

8

Anne Case and Angus Deaton, “Rising Morbidity and Mortality in Midlife Among White Non-Hispanics in the Twenty-First Century,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 112 (49) (December 8, 2015); “Mortality and Morbidity in the Twenty-First Century,” Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, March 23–24, 2017.

9

U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey online data tool.

10

Katherine J. Cramer, The Politics of Resentment: Rural Consciousness and the Rise of Scott Walker (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2016), 61.

11

Arlie Russell Hochschild, Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right (New York: New Press, 2016), 127.

12

Cramer, Politics of Resentment, 9.

13

Hochschild, Strangers in Their Own Land, 143.

1

The human potential movement was promoted by the Esalen Institute, one of whose early directors was Virginia Satir, to whose memory the California task force’s report is dedicated.

2

Abraham Maslow, A Theory of Human Motivation (New York: Start Publishing, 2012).

3

Toward a State of Self-Esteem: The Final Report of the California Task Force to Promote Self-Esteem and Personal Social Responsibility (Sacramento: California State Department of Education, January 1990), 18–19.

4

Ibid., 19, 24. The universal need for self-esteem is also asserted in Robert W. Fuller, Dignity for All: How to Create a World Without Rankism (Oakland, CA: Berrett-Koehler Publishers, 2008).

5

Philip Rieff, The Triumph of the Therapeutic: Uses of Faith After Freud (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966), 4, 13.

6

For an overview see Katie Wright, The Rise of the Therapeutic Society: Psychological Knowledge and the Contradictions of Cultural Change (Washington, DC: New Academia Publishing, 2010), 13–28.

7

Lionel Trilling, Sincerity and Authenticity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1972), 142.

8

Christopher Lasch, The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectations (New York: Norton, 1978), 10, 13.

9

Frank Furedi, Therapy Culture: Cultivating Vulnerability in an Uncertain Age (London: Routledge, 2004), 4–5, 10.

10

Robert H. Schuller, Self-Esteem: The New Reformation (Waco, TX: Waco Books, 1982). Schuller’s books fall in a longer American tradition of self-help literature by authors such as Norman Vincent Peale. See for example Schuller’s Success Is Never Ending, Failure Is Never Final: How to Achieve Lasting Success Even in the Most Difficult Times (New York: Bantam Books, 1990).

11

Bob DeWaay, Redefining Christianity: Understanding the Purpose Driven Movement (Springfield, MO: 21st Century Press, 2006).

12

Andrew J. Polsky, The Rise of the Therapeutic State (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991), 158–64.

13

Ibid., 199–200.

14

Quoted in Herbert Lindenberger, “On the Sacrality of Reading Lists: The Western Culture Debate at Stanford University,” in The History in Literature: On Value, Genre, Institutions (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), 151.

15

The overall trend of universities undertaking a therapeutic mission is described in Frank Furedi, “The Therapeutic University,” American Interest 13 (1) (2017): 55–62.

1

Donald Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), 141–43.

2

Ta-Nehisi Coates, Between the World and Me (New York: Spiegel and Grau, 2015), 7–10.

3

Simone de Beauvoir, The Second Sex (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1953).

4

Stuart Jeffries, “Are Women Human?” (interview with Catharine MacKinnon), Guardian, April 12, 2006.

5

See Jacob Hoerger, “Lived Experience vs. Experience,” Medium, October 24, 2016, https://medium.com/@jacobhoerger/lived-experience-vs-experience-2e467b6c2229.

6

These points are all made in Hoerger, ibid.

7

Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw, “Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence Against Women of Color,” Stanford Law Review 43:1241–99, July 1991.

8

Mathieu Bock-Côté, Le multiculturalisme comme religion politique (Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf, 2016), 16–19.

9

Sasha Polakow-Suransky, Go Back to Where You Came From: The Backlash Against Immigration and the Fate of Western Democracy (New York: Nation Books, 2017), 23–24.

10

Theo Lochocki, “Germany’s Left Is Committing Suicide by Identity Politics,” Foreign Policy, January 23, 2018.

11

Maximillian Alvarez, “Cogito Zero Sum,” Baffler, August 2, 2017, https://thebaffler.com/the-poverty-of-theory/cogito-zero-sum-alvarez.

12

An example of this is the treatment of Rebecca Tuvel for her article “In Defense of Transracialism,” published in Hypatia: A Journal of Feminist Philosophy, as described by Kelly Oliver in “If This is Feminism…,” Philosophical Salon, May 8, 2017, http://thephilosophicalsalon.com/if-this-is-feminism-its-been-hijacked-by-the-thought-police/. See also Kelly Oliver, “Education in an Age of Outrage,” New York Times, October 16, 2017.

13

Mark Lilla, The Once and Future Liberal: After Identity Politics (New York: HarperCollins, 2017).

14

Thomas E. Mann and Norman J. Ornstein, It’s Even Worse Than It Looks: How the American Constitutional System Collided with the New Politics of Extremism (New York: Basic Books, 2012).

15

Cultural appropriation refers to the efforts of someone of one race, ethnicity, or gender to make use of or profit from the culture of another group. In one notable case, a painting by artist Dana Schutz of Emmett Till’s mutilated corpse led to demands that the painting be destroyed on the grounds that she was a white painter depicting a moment traumatic for black people. In another case an editor was forced to step down from his position at the Canadian Writers Union for a piece defending the right of white authors to create characters from minority or indigenous backgrounds. In both cases the individuals being criticized were themselves liberals trying their best to sympathetically understand the experiences and sufferings of people from minority backgrounds.

The text of Hannah Black’s letter criticizing Dana Schutz is given at https://i-d.vice.com/en_uk/article/d3p84a/black-artists-urge-the-whitney-biennial-to-remove-painting-of-murdered-black-teenager-emmett-till. See also Kenan Malik, “In Defense of Cultural Appropriation,” New York Times, June 14, 2017; Lionel Shriver, “Lionel Shriver’s Full Speech: ‘I Hope the Concept of Cultural Appropriation Is a Passing Fad,’” Guardian, September 13, 2016.

16

Matthew Taylor, “‘White Europe’: 60,000 Nationalists March on Poland’s Independence Day,” Guardian, November 12, 2017; Anne Applebaum, “Why Neo-Fascists Are Making a Shocking Surge in Poland,” Washington Post, November 13, 2017.

1

See Michela Wrong, It’s Our Turn to Eat: The Story of a Kenyan Whistle-Blower (New York: HarperPerennial, 2010). See also Fukuyama, Political Order and Political Decay, 330–32.

2

Rogers M. Smith, Political Peoplehood: The Roles of Values, Interests, and Identities (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015).

3

For a poignant account of both the richness of pre–World War I Vienna and the tragedy of its collapse, see Stefan Zweig, The World of Yesterday (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2013).

4

In the wake of President Trump’s embrace of Vladimir Putin, a surprising number of Republicans have developed a favorable view of Russia, with a certain fringe asserting that they would trust Putin more than their fellow Americans who were liberal. Paul Reynolds, a Republican National Committee member from Alabama, was quoted as saying, “If I’ve got a choice of putting my welfare into the hands of Putin or the Washington Post, Putin wins every time.” James Hohmann, “The Daily 202: As Roy Moore Declines to Step Aside, a Tale of Two Republican Parties Emerges,” Washington Post, November 10, 2017; Zack Beauchamp, “Roy Moore Admires Vladimir Putin’s Morality,” Vox, December 8, 2017.

5

The rapidly developing states of East Asia had problems with corruption, but at levels generally lower than in other parts of the world. The elite focus on national development made possible the “developmental state” in countries such as Japan, South Korea, Singapore, and China. While such states have been said to exist in African countries such as Rwanda or Ethiopia, or in Chile under the Pinochet dictatorship, these have tended to be the exception rather than the rule. See Stephan Haggard, Developmental States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2018).

6

See Francis Fukuyama, Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity (New York: Free Press, 1995).

7

Ibid.; Robert D. Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2000).

8

This argument is made in Craig J. Calhoun, “Social Solidarity as a Problem for Cosmopolitan Democracy,” in Identities, Affiliations, and Allegiances, ed. Seyla Benhabib, Ian Shapiro, and Danilo Petranovic (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007).

9

A classic argument for national identity as one of the necessary conditions of modern liberal democracy was made by Dankwart A. Rustow, “Transitions to Democracy: Toward a Dynamic Model,” Comparative Politics 2 (1970): 337–63.

10

Zoltan L. Hajnal and Marisa Abrajano, White Backlash: Immigration, Race, and American Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2016).

11

Pierre Manent, “Democracy Without Nations?,” Journal of Democracy 8 (1997): 92–102. See also Fukuyama, Political Order and Political Decay, 185–97.

12

On the origin of the Universal Declaration, see Mary Ann Glendon, A World Made New: Eleanor Roosevelt and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (New York: Random House, 2001).

13

Martha C. Nussbaum, For Love of Country: Debating the Limits of Patriotism (Boston: Beacon Press, 1996); Craig J. Calhoun, “Imagining Solidarity: Cosmopolitanism, Constitutional Patriotism, and the Public Sphere,” Public Culture 13 (1) (2002): 147–71; Samuel Scheffler, Boundaries and Allegiances: Problems of Justice and Responsibility in Liberal Thought (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).

14

See Stewart Patrick, Sovereignty Wars: Reconciling America with the World (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2017); Stephen D. Krasner, Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999).

1

This is argued in Sunil Khilnani, The Idea of India (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1998).

2

This story is told in Fukuyama, Political Order and Political Decay, 322–34.

3

This section is based on my Latsis lecture “European Identity Challenges.”

4

The theory of this view was outlined by Jürgen Habermas; see inter alia Habermas, The Postnational Constellation: Political Essays (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2001); “Citizenship and National Identity: Some Reflections on the Future of Europe,” Praxis International 12 (1) (1993): 1–19. See also Ghia Nodia, “The End of the Postnational Illusion,” Journal of Democracy 28 (2017): 5–19.

5

On national identity in the EU, see Kathleen R. McNamara, The Politics of Everyday Europe: Constructing Authority in the European Union (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015).

6

T. Alexander Aleinikoff and Douglas B. Klusmeyer, eds., From Migrants to Citizens: Membership in a Changing World (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2000), 1–21; Gerhard Casper, “The Concept of National Citizenship in the Contemporary World: Identity or Volition?” (Hamburg, Germany: Bucerius Law School, 2008).

7

Aleinikoff and Klusmeyer, From Migrants to Citizens, 32–118.

8

Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992).

9

Marc Morje Howard, The Politics of Citizenship in Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 119–34; Nergis Canefe, “Citizens v. Permanent Guests: Cultural Memory and Citizenship Laws in a Reunified Germany,” Citizenship Studies 2 (3) (1998): 519–44.

10

Chikako Kashiwazaki, “Citizenship in Japan: Legal Practice and Contemporary Development,” in Aleinikoff and Klusmeyer, From Migrants to Citizens.

11

Sara W. Goodman, “Fortifying Citizenship: Policy Strategies for Civic Integration in Western Europe,” World Politics 64 (4) (2012): 659–98; Robert Leiken, Europe’s Angry Muslims: The Revolt of the Second Generation, repr. ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015). A number of his conclusions seem a bit dated today in light of recent terrorist attacks in France.

12

“Discussion Guide for the Naturalization Authorities—Status 01.09.2005,” Country Commissioner for Data Protection Baden-Württemberg. September 1, 2005, https://www.baden-wuerttemberg.datenschutz.de/gesprachsleitfaden-fur-die-einburgerungsbehorden-stand-01-09-2005/. See also Simon McMahon, Developments in the Theory and Practice of Citizenship (Newcastle upon Tyne, U.K.: Cambridge Scholars, 2012), 29ff.

13

For empirical evidence of prejudice faced by French Muslims, see David Laitin, Claire L. Adida, and Marie-Anne Valfort, Why Muslim Integration Fails in Christian-Heritage Societies (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2016).

14

For a history of UKIP see Robert Ford and Matthew Goodwin, Revolt on the Right: Explaining Support for the Radical Right in Britain (London: Routledge, 2014).

15

Alan G. R. Smith, The Emergence of a Nation-State: The Commonwealth of England, 1529–1660 (London: Longman, 1984), 89.

16

Tweeted on August 12, 2017.

17

Quoted in Smith, Political Peoplehood, 150, 152.

18

Ibid. Paine quoted in Gerhard Casper, “Forswearing Allegiance,” in Jahrbuch des öffentlichen Rechts der Gegenwart, ed. Peter Häberle (Tübingen, Germany: Mohr Siebeck, 2013), 703.

19

See Ramon Lopez, “Answering the Alt-Right,” National Affairs 33 (2017): www.nationalaffairs.com/publications/detail/answering-the-alt-right.

20

William A. Galston, Anti-Pluralism: The Populist Threat to Liberal Democracy (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2018), 39.

21

Samuel P. Huntington, Who Are We? The Challenges to America’s National Identity (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2004), 59.

22

See for example Carlos Lozada, “Samuel Huntington, a Prophet for the Trump Era,” Washington Post, July 18, 2017.

23

According to the OECD, Americans work an average of 34.29 hours per week, compared to an EU average of 33.23, and 39.79 in Korea. However, these averages include part-time workers, of whom there are proportionately more in the United States; average weekly hours for full-time U.S. workers is 47. See OECD (2018), Hours worked (indicator). DOI: 10.1787/47be1c78-en (accessed on February 14, 2018).

1

The U.S. citizenship oath is at https://www.uscis.gov/us-citizenship/naturalization-test/naturalization-oath-allegiance-united-states-america. For a detailed history of the naturalization oath, see Casper, “Forswearing Allegiance,” in Häberle, Jahrbuch. See also T. Alexander Aleinikoff, “Between Principles and Politics: US Citizenship Policy,” in Aleinikoff and Klusmeyer, From Migrants to Citizens.

2

Contrary to the oath of naturalization, the United States has come to permit dual citizenship as well. This was not the result of a deliberate act of Congress, but the result of various judicial and administrative decisions driven ultimately by political expediency. See Casper, “Concept of National Citizenship.”

3

Bassam Tibi, “Why Can’t They Be Democratic?,” Journal of Democracy 19 (3) (2008): 43–48.

4

Something similar has happened in other multicultural societies in ways that sometimes get embodied in language. After the Acts of Union in 1707, when Scotland was incorporated into the United Kingdom, people in England began referring to themselves as British instead of English, an identity that included people in Wales, Scotland, and (at the time) Ireland. In the Russian language, the adjective russkiy means ethnic Russian, and the adjective rossiyskiy means a citizen of the Russian Federation, who could be a Muslim Chechen or a Dagestani.

5

“Muslim Identities and the School System in France and Britain: The Impact of the Political and Institutional Configurations on Islam-Related Education Policies,” paper presented for the ECPR General Conference, Pisa, September 2007; Jenny Berglund, Publicly Funded Islamic Education in Europe and the United States (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 2015); Marie Parker-Johnson, “Equal Access to State Funding: The Case of Muslim Schools in Britain,” Race, Ethnicity and Education 5 (2010): 273–89.

6

Even in France there are exceptions; the French state supports religious schools in Alsace as one of the complex historical legacies of that contested region.

7

Despite some evidence that Proposition 227 had been followed by an increase in English acquisition by immigrant children, it was repealed by Proposition 58 in 2016. See Edward Sifuentes, “Proposition 227: 10 Years Later,” San Diego Union-Tribune, November 8, 2008.

8

Daniel Jacobson, Rights Across Borders: Immigration and the Decline of Citizenship (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 8–11.

9

This situation changes the moment a foreigner reaches the territory of a given country. In the United States, Europe, and other liberal democracies, domestic law gives rights to noncitizens, including those who are undocumented. This creates strong incentives for migrants to reach the territory of a given country by any means possible, legal or illegal. It also gives states hoping to control their borders incentives to prevent them from doing so, by constructing physical barriers such as walls, interdiction on the high seas, or redirection to offshore jurisdictions where domestic law will not apply. See Casper, “Forswearing Allegiance,” in Häberle, Jahrbuch; Moria Paz, “The Law of Walls,” European Journal of International Law 28 (2) (2017): 601–24.

10

This was the proposed comprehensive immigration reform package suggested by the Brookings-Duke Immigration Policy Roundtable, “Breaking the Immigration Stalemate: From Deep Disagreements to Constructive Proposals,” October 6, 2009.

11

Vetocracy refers to the way in which the American system of checks and balances permits well-organized minorities to veto decisions that get majority support. See Fukuyama, Political Order and Political Decay, chap. 34, pp. 488–505.

12

See Juan Pablo Cardenal et al., Sharp Power: Rising Authoritarian Influence (Washington, DC: National Endowment for Democracy, December 2017).

13

Neal Stephenson, Snow Crash (New York: Bantam Books, 1992).