Jews and Greeks in ancient Cyrene

1

Since the above was written, Professor Fuks has, to my great sorrow, joined those who can no longer read these lines.

2

On the geography of Cyrenaica, G. Narducci, SCC, 1942; R. Horn, Die Antike, 19, 1943, pp. 163 sqq.; E. Evans Pritchard, BMA 7, 1943, Cyrenaican Tribes = idem, The Sanusi of Cyrenaica, 1949, pp. 29 sqq.; H. W. Ahlmann, La Libia Setlentrionale, 1930; El 10, 1931, pp. 417 sqq. sv. Cirenaica; M. Cary, The Geographic Background of Greek and Roman History, 1949; F. Chamoux, CMB, 1953, Introduction, pp. 11-17; R. G. Goodchild, Tabula Imperii Romani, Cyrene, 1954; C. B. M. Burney, R. W. Hey. Prehistory and Pleistocene Geology in Cyrenaican Libya, 1955, pp. 5 sqq.; W. B. Fisher, The Middle East, 1956, pp. 485 sqq. For bibliography till 1959, R. W. Hill, A Bibliography of Libya, Univ. of Durham, 1959.

3

Cf. E. Kirsten, Die griechische Polis als historisch-geographisches Problem des Mittelmeeres, 1956, pp. 70 sqq.; H. Bengtson, Griechische Geschichte, I, 1960; pp. 86 sqq.

4

But in the second century of the current era, after the Jewish rebellion, part of the country’s eastern territory was transferred to Egypt, apparently for economic reasons.

5

G. D. B. Jones, J. H. Little, JRS 61, 1971, pp. 64 sqq., Coastal settlements of Cyrenaica.

6

For the geology of Cyrenaica, F. Mühlhofer, Speleologica Cirenaica, 1928; E. Pantanelli, RIC, 1940; Burney, Hey, n. 1.

7

Burney, Hey, op. cit., pp. 7-8.

8

E. C. Semple, The Geography of the Mediterranean Region, 1932, p. 91; Cf. Theophrastus, HP IV, 3, 7; VIII, 6, 6.

9

BMA VII, Cyrenaican Tribes, p. 7.

10

On these conjectures and their sources, CMB, pp. 69 sqq.

11

Etruskische Frühgeschichte, 1929, p. 13; cf. H. L. Lorimer, Homer and the Monuments, 1950, p. 88.

12

QAL 5, 1967, pp. 19 sqq.

13

BSA 63, 1968, pp. 41 sqq.

14

Stucchi, Cirene 1957-1966, 1967, pp. 150 sqq; Boardman, Hayes, BSA Supp. 4, 1966; BSA 61, pp. 149-150.

15

Information from M. Vickers — JHS Arch. Reports, 1971-2 (1972), p. 41; Boardman, BSA 61, 1966, p. 152.

16

Goodchild, Kyrene und Apollonia, 1971, pp. 177 sqq.; Boardman, BSA 1966, p. 152.

17

O. Bates, The Eastern Libyans, 1914, p. 101, n. 5.

18

AI I, 1927, p. 151.

19

BSA 63, 1968, loc. cit.

20

H. Schafer, RM², 95, 1952, pp. 142-3.

21

SEG 9, 3; S. Ferri, ABA 1925, no. 5, pp. 19-24; A. Ferrabino, RF, 1928, pp. 222 sqq.; CMB 105 sqq.; A. J. Graham, JHS 80, 1960, pp. 94 sqq.; I., H. Jeffery, Ha, 10, 1961, pp. 139 sqq.

22

The place has not been identified with certainty. Till a few years ago it was generally thought to be the island of Bomba off the east coast of Cyrenaica; Goodchild (Tabula Imperii Romani, Cyrene, 1954), places it at the island of Jeziret al-Merakhev, near ‛Ein el-Gazalah, but with the addition of a question-mark. Cf. Goodchild, op. cit., p. 11.

23

For the place’s identification and its description, The Times, Dec. 1st, 195C pp. 7- 10.

24

CMB 102; V. Berard, Les Phéniciens et VOdyseé, I, 1902-3, p. 415; J. Myres, Geographical History in Greek Lands, 1953, p. 286.

25

The basic problems were considered by J. Thrige, RC 1828, paras. 22-24 (ed. Ferri, 1940); for a survey and summing up of the views of various scholars, CMB, pp. 70 sqq.; 121 sqq.; cf. K. Beloch, Griechische Geschichte, I² 2, 1913., pp. 236 sq.

26

RC, p. 101; Beloch, op. cit., pp. 236, 483, n. 3.

27

C. Blinkenberg, Die Lindische Tempelchronik, 1915, pp. 18, 20; xvii, 109-116; Lindos, II, Inscr., I, 1941, pp. 149 sqq.

28

Herod. IV, 152, 3.

29

Boardman, BSA 61, 1966, p. 153, who dates c. 620 B.C.

30

The sherd was dated by B. Shefton.

31

Stuce M, Cirene, pp. 150 sqq.

32

Loc. cit.

33

Ibid.

34

As noted by Parke, DO p. 78, the Greek cities which consulted the Delphic oracle during the 7th century were Paros, Thera and Rhodes.

35

Cf. Herod. IV, 158, 3.

36

Pind., IV Pyth., 14.

37

CMB 126, p. 127.

38

Dioscorides, Materiamedica, II, 169; Callira., Apoll. II, 88.

39

Find., IX Pyth, 69.

40

Finds of archaic pottery have been made in the area of the Acropolis; I owe this information to the late Professor Allan Wace.

41

Pind., IX Pyth., no (192); Callim. ad Apoll., 85-7; SEG 9, 1, line 3.

42

Eg. DO p. 74.

43

Diod. VIII, 29; Pind. V Pyth., 87; SEG 9, 189.

44

Cf. the Egyptian word for the Pharaoh of Lower Egypt — “Bith” (CMB, p. 93).

45

CMB, pp. 93 sqq. (Herod. IV, 155).

46

RM, 95, 1952, pp. 150-1.

47

Herod. IV, 170.

48

The struggle of Heracles with Antaeus (Pind. Isthm., II, 70) and the service of Chionis under Battus I (Paus. III, 14, 3).

49

SEG 9, 72, line 23; RFC 1928, p. 282.

50

Pind., V Pyth., 120; cf. SEG 9, 189.

51

Stucchi, Cirene, p. 50.

52

Goodchild, Kyr. u. Apoll., p. 163; Stucchi, Cirene, p. 28.

53

Callim., Apoll., 77: μάλα καλόν ἀνάκτορον.

54

L. Pernier, TA, 1935, p. 23.

55

ΤΑ, pp. 132-4.

56

AI IV, 1931, pp. 178 sqq.

57

Pind., Pyth., V, 121-4 (90-93).

58

ASAA 39-40, 1963, p. 661.

59

Loc. cit. (n. 42).

60

Find., V Pyth., 130 (97).

61

For another view, Stucchi, ASA A, 39-40, p. 661.

62

Herod. IV, 159, 1.

63

Herod. IV, 159. The slogan finds authority, as Professor D. Asheri has pointed out to me, in the Stele of the Founders, (SEG 9, 3) which promises the settlers from Thera “citizenship, political office and ownerless land.”

64

E. S. G. Robinson, BMC, 1927, p. xxix.

65

Stucchi, op. cit., pp. 150 sqq.

66

Paus. VI, 19, 10. But views on the building’s identity have been divided: Treu, Olympia, III, 23; PW 35, 1939, cols. 124-5, sv. Olympia.

67

BMC, pp. xxviii-xxix.

68

On the plant and the problem of its identification, B. Bonacelli, Mini-sterio dei Colonie, Boll, del informazione economico, 1924; E. Strantz, Die Silfionsfrage, 1909; PH² IIIA, 1927, col. 102; Supp. V, 1931, cols. 972 sqq.; BMC, Cyrenaica, p. ccli; W. Capelle, RM, 97, 1954, pp. 169 sqq.; CMB, pp. 246-263; C. L. G. Gemmil, Bull. of the Hist. of Medicine, 40, 1966, pp. 295 sqq. The silphium was a plant which grew wild in most of the country and more especially in its western part. Its sap, which was used both as a condiment and a medicine, and brought high prices in the Greek world, was tapped from the stem before the plant seeded, and this resulted in its death. Its leaves were sought hungrily by sheep. Not all the details transmitted concerning the silphium by ancient works can be reconciled with one another, and the plant’s botanical identity is controversial.

69

SP 1864, pp. 74-5; H. Weld-Blundell, BSA 1895, p. 122.

70

Herod. IV, 203, 2.

71

Herod. IV, 159, 5.

72

Perip., 108.

73

RC, para. 31, p. 135; Wilamovitz-Moellendorf, Cirene, 1930, p. 13; Macan, Herodotus, Vol. II, Appendix xii, p. 272.

74

Herod. II, 182, 1.

75

TA 96; AI IV, 195.

76

NC 1899, pp. 283, 287; S. P. Noe, Bibliography of Greek Coin Hoards,² 1937, nos. 322, 299, 720, 888 etc.

77

Plut. (Barnadakis) De Mid. virt., 260 sq.; Herod. IV, 160 sq.

78

Plut., De Mul. virt., 260 sq. (Eryxo).

79

Schafer, RM 95, 1952, p. 159n.

80

De Virt. Mul., xxv (260).

81

Ibid.; ἐπιβουλεύων τῇ τυραννίδι.

82

Herod. IV, 161, 2.

83

CMB pp. 140, 221.

84

Herod. IV, 159, 4 (62); cf. also Jeffery, (Ha. 10, 1961, pp. 139 sqq.) criticizing Chamoux’s opinion. Hammond (Hist. of Greece, 1960, p. 123) thinks that these were Libyans settled on the frontiers of the city territory for peripheral defence, like the perioikoi of Sparta, who were granted secondary citizenship and a measure of internal autonomy.

85

Schol. ad Arist., Plut., 925; Hesychius sv. Battos.

86

Illustrations of the kylix are to be found in numerous works: eg. Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum, I, p. 20, pl. 20, 21, no. 189; E. Pfuhl, Masterpieces of Greek Painting and Drawing (tr. Beazley, 1955). fig. Beazley, Ashmole, Greek Sculpture and Painting, 1932, fig. 44 etc.

87

Lane, BSA, 34, 1933‘4. pp. 161-2.

88

On the Libyan flocks, Synes., Epp. 148; Pind. IX Pyth., 11 (8); Herod. IV, 155, 3.

89

See particularly, H. R. W. Smith, University of California Publications, I, 10, 1944. pp. 272 sqq.

90

Archeology 12, 1959, pp. 179 sqq.: Birds on the cup of Arkesilaus. See now Applebaum, Doron, Katz Festschrift, 1967, pp. 69 sqq. (Hebrew).

91

Applebaum, ibid., n. 60; on Libyan flocks, n. 58.

92

On the grains of Cyrene see Pind. III Isth. 72; Theophr. HP VIII, 4, 3; CP III, 21, 2: Diod. III, 49; SEG 9, 2 etc.

93

For cattle-rearing in the Plain of Barka, Polyb. V, 65-8; Soph. Elec. 727; BMC p. clxvi, no. iA.

94

PC, para. 5; cf. CERP, pp. 354-5.

95

HP IV, 3, 1.

96

Anab., III, 28.

97

SEG 9, 3: πολίτηίας καὶ τιμᾶμ πεδέχ[εν] καὶ γᾶς ἀδεσπότω ἀπολάγχανεν.

98

Plut., de mul. virt., (Eryxo), 260 sqq.

99

Herod. IV, 161.

100

I am grateful to Professor D. Asheri for drawing my attention to Will’s study of this problem. (REA 59, 1957, pp. sqq.) He interprets Battus II’s division of land as the allotment of areas recently acquired, and not as the reassignment of soil already owned by Greeks (as opposed to the view of G. Thompson, Studies in Ancient Greek Society, I, 1949, pp. 249 sqq.) Will inclines to see the terms used in Herodotus’ account of the reforms of De-monax (loc. cit., n. 6; Herod. IV, 161 — τά ἀλλα πάντα) as applying both to the functions and estates which were taken from the king. (“L’interprétation de ce passage en termes de biens fonciers me parait la plus immediate”).

101

Thrige, RC, para. 37.

102

VIII, 30.

103

Herod. IV, 163.

104

Herod. II, 154.

105

Herod. II, 177.

106

Herod. II, 174.

107

Herod. II, 178.

108

BMC, p. xxviii.

109

De mul. virt., 261 c.

110

GS I, 176 sq.

111

See p. 17.

112

Schafer, RM 1952, p. 105, n. 101.

113

Herod. IV, 159, 2-3.

114

Cf. Chamoux’s view, op. cit., pp. 146 sq.; he sees the policy of Arkesilaos III as guided by characteristically tyrannical motives, and ascribes to him the aim of redividing the large estates of the Cyrenean aristocracy among the common people. I personally believe that this intention had already appeared under Arkesilaos II. H. Schafer (RM, 1952, p. 162) attributes to the Battiads a position intermediate between the traditional monarchy and the tyrannical regime, but considers that Plutarch’s account was too much influenced by the conditions of a later period.

115

Herod. IV, 161.

116

For various datings of the temple’s erection, see Goodchild, Kyrene und Apollonia, p. 151.

117

SP, no. 7.

118

BCH 71-2, 1947, p. 347.

119

Dinsmoor, The Architecture of Ancient Greece, 1950, p. 86; Cf. Rowe, Buckle, Gray, MUE 1952, 1956, pp. 31-2.

120

This writer, judging by the proportions of the building’s peristasis, and other details, such as the corner-triglyph contractions, concluded, after personal examination, in favour of the earlier date.

121

Mitchell, JHS 86, 1966, pp. 99 sqq.

122

Herod. IV, 162, 2-3.

123

A Greek inscription apparently from Barka (CIG 5147) lists the descendants through seven generations of Aladdeir son of Battus, (meaning the fourth) the grandson of Arkesilaos. It may be supposed that Arkesilaos’ marriage with a Libyan princess was a move in the policy of appeasement followed by Battus III in pursuance of the reforms of Demonax.

124

Herod. IV, 165, 7.

125

For the chronology, Mitchell, (note 112), who points out that as there is no evidence that Arkesilaos fled to Samos in Polykrates’ time, his accession and flight are more probably to be dated about 525.

126

Libia antiqua, 3/4, 1966, pp. 179 sqq.

127

Herod. XII, 91, 2-3.

128

It is difficult to accept Diodorus’ statement (I, 68) that Apries’ attackwas directed against Barka. A settlement may already have existed there, but it would have been entirely composed of Libyans.

129

BMC, p. clxvi.

130

Ibid., pp. xlv, clxv.

131

A. H. M. Jones, CERP, 1937, p. 355.

132

Eg. Beloch, Griech. Gesch.² I, p. 2; E. Meyer, Gesch. Alterturns⁴, 1944, p. 151 n.

133

BMC, p. clxv, n. 1.

134

Herod. IV, 204.

135

P. M. Fraser, BSAA, 39, 1951, pp. 137-8.

136

BMC, pp. xliv-xlv.

137

Herod. IV, 171.

138

Schol. Pyth. IV, 26 (Drachmann).

139

BMC, p. x]v.

140

Ibid., p. xxxiii.

141

TA, pp. 55-56.

142

BMC, pl. ii, 18.

143

TA, p. 57.

144

BMC, p. ccxxxiv.

145

Herod. III, 26, 1; cf. Myres, CAH III, 1929, p. 668.

146

Schol. IX Pyth., 90b (Drachmann); Paus. IX, 16, 1.

147

TA, p. 97; AI IV, 191, 200.

148

F. Heichelheim, WGA, 1938, pp. 297-8.

149

L. Naville, Les monnaies d’or de la Cyrénaique, 1951, p. 15.

150

BMC, p. xivi.

151

CMB, p. 160.

152

Pind., IV, V Pyth.

153

Pind., V Pyth., 124 (166).

154

BMC, p. xliv.

155

Paus. X, 15, 6.

156

CMB, p. 199.

157

IV Pyth., 227, 280.

158

Theotimus (FHG, IV, 517), Lib. I de Cyrenensibus; ap. schol. Pind., V Pyth., 34 (Drachmann).

159

Antiq., XXVI, 1952, p. 210, fig. 1.

160

Schol. Pind. IV, p. 93 (Drachmann).

161

Heraclides Ponticus, de Repub. Cvrens., 8.

162

BMC, p. xliii-xlv sqq.

163

NC⁶ XV, 1955, p. 150, no. 25.

164

V Pyth., 109 (146).

165

IV, 163, 2.

166

CMB, p. 208.

167

CMB, pp. 209, 368.

168

VIII, 29.

169

DO, pp. 75-6; Studnicza, Kyrene, 1890, p. 98.

170

RC, para. 44, p. 202.

171

Diod. XI, 74, 2.

172

Pind., IV Pyth., 56 (97).

173

Thuc. I, 110, 1.

174

CMB, p. 167.

175

‘King... of great cities’, according to Pind., V Pyth., 15-16 (19-20). But his alleged relations with Athens depend on the restoration of the controversial SEG 2, 170.

176

Stucchi, Cirene, pp. 47 sqq.

177

WGA, p. 416.

178

Loc. cit. (n. 152).

179

Stucchi, Cirene, pp. 74-5.

180

For the functions of these magistrates, DAI I, Cir., ii, nos. 15, 16.

181

See L. Robert, Hellenica, 11-12, 1960, pp. 542 sqq.

182

Schafer, for example, rejects completely the democratic character of his reforms, thus impugning the authority of Herodotus, whose account he regards as anachronistic.

183

CMB, pp. 214-5, and references.

184

Polyaenus, Straleg., VII, 28 — τούς ἄρχοντας... βουλευσαμένους.

185

BMC, p. x]vi.

186

Ibid., p. xliii.

187

Ibid., p. x]vi.

188

DAI I Cir., ii, p. 20.

189

But see n. 166.

190

Thuc. VII, 50, 2.

191

Herod. IV, 171.

192

BMC, p. x]v.

193

Periplous (Muller), 108 fin.

194

Diod. XIV, 34, 4.

195

Paus. IV, 26, 2.

196

Arist., Pol., VI, 4 (1319b).

197

Plut., adprinc. inerudit., 1; Diog. Laertius, III, 2, who in de vit. philos. III, 6 records that Plato studied under the mathematician Theodorus of Cyrene, apparently in 396 BC (PW² V. 1934. sv. Theodorus (30)).

198

SEG 9, 3; RFC 1928, pp. 222 sqq.

199

G. von Brauschitsch, Die Panathenaischen Preisamforen, 1910, pp. 158 sqq.; E. Breccia, Iscriz. Greci e Latini, 1911, pp. xviii sqq.

200

Thuc. II, 48.

201

BMC, p. lxix.

202

Diodorus (X, 4, 1) relates that Clinias, a citizen of Tarentum, a Pythagorean and friend of Plato, travelled to Cyrene to aid one Pheroras, having heard that this man, also a Pythagorean, had lost his entire property “owing to a revolution in the state” (διὰ τινα πολιτικὴν περίστασιν). A terminus post quern for this event is probably the year 387, when Plato visited Sicily and formed ties with the Pythagorean group at Tarentum.

203

Pol. VI, 4 (1319b).

204

Wade Gery, The Class. Quarterly, 27, 1933, pp. 25-7.

205

The Politics of Artistotle, 1902, III, p. 522.

206

Essays in Greek History, 1958, p. 150.

207

XXI, 6.

208

Metropolis und Apoikie, 1963, p. 20.

209

SEG 9, 72, line 134.

210

For a suggestion as to their composition in the time of Demonax, Jeffery, Ha 10, pp. 139 sqq.

211

A. Ferrabino, RFC, 1928, p. 226.

212

Op. cit., p. 20.

213

SEG 9, 1, paras 2, 4.

214

CERP, p. 357.

215

DAI II, Cir. i, p. 83 and line 132.

216

G. Oliverio, Documenti di Cirene antica, 1926, pp. 224 sqq., line 16.

217

IG 12, (3), 1898, 450, line 18.

218

PW 9, 1913, sv. ’Εταιρία, col. 1373.

219

This unit was also a feature of the constitution of Megalopolis (IGN V (2), 495) founded in 368, not long after the inauguration of Cyrene’s Cleisthenic regime.

220

V. Ehrenberg, Der Staat der Griechen, I, 1957, p. 9. For a bibliography of the hetaireai, Siebert, Metropolis undApoikie, 1963, p. 20.

221

The name hetairea does not fit this function, but the geographical division of Cyrenaica is appropriate to such a partition; I do not refer here to the triple division into plateau, steppe and desert, since there is no evidence exactly when Greek settlement reached the edge of the desert. The suggestion concerns a division within the regions of primary settlement, and is of course tentative; there is no specific evidence.

222

DAI II, Cir., ii, p. 160, no. 141.

223

SEG 9, 1, para. 5; para 11, line 82.

224

ASAA 39-40, p. 273, no. 103, pp. 8-12.

225

Yet see the edict of Ptolemy X Soter II to Cyrene (DAI Cir. ii, no. 538), whose formula suggests that the Demiurgi were the city’s leading magistrates.

226

P. M. Fraser, BSAA 39, 1951, pp. 132 sqq.

227

Loc. cit., p. 137.

228

Theoph., Frag. (ap. Phot., 176), in.

229

SEG 9, 77. The editors of SEG date this inscription in the 3rd century B.C.; I permit myself to disagree, since the letters are characteristic of the 4th century at Cyrene, and Menesarchos, son of Theochrestos, one of the strategoi of the inscription, had a son, Theochrestos son of Menesarchos, who was buried near the city at the end of the century (SEG 9, 228). Even had he not died relatively young, Menesarches could hardly have been at his acme later than the middle of the 4th century.

230

TA pp. 40 sqq.: AI III, 1930, pp. 203-4.

231

One of the three commanders, Aristophanes son of Parabaitas, is recorded with Philon son of Annakeris and three other citizens — magistrates of the polis according to the constitution of Ptolemy Lagos — on CIG 4833 = SP pl. 178, no. 9. The latter belongs to the last thirty years of the 4th century, while the wall contemporary with the Strategeion was repaired not later than the end of the century. The building is therefore to be dated between 340 and 310 approximately.

232

J. Bousquet, Le trésor de Cyrene; Fouilles de Delphes, II, Topographie et Architecture, 2v., 1952, p. 88; cf. Mnemosyne, 6, 1953, pp. 242-243.

233

Stucchi, Cirene, p. 41

234

In Cyrenaican Expedn. of the Univ. of Manchester, 1952, 1956, p. 37.

235

Expressed in the first (Hebrew) version of the present work, p. 36.

236

Op. cit., p. 41.

237

Stucchi, ibid., pp. 54-5; L’agora di Cirene, 1965, pp. 139 sqq.

238

Cirene, pp. 62 sqq.; L’agora, pp. 120-137.

239

TA p. 69; AI I, 1927, p. 150.

240

TA p. 64.

241

TA p. 47.

242

G. Anti, Edifici treatrali arcaici, 1947, p. 122 sqq.

243

BMC, pp. lxxx, ccxxxix; pl. xiii, 13.

244

E. Parabeni, Catalogo delle Sculture di Cirene, 1959, no. 182, Tav. 104-5; AI I, pp. 3 sqq.; Dedalo 7, Oct., 1926, pp. 273 sqq.

245

The evidence is against their being the names of the city-magistrates; see BMC, p. ccxxxi.

246

BMC p. clxxxi.

247

BMC, p. lxxix.

248

A Ferrabino, RFC, 1928, pp. 250 sqq.

249

His view is doubted by A. J. Graham (JHS 80, 1960, p. 100).

250

Jug., 79.

251

Val. Maximus, V, 6, 4.

252

I, 38.

253

Mela, I.e.

254

ad Aen., IV, 42.

255

For historical sources, see C. Perroud, De Syrticis Emporiis, 1881.

256

Theoph., Frag., II, 3, who refers to the precious stones imported from Carthage.

257

Perroud, op. cit., p. 96.

258

RC, para. 84, pp. 378 sqq.

259

Aurigemma, AI 7, 1940, pp. 67 sqq.; J. Desanges, Latomus, 23, 1964, p. 713.

260

T. Frank, ESAR, IV, 1938, p. 62.

261

The Geographical Background of Greek and Roman History, 1949, p 218.

262

GJ 118, 1952, p. 151.

263

Ibid., n. 3.

264

Prehistory and Pleistocene Geology in Cyrenaican Libya, 1955, pp. 7-8.

265

JRS 61, 1971, p. 64.

266

IV, 182.

267

II 32

268

Rhys Carpenter, AJA 60, 1956, p. 231.

269

Carpenter, ibid.

270

Herod. V, 42.

271

The appearance of gold coins in the Cyrenean economy cannot be explained by Persian gold delivered for political motives, since the latter came in the form of ready-minted coin. An Egyptian source evokes the question, why did it begin to arrive only in the 5th century, when Cyrene had maintained close contacts with Egypt since the 6th?

272

BMC p. xcvi.

273

A find shedding light on trade between the Syrtic shore and the Sahara are the obsidian blades found in a mausoleum near Germa (Fezzan) by the Italian expedition of 1933. Obsidian is to be obtained from Pantalleria, Lipari and Santorin (Thera). See R. E. M. Wheeler, Rome Beyond the Imperial Frontier, 1955, p. 127.

274

Goodchild (GJ 118, 1953, p. 118. cf. Antiq. 25, 1951, pp. 141-4), observed that the concentration of fortified farms south of Bengazi and around Ajedabia made it clear that the main danger came from that direction. Although he was referring to the Roman period, it may be assumed that the situation was much the same in the 5th century B.C.

275

Perip., 109.

276

G. Meltzer, Geschichte der Karthager, 1879, I, p. 188; S. Gsell, Hist. ancienne de l‘Afrique du Nord, I, 1920, p. 451.

277

SEG 9, 77. Cf. here pp. 40-1.

278

AI III, pp. 182-31; SEG 9, 49.

279

ΑΠΙΣΕΙ. Tod proposed to emend ἐπὶ πᾶσᾳ μάχη (AJA 42, 1938, p. 231, fig. 5), but the error implied seems to me to be too glaring.

280

These two tribes fought for Carthage at Zama in the year 202 B.C.

281

East of Euesperitae a tombstone has been found decorated with a painted relief, whose subject expresses, in Ghislanzoni s view (DAI I, Cir., ii, pp. 99 sqq.), patriotism for the region, a situation of warfare, and a connection with the Syrtis. I believe the stone to date from the second half of the 4th century B.C.

282

SEG 9, 1.

283

Ibid., para. 6, 1, 37.

284

Polit. VI, 4 (1319b).

285

Diod. XVII, 49, 2.

286

Arrian, VII, 9, 6.

287

Curtius, IV, 8, 21.

288

Diod., XVIII, 19-20; Arrian ap. Phot., 92 (Roos, I, 16-17).

289

Diod. XVII, 108, 8; XVIII, 19, 20-21; Arr. ap. Phot., 9, 2 (Roos I, 19); Strabo XVII, 3 (826); Justin, XIII, 6; Oros. III, 23. Scholars believe that a Cyrenean inscription (DAI II, Cir., i, no. 59; SEG 9, 76) belongs to this war; it commemorates the dedication of a tithe of enemy ships captured off Cheronnesos in the east of the country, and near Euesperitae.

290

Diod., XVIII, 21, 9.

291

Diod., XIX, 79

292

A different opinion is expressed by Svoronos, Περιγραφὴ τῶν νομισμάτων τῶν Πτολεμαίων, 1907, I, ρ. 66.

293

Plut., Demet., 14; Justin XXII, η.

294

BMC, pp. lxxxvi-lxxxvii.

295

Cf. V. Ehrenberg, RFC² 16,1939, pp. 144 sqq.; Oros. IV, 6; Diod., XX, 40-41.

296

The date is unclear: according to Pausanias (I, 6, 8) in 301. Jones (CERP, p. 358) thought that Ptolemy returned in 308, but that in 301, following a fresh rising, he was forced to reconquer the country.

297

Oliverio, Beloch, De Sanctis, Luzzatto.

298

Reinach, Cary, Jones, Bengtson.

299

Heuss, Taeger, Ehrenberg.

300

Heichelheim.

301

H. Bengtson, Die Strategie in der hellenistischen Zeit, III, 1952, p. 159, n. 1.

302

SEG 9, 1, para. 4, 29-30.

303

Bengtson, op. cit., p. 160.

304

See here, below, pp. 187 sqq.

305

On their duties, Cary, JHS 1928, p. 232.

306

Tod has calculated (CAH V, 1953, p. 22) that 120 drachmae were sufficient to support a bachelor. The daily wage of a building worker at the end of the 5th century in Athens was one drachma (IG I, 373-4— ibid. pp. 24-5).

307

This is clear from a comparison of the prices recorded by the Demiurgi Steles and those known in Greece and the islands in the same period; see DAI I, Cir. ii, 1933, Oliverio, I conti dei Demiurgi — SEG 9, 11-44; ASAA 39-40, 1963, p. 280, no. 104; and see here Chap. III.

308

SEG 9, 1, para. 7.

309

SEG 9, 1, para. 8.

310

SEG 9, 1, 4.

311

I refer to the close resemblance of the head of the goddess Libya on coins to that of the Ptolemaic queen; compare the well-known head of Berenice II, with a Libyan coiffure, from Alexandria (Breccia, Alexandrea ad Aegyptum, 1914, p. 197, fig. 168) — though it has recently been claimed that the coiffure is a recent addition — and further the allusions of the poet Callimachus to the Libyan wives of the Theran settlers (Apoll., 87).

312

Para 1, 9-10.

313

Ibid., Para. 11. This paragraph, much of which has been defaced, deals apparently with the assessment and restoration of lost property after political disorders. Cf. 11,6, which refers to burnt fields.

314

Para. 1, 9-10.

315

Para. 11, 72-3.

316

Para. 6, 39-41.

317

F. Heichelheim, ABP, Klio Beih. 18, 5, 1925, pp. 43-6.

318

Heichelheim, op. cit., pp. 45 sqq.

319

Ibid., p. 45.

320

Paus. I, 7; Athen., XII, 74; Justin XXVI, 3. For a detailed discussion of the date, PW 17, 1928, col. 293 sqq. (Geyer), sv. Magas; cf. Chamoux, Rev. hist., 216, 1956, p. 21.

321

Paus. I, 7.

322

Polyaenus, II, 28.

323

Paus., loc. cit.

324

Justin, XXVI, 3.

325

Agatharchides ap. Athen., XII, 74.

326

Ibid.

327

Plut., Demetrius, 53, 4; Prolog. Trogi, 26; Justin, XXVI, 31 (252); Paus. I, 7.

328

Catul., de coma Beren. (Carm. LXVI), 25-8; Justin, loc. cit.

329

OGIS 54, 6-7.

330

BMC, p. clii.

331

SEG 9, 112.

332

F. Chamoux, BCH 82, 1958, pp. 571 sqq.

333

M. Guarducci, Inscriptiones Creticae, XVII, 1935, (1), 6.

334

Hultsch, Corpus Inscr. Indicarum, I, 1925, p. 25; Gercke, RM 42, 1887, p. 266; R. Thapar, Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas, 1963, p. 41.

335

Naville, Les monnaies d’or, pp. 66 sq.; cf. Chamoux, loc. cit. (n. 34), pp. 29 sqq.

336

J. Macliu, RM 205, 1951, p. 47.

337

Perhaps the commander of the garrison, as Bengtson suggests in Die Strategie, p. 162.

338

DAI II, Cir. ii, pp. 259 sqq. = SEG 9, 5, line 70; cf. Bengtson, ibid., p. 164.

339

SEG 9, 1, 3-4.

340

Plut., Philopoem., I, 3; Polyb., X, 22, 3.

341

BMC, pp. cli; cxxxiv-cxxxvii.

342

The idea is supported eg. by Robinson (ibid.) and Jones (CERP, p. 359) i it is opposed by Machu (loc. cit., p. 50).

343

The opinion of Droysden, Reinach, Tarn and Oliverio.

344

Polyb. XXXI, 18, 6; Bengtson, Die Strateg., p. 164.

345

Bengtson, op. cit., p. 158; SEG 9, 55.

346

Bengtson, op. cit., pp. 153-4.

347

DAI I, Cir, i, p. 42, line 20 (SEG 9, 7).

348

Polyb. XV, 25, 12: Λιβυάρχης τῶν κατὰ Κυρήνην τόπων; Bengtson, op. cit., p. 157.

349

Strabo XVII, 3 (836): “It was the frontier of Cyrene in the time of Ptolemy Lagos.”

350

See pp. 130-1.

351

Eg. S. P. Noe, Bibliography of Greek Coin Hoards, 1937, p. 296, no. 1129; p. 298, no. 1136.

352

I owe this information to Professor P. Romanelli. A Greek inscription set up by Cyreneans at Marsa Delah east of Sabrata (J. B. Reynolds, J. B. Ward-Perkins, Inscriptions of Roman Tripoli, 1952, no. 848), belongs, apparently, to the 1st century B.C.

353

BMC, p. cxxxii.

354

The economic value of the Syrtis was no doubt enhanced by its deposits of sulphur (G. Narducci, SCC, p. 92) — which was prized in ancient times particularly as a fertilizer of vineyards — cf. Rostovtzeff, SEHHIV p. 396.

355

BMC, pl. xxx, 7.

356

Ibid., pl. xxx, 8, 9.

357

BMC., pl. xxix, 12.

358

BMC, p. cc.

359

Perip., 108; JRS 61, 1971, p. 74.

360

Archaeology, 19, 1966, pp. 56-7; 1967, pp. 219-220; AJA 70, 1966, pp. 259-263; 71, 1967, pp. 141-147; Goodchild, Kyrene u. Apoll., p. 191; Lauer, Rev. arch., 1963, pp. 129 sqq.

361

Similar plans are to be seen at Megalopolis (DS, sv., Porta, IV, fig. 5671), Mantinea (ib. fig. 5672), Sidé (Jb DAI, 71, 1956, p. 678, Abb. 22, 27) and Perge, Pamphylia (CAA, 102-3, Abb. 53).

362

Eg. Jones, CERP, p. 359.

363

Strabo, XVII, 837. Chamoux, Rev. hist., 216, p. 24, notes that the city’s name is absent from the Delphic theoric list of the 2nd century B.C., whereas that of Cyrene appears.

364

DAT I, Cir. i, p. 69, nos. 4, 5.

365

An analogy from this point of view is the northern area of Priene, rebuilt in the middle of the 4th century B.C.

366

BMC, p. clix.

367

Guarducci, Insert. Cret. XVII, 1, no. 6.

368

This was indicated by air-photographs (Goodchild, Antiq., 26, 1952, p. 210) and also by archaeological trial-trenches. (Ibid.).

369

Goodchild, loc. cit.

370

Libia Antica, 2, 1965, pp. 91-100.

371

BMC, pl. xxxviii, 20-21.

372

E. Breccia, Iscrizione greche e latini, 1911, no. 284.

373

Antiq., loc. cit.

374

Strabo, XVII, 3, 20, (836).

375

SEG 1, 1, para. 1.

376

Polyb. XXXI, 18, 9.

377

Plut., de virt. mul., (Arat.)

378

Strabo ap. Jos., Ant. 14, 2, 7, 115.

379

Polyb. V, 65.

380

Polyb. XXXI, 18, 9.

381

Polyb. XXXI, 18, 7.

382

Strabo XVII, 3, 15 (833).

383

SEG 9, 5; DAI II Cir. ii, pp. 259 sq., no. 538.

384

Polyb. XXXI, 10; Liv. Epit. XLVI; Prolog. Trogini ad 34.

385

Polyaenus VIII, 72; Polyb. XXXI, 26 (18). The course of events is unclear, and the conjecture that they ended with a compromise between the king and the Cyreneans arises from the fact that despite the latter’s energetic resistance Euergetes was able to renew his campaign in Cyprus soon afterwards.

386

Liv., Epit., XLVII; Polyb. XXXIX, 7 (XL, 12); Diod., frag. XXXI.

387

SEG 9, 7; DAT I, Cir. i, pp. 11 sqq.

388

Jos., C. Ap., II, 5; Justin XXXVIII, 8.

389

Justin, XXXIX, 5; App., Bell. Mithr., 121 (600).

390

Liv., Epit., LXXXI; Tac. Ann., XIV, 18; App. Bell. Mithr., 121 (600); B. Civ., I, hi; Jul. Obseq., de prodigiis, 49; Eutrop., VI, 11; RC, para. 68, pp. 300 sqq. for differences on the exact date of his death.

391

Liv., Epit., LXX.

392

Tac., Ann., XIV, 18, 2; App. S. Mithr., 121; B. Civ., I, 111.

393

Cf. P. Romanelli, CR, pp. 35, 43.

394

Thus also Jones in Anatolian Studies presented to W. H. Buckler, 1939, pp. 111-112. Cf. J. Colin, Les villes libres de l’orient gréco-romain, et l’envoi au supplice par acclamations populaires (Collection Latomus, 82), 1965. p. 77.

395

S. I. Oost, Cl. Phil., 58, 1965, p. 15: Cyrene 96-74 BC.

396

Plut., De virtut. mul., XIX (Arat.), 255; Polyaen. VIII, 38.

397

SEHHW, pp. 876-7.

398

SEG 9, 63; DAI II Cir., i, no. 67.

399

De virt. mul., XXV: ἦν δὲ θυγάτηρ... γνωρίμων ἀνδρῶν... ἠξιοῦν δὲ τὴν Ἀρατάφιλαν συνάρχειν καὶ συνδιοικειν τοῖς ἀρίστοις ἀνδράσι την πολιτείαν.

400

On the nomophylakes RL VI, x, pp. 414 sqq; pp.97, 1964, pp. 291-303; see also Pugliesi-Cartarelli, QAL 4, 1961, p. 16; no. 2.

401

Strabo ap. Jos., Ant. 14, 2, 7, 115.

402

Plut., Luc., 2.

403

Ant. 16, 6, 169.

404

Yet see CIG 5186 from Ptolemais — δῆμος Πτολεμαίεων.

405

Plut. Luc., 2.

406

Ant. 14, 7, 114.

407

Ant., 16, 6, 169.

408

Reynolds, JRS 52, 1962, pp. 97 sqq.; PW 7, 1900, col. 1390, no. 231.

409

Reynolds, loc. cit., p. 98, no. 4.

410

Plin., HN, 19, 3 (15).

411

Oost, Cl. Phil. 58, 1965, p. 19; Badian, JRS 55, 1965, pp. 119 sqq.

412

See generally CAH ii, 1956, pp. 659 sq.; CR p. 50; Cyrene is mentioned as united with Crete for the first time by Cicero, Pro Plancio, 63, cf. 85; for the numismatic evidence, BMC, pp. ccvii sq.

413

Eg. Jones, Anal. Stud. pres. Buckler, p. nr.

414

SEG 9, 631; OGIS II, 767.

415

Reynolds, loc, cit., pp. 97 sqq.

416

Ibid., p. 98, no. 4.

417

Ibid., pp. 99-100, no. 7.

418

Strabo VIII, 7, 5 (388); XIV, 3, 3 (665); Plut., Pomp., 28, 3-4; App. B. Mithr., XIV, 96; Serv. ad Virg., Georg., IV, 127. The inscription indicates that the people concerned were settled on plots of state land divided by limitatio (centuriation), and abandoned by their previous occupants.

419

Reynolds, loc. cit., p. 99, no. 6; AIII, pp. 112, 142-3.

420

Reynolds, loc. cit., p. 99, no. 5.

421

SEG 9, 56.

422

G. Pesce, Il Palazzo delle Colonne a Tolemaide di Cirenaica, 1950, pp. 92 sqq.

423

BMC, pp. ccvi, ccxxii.

424

CIG III, 5216.

425

SEG 9, 8, para. 2, 42-3; Anderson, JRS 17, 1927, p. 39.

426

DAI II, Cir. ii, p. 482.

427

SEG 9, 163; SGDI 4848; CIG 5139; SEG 9, 164.

428

Lucan, Phars. IX, 297-8; Cf. Plut., Cato, 56.

429

Strabo XVII, 3, 20 (836); Lucan, Phars. IX, 524.

430

Alfoldi ap. Mélanges d’archéologie, d’epigraphie et d’histoire offerts a J. Carcopino, 1966, pp. 25 sqq.

431

Αρρ., B. Civ., III, 8.

432

Cf. Monum. Ancyr., V, 31-2; Plut. Ant., 54.

433

Dio, LIII, 12, 4 (27 B.C.): “Crete with that part of Libya around Cyrene.”

434

Plin., HN, V, 5, 36.

435

Floras, II, 71; CAH XI, 1936, pp. 667-668.

436

Strabo XVII, 3, 23 (838); Plin. HN, V, 5, 33; Ps.-Scylax, 108.

437

SEG 9, 63, the inscription of Lucius Orbius, testifying to the rôle of the High Priest Pausanias in the campaign. See CR, p. 77 for the possibility that Quirinius’ campaign was conducted in the year 6 B.C.

438

Hommages a Marcel Renard, II (Coll. Latomus), 1969, pp. 197-213.

439

Plin., HNV, 4, 28; 5, 38; A. Riese, Geog. minores, 13, 19.

440

S. Gsell, Hist. Afr. Nord, VIII, p. 165, n. 1.

441

Dio LV, 10a, 1; Desanges, Hommages... Renard (n. 429), 204.

442

SEG 9, 8, where the relevant literature down to 1944 will be found. The principal discussions are: G. Oliverio, NAMC IV, 1927, pp. 13 sqq; Arangio-Ruiz, RFC 56, 1928, pp. 321 sqq.; J. G. Anderson, JRS 17, 1927, pp. 33 sqq.; J. Stroux, L. Wenger, Abh. Bayr. Ah. 34, 1928, Die August-Inschrift auf den Markiplatz von Kyrene; F. de Visscher, Les édits d’Auguste découvertes a Cyréne, 1940. See now also Oliver, Hesperia, 29, 1960, pp. 324 sqq.; cf. AE 1961, p. 176; Bull. Épig. 1961, p. 262, no. 841; K. M. T. Atkinson, in Ancient Society and Institutions: Studies presented to Victor Ehrenberg, 1966, p. 24.

443

Ptolemais, DAI II, Cir. 11, no. 508, recording the repair of valvae and hydrogogiae in the early Roman period. The city had a complete system of earthenware pipes supplying water to its houses. The great cisterns under the Agora seem to have been built in the hellenistic period, but the vaulting was renewed under Roman rule (G. Caputo, L’Illustrazione Italiana, Jan. 5th, 1936).

444

CIL III, 12.

445

PBSR 26, 1958, pp. 160-1.

446

Stucchi, Cirene, pp. 96 sqq.; Goodchild, Kyrene u. Apollonia, p. 71.

447

AA 1938, p. 730.

448

SEG 9, 127.

449

Stucchi, Cirene, pp. 65 sqq.

450

DAI I, Cir. ii, no. 49.

451

JRS 49, 1959, pp. 98-9; cf. QAL 4, 1961, p. 86.

452

SEG 9, 8, para. 3.

453

AI III, pp. 198-201. Reynolds (JRS 49, 1959, p. 97) ascribes the grant of civitas to Claudius. The identity of the emperor portrayed by the statue in the Strategeion has recently been questioned.

454

On the grant of civitas to inhabitants of Cyrene, see Reynolds, loc. cit.

455

CIG III, 5362.

456

SB no. 5904.

457

HN IV, 5, 10.

458

PBSA 18, 1959, pp. 83-91.

459

SEG 9,4.

460

SEG 9, 75.

461

SEG 9, 101.

462

SEG 9, 171.

463

SEG 9, 174-5.

464

SEG 9, 96.

465

Suet. Vesp., 2.

466

CIG III, 5154 c.

467

Reynolds, JRS 49, 1959, pp. 96 sqq.; SP, p. 115, no. 24.

468

Tac., Hist., IV, 45.460

469

Tac., Ann, III, 70.

470

Ibid. XIV, 18.

471

E. de Ruggiero, Dizionario epig., II², 1910, p. 1435, sv. Cyrenae; cf. Tac., Ann., XV, 20.

472

DAI Cir., ii, 271 (Augustan); SEG 9, 184, 6-8 (Flavian).

473

For this chapter, end-maps 1-4 should be consulted.

474

J. W. Gregory, Jewish Territorial Organization, Report on Jewish Settlement in Cyrenaica, 1909, p. 7.

475

Herod. IV, 158, 3. Theophrastus, after describing the increase of trees and the growth of their bark as a result of heavier rainfall, “as in Cyrene”, writes: (HP III, 1, 6): ‘Thus woodland grew where there had been none before: and it is said that the silphium also, previously non-existent, appeared for the same reason’. This observation, cited from a Cyrenean tradition, is connected with the tradition that the silphium originated in the country seven years before the city was founded by the Greeks (Theophrastus, HP VI, 3, 3). Theophrastus seems to have based his observations on a personal visit to Cyrene, according to the convincing arguments of W. Capelle (PM² 97, 1954, pp. 169 sqq.). Theophrastus’ evidence conceining the silphium suggests the possibility that the Greek settlement took place during a time of climatic change in the direction of increased precipitation. Cf. Herodotus’report (IV, 150) that the Theran emigration was preceded by seven years’ drought in the island — a southward shift of the winter rain-bearing winds is a possible explanation. A climatic change in the direction of greater rainfall and lower temperatures in the 8th-7th centuries B.C. in areas as far apart as America, the eastern Mediterranean, Europe and India, now seems certain in the light of palaeobotanical and archaeological evidence summarized by W. Wendland and R. A. Bryson, Quaternary Research, 4, 1974, pp. 9-24: Dating climatic episodes of the Holocene.

476

The International Bank of Reconstruction and Development, The Economic Development of Libya, 1960, p. 111.

477

BMA 11, p. 8, n. 4.

478

Op. cit., p. 6, n. 1.

479

Int. Bank. Rec. and Dev., Ec. Dev. Lib., 1960, p. 109.

480

W. B. Fisher, GJ 119, 1953, p. 189.

481

B. A. Keen, Middle East Supply Centre: The Agricultural Development of the Middle East, 1946, p. 11.

482

Epp., 114.

483

In Pap. Vaticanus 11 (Norsa and Vitelli), a survey of landed property in eastern Cyrenaica, carried out under the Severan dynasty, fields whose soil has been swept away (ἐξεσυρμένη) by runoff are recorded in two localities (VIII, 2214; VII, 4718).

484

Ec. Dev. Lib., pp. 127-8; cf. Vita-Finzi, Wilmott, Clarke, Field Studies in Libya, 1960, pp. 46 sqq. for alluvial erosion in the Wadi Lebda (Tripoli-tania) after the Byzantine period.

485

Edrisi, trans. R. Dozy, M. J. de Goeje, Description de l’Afrique et de l’Espagne, 1866, p. 162.

486

Op.cit., (n. 1), 19.

487

Bonacelli, AC 16, 1922, pp. 386 sqq.; E. C. Semple, The Geography of the Mediterranean Region, 1932, pp. 99 sqq.

488

HN V, 5 (33)

489

Plin., HN XIII, 16; Theoph., HP V, 3.

490

Athen., V, 38 (205); Paus. VIII, 17, 2; Strabo, IV, 6, 2 (202); Plin., HN., XIII, 30 (100).

491

HP IV, 3, 1, 17; cf. n. 2.

492

SEG 9, 72; DAI II, Cir. ii, no. 57.

493

The ancient oil-presses are especially numerous to east of Cyrene, and a remarkable concentration exists at Lamluda.

494

See n. 24.

495

The ancient sources on the livestock of the Libyans are collected by O. Bates, The Eastern Libyans, 1914, pp. 91-100.

496

Strabo, XVII, 3 (837): εἰσὶ δὲ νόμαδες; Herod. IV, 199; Diod. III, 49, 2.

497

The camel appears in Libya only in the hellenistic period — see M. Schnebel, Die Landwirtschaft im hellenistischen Ägypten, 1925, pp. 332-4.

498

RIC, 1940.

499

Herod. IV, 157.

500

Goodchild, GJ 118, 1952, p. 149.

501

A Fantoli, RIC, Oct. 1933, pp. 780 sqq.; F. Muhlhofer, Spelealogica Cirenaica, 1928; EI 10, 1931, sv. Cirenaica, pp. 417 sq.; E. Pantanelii, RIC, 1940; F. Franchi, La Cirenaica dal punto di vista zooeconomico e zootechnico.

502

Coster ap. Coleman-Norton (ed.), Studies in Roman Economic and Social History in Honour of Allen Chester Johnson, 1951, pp. 3 sqq.; 8, n. 3. Pentanelli (op. cit., p. 12) believed that the fringe of the southern belt was a fortified frontier in the Roman period, but archaeological reconnaissance conducted subsequently has not confirmed his conjecture.

503

Thera, for instance, already possessed a reputation for its wine. — Glotz, Ancient Greece at Work, 1926, p. 25.

504

G. Piani, La Valorizazzione dei Colonie, 1933, pp. 173-4.

505

Pind., IV Pyth., 6 (10).

506

Pind., IX Pyth., 58 (101).

507

Callim., Apoll., 65.

508

Strabo, XVII, 3, 21, (837).

509

III, 50, 1.

510

Loc. cit.

511

Plin., HN XVIII, 21; Strabo, II, 5, 33, (131): XVI, 3, 21 (837).

512

Herod. IV, 155.

513

Horn., Od., IV, 85-9; cf. Pind., IX Pyth., 6.

514

Arrian, Ind., 43, 13.

515

Herod. IV, 186.

516

Ap. Athen. I, 49, 10.

517

Strabo XVII, 3, 21 (837); Pind. IV Pyth. 2.

518

Pind., IX Pyth.. 4.

519

Strabo XVII, 3, 21 (837).

520

Priscian, Perieg., 197.

521

Oppian, Cyneg., II, 253.

522

Arrian, Ind., 43, 13.

523

Pind., IX Pyth., 55 (95).

524

Bates, op. cit.. p. 95.

525

Ibid., p. 96.

526

Od., IV, 85-9.

527

Herod. IV, 170.

528

Bates, op. cit., p. 146.

529

Schol. Aristoph., Plut., 925 and other sources.

530

BMC, p. xxx. The nature of the plant, see Chap. II, n. 59.

531

IV, 169.

532

HP VI, 3, 3.

533

Theoph., HP VI 3, 3.

534

HP IX, 1, 7.

535

CERP, p. 356.

536

Plin., HN XIX, 15 (43).

537

Pind., IV Isthm., (3), 54.

538

IV, 198, 3.

539

Herod., III, 91, 3.

540

Theoph., HP, VIII, 4.

541

Theoph., HP VIII, 4, 3; CP III, 21, 2.

542

Plin., HN XVIII, 21 (186).

543

DAI I, Cir., ii, nos. 10-14.

544

Ps.-Scylax, 108, 109, — cf. the name Ampelos; Schol. Aristoph. Pint. 925; Steph. Byz., 75 etc.

545

III, 50, 1.

546

Strabo XVII, 14 (799). Over forty vineyards of groups of vines: N.V.

547

Strabo XVII, 20 (836).

548

SEG 9, 4, 43-6.

549

Herod. IV, 161, 3.

550

Herod. IV, 164, 2.

551

P. Guirard, La propriété foncière en Grèce, 1893, pp. 111 sqq.; J. Hasebroek, Griechische Wirtschaft u. Gesellschaftsgeschichte his zur Perserzeit, 1931, pp. 217 sqq.; cf. Horn. II. II, 106, 705; IX, 154, and many other allusions, especially Arist. Pol., 1289b that horse-rearing states are most suitable for oligarchies, as Chalcis, Eretria, and Magnesia on the Maeander.

552

DAI I, Cir., ii, no. 12, 12.

553

SEG 9, 72, para. 2.

554

SEG 9, 4; DAI II, Cir. ii, no. 547, paras. 2, 3.

555

IV, 4, 7.

556

SEG 9, 3. 22.

557

Ibid., line 22.

558

DAI II, Cir. i, no. 12, 17.

559

SIG 619, 43; n. 6.

560

DAI I, Cir. ii, p. 36.

561

SIG 976, 23.

562

Stele no. 10 (DAI I, Cir. ii): 37, 293 drachmas; no. n: 30, 237 dr.; no. 12: 30, 875; no. 13; 38,052 dr.; no. 14: 33,647. The estate of Phainippos, in Attica, brought in an annual income of 31,700 dr. in the late 4th century BC, according to Demosthenes (Phaen., 1040, 1045). Its area was some 390 hectares, including 86 hectares of arable and 10 hectares of vineyards. The remainder was covered by woodland or scrub. But the prices brought in by crops in Attica differed greatly at that time from those in Cyrene (they were normally six times those of Libya), nor do we know the distribution and proportions of the crops grown on the Cyrenean temple estate. On Phainippos’ estate, see A. Jardé, Les céréales dans l’antiquité grecque, 1925, pp. 48 sqq.; 157 sqq.

563

J. Kent, Hesperia, 17, 1948, pp. 243 sqq.; Ziebart, Hermes 61, 1926, pp. 87 sqq.; Durrbach, REG 32, 1919, pp. 167 sqq.; IG¹ II, 2492 sq.

564

Plut., Vit., X; Oral. 84gd; Jardé, op. cit., p. 92, n. 2; 116, n. 2; cf. id., op. cit., p. 155, n. 1.

565

Jardé, op. cit., p. 162.

566

SEHHW, p. 235.

567

Jardé, op. cit., p. 151 n.

568

Ibid.

569

The Economics of Ancient Greece, 1940. pp. 44-5.

570

J. Kent, The Temple Estates of Delos, Hesperia 17, 1948, pp. 243 sqq. The actual sums paid in rent by individual farms are not recorded; we know only the total annual rents of five farm-units over six years of the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C.

571

BMA 7, p. 10.

ὶ

572

IG II², 834b. This inscription records the amounts of tithe (ἀπαρχή) sent to Demeter the same year from the lands of Attica.

573

DAI I, Cir. ii, nos. 10, 11, 12, 14, 21, 24.

574

N. Scaetta, Nozioni della Agricoltura Libica, 1924, p. 38; A. Maugini, Le Colonie Italiane, Flora ed Economia Agraria degli Indigent, 1934, p. 89.

575

XVII, 3, 23 (838): ‘The country nurtures trees for a hundred stades; for a distance of another hundred stades there is (soil) which is suitable only as arable and grows rice (ὄρυζα — certainly to be emended ὄλυρα = emmer-wlieat) owing to its dryness. Beyond these zones (the soil produces) silphium ’

576

Ibid.

577

Bonacelli, REC, 1931, p. 228.

578

La Valorizazzione dei Col. Ital., 1933, p. 176.

579

REC 1931, p. 225.

580

L. V. Bertarelli, Guida d’Italia, Libia, 1937. p. 125.

581

SCC, p. 148.

582

Valorizazzione, pp. 176 sqq.

583

Xen., Oec. XVI, 12, 14; Theoph. CP III, 20, 1-2.

584

IG II², 2493-339/8 BC.

585

IG II², 1241, 21-4.

586

Pap. Hamb. Inv. 319; Schnebel, Landwirtschaft, pp. 112, 223.

587

Ibid. καὶ μετὰ τὸν χρόνον μεταδώσω τὸν κλῆρον τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ πυρῷ καὶ ἄλλο τέταρτον ἀπὸ σπορᾶς γένων, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν τέταρτον ἀπὸ χόρτου βρώματος βοῶν.

588

Plin., HN XVIII, 21 (186).

589

HP VIII, 4.

590

DAI II, Cir. ii, nos. 10, 12.

591

Theoph., HP VIII, 6, 1.

592

III, 105. It should however be remarked that his work is late and not dated with certainty.

593

M. Schnebel, Landwirtschaft hell. Ag., p. 202.

594

Cf. Xen., Oecon., XVII, 10.

595

HP VIII, 6, 6.

596

RIC, p. 85.

597

Piani, Valorizazzione, p. 176.

598

Mühlhofer, Speleal. Cir., pp. 24-5.

599

Keen, Agric. Devel., pp. 13-14.

600

Piani, op. cit., p. 174.

601

Bonacelli, REC, 1931, p. 225.

602

IV, 199.

603

Epp. 114, 148.

604

Ptol. IV, 4, 7.

605

Epig. 13. Cf. also Φίλωνος κώμη — Ptol. IV, 4, 6.

606

SEG IX, 1, 77; TA p. 102; SH VII, 1961, pp. 36-37.

607

C. E. Stevens, Cambridge Economic History I, 1942. pp. 91-2: C. Parain, ibid., p. 127.

608

Maugini, Le Colonie Italiane, p. 87.

609

The closest parallel to the normal form of agriculture prevalent in ancient Cyrene, survives on the unmodernized farms of Cyprus (Keen, Agric. Development, pp. 13, 14). These are worked on a two-field system; the more fertile tracts are sown to wheat, the less fertile to barley.Two thirds of the unsown are left fallow, and the rest is devoted to summer vetches. The soil gets its manure from the grazing of the livestock on the stubbles and the fallow. Summer legumes, vegetables etc. are grown by irrigation from runoff or from the watertable. In Cyprus the shortage of summer pasture still causes a constant struggle between the shepherd and the settled farmer.

610

The Attic medimnus was the equivalent of 51.84 litres.

611

SEG 9, 2; DAI II, Cir. i, pp. 31 sqq., n. 58.

612

Loc. cit., p. 86.

613

Ha III (Ital.), 1929, p. 396..

614

S. Zebelev, Contes rendues de l’Acad. des Sciences URSS, 1929, pp. 97 sqq. which has not been available to me.

615

Loc. cit,

616

RFC 83, 1935, pp. 124-5.

617

Eg. the price of wheat at Cyrene: 1 dr. 4/5; in Greece: 3-9 dr.; Cyrene, barley, 1-2 dr.; Greece, 2-5 dr.

618

PW Supp. 6, 1935, col. 890, sv. Sitos, Tafel.

619

Cirene, p. 23.

620

Jardé, op. cit., pp. 123-4.

621

Ibid., p. 124.

622

Il Mondo Classico, 4, p. 401.

623

Ibid.

624

Francotte, Mélanges du droit publique grecque, 1910, p. 293.

625

Loc. cit., p. 86.

626

Loc. cit.

627

Op. cit., p. 59.

628

Information from the late Professor Sir E. Evans-Pritchard.

629

Johnson ap. Frank, ESAR II, 1936, Egypt, p. 59.

630

Cf. Herod. IV, 198, 3; Maugini, Flora ed Economia, p. 99.

631

Guida, p. 120.

632

Nozioni, p. 38.

633

Agricoltura Coloniale, Nov. 1939, p. 636; Annuario Generale della Libia, 1938, p. 218.

634

Herod., IV, 160, 3.

635

Diod., XX, 4r.

636

Polyb., XXXI, 18.

637

WGA, p. 319.

638

Most of the poorer citizens may be identified with the Cyreneans who followed Ophelias in his African adventure.

639

GS I, 189: Diod. XVIII, 18; Plut. Phoc., 28, 14; 9,000 possessed an income of 2000 dr. or above; 12,000 an average of 200-240 dr.

640

See above, p. 35.

641

Ap. Jos., Ant., XIV, 7, 2 (115).

642

V. Ehrenberg, Der Griechische und der Hellenistische Staat (Gercke u. Norden. Einleitung, III, 3) 1932, p. 13.

643

Da Agostino ap. El, 10, p. 421, sv. Cirenaica.

644

Jew. Terr. Org. Rpt., p. 11.

645

Jardé, Cdrdales, pp. 134-5.

646

Op. cit., p. 135.

647

Evans Pritchard, BMA 7, p. 12, according to the figures of Ahlmann, op. cit.

648

WGA, p. 388; when the Athenian statesman Phormisios proposed at the end of the 4th BC to abolish the citizen rights of all Athenians not owing landed property, it was found that this step would affect 5,000 adult male citizens only, in a population of some 35,000-50,000 citizens.

649

Keen, op. cit., p. 32.

650

This area would have been sufficient to furnish the necessary income in normal years; half of it would have brought in, on a yield of 20 hi. the hectare 600 medimni, to be sold at Cyrene at that time at 3 dr. the medimnus, or 1440 dr. after the deduction of a tenth for seed and food, and a tenth for rent. Even after additional deductions for overheads, the income could be supplemented from the vineyards and the plantations.

651

See above, pp. 75-2.

652

It may be supposed that the other four cities of the country possessed not less than 100,000-150,000 inhabitants in this period. Beloch estimated the total ancient population at 240,000-300,000 (Die Bevölkerung der griechisch-römischen Welt, 1886, p. 259), and perhaps more in the Ptolemaic period. In 1923 the population of Cyrenaica numbered 185,000 (da Agostini), in 1944, 200,000. Gregory (Jew. Terr. Org. Rpt., p. 8) believed that the country was capable of supporting 240,000 souls with modem methods of water-conservation, whereas Mühlhofer (Spel. Cir., p. 19) estimated its absorptive capacity at 350,000 on the basis of the ancient cisterns.

653

BIDR 1928, pp. 15 sqq.

654

F. Heichelheim, ABP, p. 43.

655

SEG 9, 1, 4.

656

Segré thought (ibid.) that Θῖνις was identical with the Ἡρακλέους Θῖνοι of Ptolemy (IV, 4, 5-6), which appear to have been situated in the mountainous region south of Bengazi. This identification, however, is far from certain; it should be emphasized that θῖνοι means “coastal sand-banks”, so that the name may be connected with the shores of the Syrtis and with new colonization in the direction of that gulf following the war with Carthage in the second half of the 4th century.

657

SEG 9, I, para. 1, 3.

658

Ps. Scylax, 108. (Χερρονήσσοι).

659

CERP p. 485, n. 9.

660

Tarn, Griffiths, Hellenistic Civilization³, 1959, pp. 68 sqq.; PW 7, 1931, col. 1102 sqq. sv. Συμμαχία.

661

SEG 9, 1, paras. 7, 8; cf. Xen., Oecon., IV, 2; ‘and in certain cities, especially those deemed successful in war, no citizen is permitted to practise a handicraft’.

662

Cf. again Xen., Oecon. IV, 4 (which comes immediately after the sentence disqualifying craftsmen for political rights): ’Among the most respectable and necessary (livelihoods) are considered to be agriculture and the art of war, and both should be attended to with all energy.’ These words are put into the mouth of the King of Persia, but in the following chapters Socrates endeavours to prove that they are justified. Cf. also Arist. Pol., 1260a, 1278a, 1319a for the disqualifying of craftsmen and people earning their living by manual work. The main opposition was to craftsmen and labourers (cf. SEG 9, 1, para. 8), and perhaps affected traders — cf. SEG loc. cit.: “Whoever sells wine... or becomes a merchant (φορτηγός). Φορτηγός indeed can here also be interpreted as “porter” instead of “merchant”. Aristotle elicits suspicion of those engaging in maritime commerce (Pol. 1327ª). admitting reluctantly their necessity and the benefits derived from them by the state.

663

SEG 9, 1, para. 8, 4:... ἢ ἄλλοτε οἰκίας τὰς [Πτ]ολεμαικὰς ἐσέλ-θηι...

664

DAI I, Cir., ii, p. 63.

665

Cf. p. 95, above, on Synesius’ estates at Phycus, near the coast, and in the south of the Plateau (Epp. 114, 148). Here may be mentioned “Arim-mas’ Village” (Ἄριμμαντος κώμη — Ptol. IV, 4, 7) somewhere in the south of the country. The name Arimmas first appears among the city magistrates recorded in the constitution of Ptolemy Lagos (SEG 9, 1, para. 11, 77) at the end of the 4th century B.C.; it recurs in the 3rd century in the verse of Callimachus (Epig. 13) as the name of a Cyrenean nobleman, and appears in the 1st century B.C. on an inscription in the Temple of Apollo in the city (TA p. 102). The name occurs at least 14 times among the sepulchral and other inscriptions of Teucheira in the 1st centuries BC and AD, chiefly among elements that had reached the town in the Ptolemaic period. It is possible that they had taken the name of one of the Ptolemies’ trusted aides who had carried out the settlement at Teucheira. (See Sff 7, 1961, pp. 36-7). We may therefore see Arimmas as one of Cyrene’s notables, loyal to the Ptolemaic dynasty, who had obtained influence under Ptolemy Lagos, also as a proprietor of estates which included areas, and avillage-centre named after him, in the south of the Jebel.

666

SEG 9, 1, para. 11, 1. 66.

667

Ibid. line 63: μισθοφόροι τῶμ Πτολεμαίωι.

668

See p. 108.

669

SEHHW pp. 140 sqq.

670

J. Lesquier, Institutions militaires des Lagides, 1911, pp. 162 sqq

671

C. Ap., II, 4(44).

672

Cf. Tac. Ann. XIV, 18.

673

SEG 9, 352.

674

Goodchild, Tab. Imp. Rom., Cyren., p. 16. A third boundary stone with a similar inscription is at Cyrene; its place of origin is unknown to me.

675

De cond. agror., Lachmann, 122.

676

Cyrenaica 1:100,000, Part 2, 5048.

677

I have been unable to locate the precise position of these remains.

678

Reynolds, JRS 52, 1962, pp. 100-101. Jones (CERP, p. 362) held, perhaps on less reliable evidence, that royal land existed also between Teucheira and Euesperitae. My own conclusion, that part of the community of the former town consisted of katoikoi, might confirm his belief.

679

SEG 9, 350.

680

See p. 212.

681

Plin. HN, XIX, 3 (15).

682

JRS 55, 1965, pp. 119 sqq.; cf. Oost, Cl. Phil., 58, 1965, pp. 12, 13.

683

Ibid., p. 120.

684

One iugerum is the approximate equivalent of 2.5 dunams (0.25 hectare).

685

Cf. Jones, CERP, p. 362.

686

SEG 9, 5; DAI II, Cir., ii, no. 538.

687

Berytus, 1958, 12, p. 101, no. 1.

688

108.

689

CIG 5361 = REG 62, 1949, pp. 283 sqq., line it.

690

SEHHW, p. 916.

691

Ptol. IV, 4, 7. On internal evidence Ptolemy’s information on Cyrene derives from a time near to the conclusion of his work, i.e. c. AD. 150.

692

SEG 9, 112; Euergetes, Comment., viii, ap. Athen., XII, 73.

693

See above, p. 64.

694

SEG 9, 5, 26.

695

SEHHE, p. 283.

696

SEHHIV, p. 289.

697

SEG 9, 4.

698

BMC, no. 208, p. 47.

699

BMC, no. 223, p. 49.

700

Maugini, Flora ed. econ., p. 43.

701

BMC, p. lxvi.

702

DAI I, Cir. ii, nos. 30-43.

703

PW XX, 1919, col. 1578, sv. Kalendar.

704

SEG 9, 7; DAI I, Cir. i, p. 11.

705

W. Kubitscheck, Grundriss der Antiken Zeitrechnungen, 1928, pp. 222-3.

706

PW, loc. cit. 1578 sq.

707

DAI I, Cir. ii, no. 40.

708

Ibid., nos. 38, 40.

709

This division is termed by Schnebel (Landwirtschaft in hellenistischen Ägypten, p. 218), “the improved two-field system”.

710

Pap. Tebt. 115, for example — 116-113 B C.

711

Schnebel, op. cit., pp. 145-7; P. Zeno (C. C. Edgar, Catalogue géniralé des antiquites égyptiennes du Musie du Caire: Zenon Papyri), 59155; AP 9, 1928-30, pp. 207 sqq.

712

Schnebel, op. cit., pp. 230-1.

713

See the works referred to above.

714

DAI I, Cir. ii, no. 40.

715

Schnebel, op. cit., p. 207; M. Rostovtzeff, A Large Estate in Egypt in the Third Centurv BC, 1922, p. 85 and refs.

716

SEHHW p. 357.

717

In the stele SEG 9, 35 (DA I I, Cir. ii, no. 34), Oliverio read πισσά to mean pitch, and this reading would have added interesting evidence for the fostering of conifers by the Ptolemies, perhaps for purposes of shipbuilding. But a new stele published by Fraser (Berytus, 12, 1958, p. 104, no. 2), and dating to the period 290-280 approximately, makes it clear that πισσά is to be translated as “peas”. One plant, though unmentioned in the steles, was probably promoted by the Ptolemies in Cyrene, namely, the lentisk. This tree was introduced by them into Egypt (SEHHW, p. 1165), and is today very common in the rocky areas of the Jebel. In 1934 it covered some 200,000 hectares (Narducci, La colonizazzione della Cirenaica nett’ Antichild e nel Presente, 1934, p. 87).

718

DAI I, Cir. ii, p. 52, nos. 35-42.

719

Diod. XXXI, 33 and see here p. 62.

720

SEG 9, 5.

721

SEHHW, pp. 205 sq.; 615 sq.

722

SEHHW, pp. 195 sq.

723

SEHHW, p. 619.

724

SEHHW, pp. 917-8.

725

SEHI-IW, p. 235.

726

SEHHW, p. 305.

727

Rostovtzeff explained the low prices of oil and wine in Greece in the 2nd century B.C. by the existence of an adverse balance of imports and exports. (SEHHW, p. 628).

728

Strabo XVII, 3, 20 (836).

729

IV, 169.

730

VI, 3, 3: “It occupies a large area of Libya — it is said more than 4,000 stadia. It grows in great abundance around the Syrtis from Euesperitae onward.”

731

XVII, 3 (838 fin.).

732

HN, V, 5 (34).

733

Anab. III, 28.

734

IV, 4, 6.

735

AC 1922, p. 257.

736

HP VI 3, 6.

737

HP VI 3, 4.

738

Plin., HN XIX, 3 (15).

739

Anab. III, 28, 7.

740

HP VI, 3, 1.

741

RM² 97, 1964, pp. 185 sqq.

742

Solinus 27; Strabo XVII, 3, 22 (837) and see here n. p. 16.

743

SEHHW, pp. 293, 333, 385.

744

DAI I, Cir., i, p. 71, no. 9; SEG 9, 62.

745

Berytus, 12, 1958, p. 113, no. 7. Cf. F. Durrbach, Choix d’inscriptions de Délos, 1921-2, p. 207: “les titulaires étaient préposés aux écuries royales.” In the 4th century A.D., Cyrene was still exporting horses, mules and asses (Synes., Ep. 109). The donkeys of Libya are also mentioned in Jewish literature (M. Kilaim, VIII, 4; Shab. V, 1).

746

27.

747

C. Préaux, L’économie des Lagides, 1939, p. 225; SEHHW, p. 295, for this tax. See below for other taxes in Cyrene, evidently of the Ptolemies, as evidenced by the Neghames inscription. The latter testifies to a cult of Dionysus in that village; this cult was organized in Egypt by Ptolemy IV at the end of the 3rd century as a means of binding the peasantry to the monarchy, and Negharnes may have derived its internal organization from that time. The compulsory participation in the fight against locusts in Cyrene, described by Pliny (HN XI, 49 (105)), may have been an extension of the liturgies referred to in the Negharnes document.

748

Cf. IG XIV, 645, which prohibits grazing on fallow sown to green fodder.

749

SEHHW, p. 302.

750

Heichelheim, ABP, p. 46.

751

SEHHW, p. 302.

752

Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, Cirene, 1930, p. 18, n. 9.

753

BMC pp. xxx, xxxi.

754

DAI I, Cir., ii, p. 69.

755

Ibid., p. 71.

756

B. V. Head, Historia Nummorum, 1910, 868,

757

See p. 17.

758

Cf. BMC, p. lxxix.

759

Herod. IV, 181, 2; Synes. Ep. 148.

760

Arrian, Anab., III, 4, 3.

761

Herod. III, 13.

762

BMC p. xliii.

763

AI IV, p. 190.

764

See pp. 19 sqq.

765

SEG 9, 2, 54; DAI II, Cir. i, pp. 31 sq. no. 58, para. 54.

766

Jos. Vita, I, 3 (15).

767

On the roofing of houses in Cyrene with the timbers of the thuon see Theoph. HPV, 3, 7.

768

NAMC I, pp. 83, 95; cf. Rostovtzeff, SEHHW, pl. xli, 2.

769

SEG 9, x, para. 8, 48.

770

NV, V, 25/30 V, 31/33.

771

B. Walters, Catalogue of Greek and Roman Lamps in the British Museum, 1914, nos. 851, 1059, 1125; O. Bronneer, Corinth, Type XXV; cf. IEJ 7, 1957. pp. 154 sqq.

772

G. R. H. Wright, PEJ 1963, pp. 27 and 29; fig. 2.

773

Hermippus ap. Athen., I, 49.

774

Plin. HN, XXI, 6 (saffron); Theoph. HP, IV, 3, 1 (saffron); Athen. XV, 29, 38; 689a (roses). An inscription at Cyrene of the 4th century AD refers to the perfume dealers’ quarter of the city (ἀγρός Μυροπωλάς) — ASAA, I, 1914, p. 164.

775

Theoph. HP IV, 3, 1.

776

Cucumbers — Plin. HN, XX, 1 (3); truffles — Athen. I, 62; beans — Jer. Kilaim, VIII, 1, 31b.

777

Plut. Luc., 2; cf. Aelian, Varia histor., XII, 30, 4.

778

Plut., ad princip. inerud., XII, 89.

779

M. A. Levy, Siegel und Gemmen, 1869, no. 19; D. Diringer, Le iscvizione antico-ebraiche Palestinesi, 1934, p. *93, no. 34.

780

SP pl. 79, no. 7.

781

Cf. Εἴβας, an Aramaic name (Arabic — Hibbeh) — Preisigke NMA, p. 518; Maspéro, Papirus grecs d’époque Byzantine, III, 67.328, 3. (6th century), also SEG 15, 851; Berytus, 11, 1954-5. p. 53, n. 691: Εἰαειβᾶς, from Dura-Europos.

782

Memoires de l’Académie d’Inscriptions, 12, 1913, pp. 513-4, pl. i, 1.

783

N. Slouchz, My Travels in Libya, II, 1943, p. 239, n. 1.

784

Levi della Vida, AI I, pp. 224-5.

785

Goodchild, GJ 118, 1952, p. 147.

786

Procopius, de Aedif., VI, 2, 21-3.

787

C. Ap. II, 4 (44): “Ptolemy son of Lagos and Alexander entertained the same opinion concerning those (Jews) who settled in Alexandria; Ptolemy entrusted to them fortresses throughout Egypt, assuming that they would guard them loyally and well, and as he desired to strengthen his hold on Cyrene and the other cities of Libya, he sent part of the Jews to inhabit them.”

788

Ant. XIV, 7. 2 (116).

789

Op. cit., XII, 1 (7-8).

790

Op. cit., XII, 3 (24).

791

Ibid., XII, 5 (45).

792

12-14 (Thackeray).

793

SEG 9, 1, para. 1, 5; K. Friedmann, GSAI, ns. 2, iv. 1934, pp. 3 4“5.

794

SEG 9, i, para. 11, 72.

795

BSAA 9, 1907, pp. 35 sqq.; 25, 1930, p. 108.

796

Not. Dig. Or., (Seeck), XXVIII, 42.

797

Jos., BJ I, 9, 4 (191): Ant. XIV, 8, 2 (133).

798

Jos., BJ I, 8, 7 (175).

799

Jos., C. Ap., II, 36; BJ II, 18, 7 (488).

800

The Jews in Egypt, 1963, p. 43.

801

Tcherikover, Fuks, CPJ I, 1957, 3, 17, 44-6; Tcherikover, HCJ, pp. 275 sqq.

802

CPJ I, 1957, 13.

803

OGIS 229, 72 (Magnesia).

804

Jos., Ant XII, 3, 4 (147) sqq.

805

Ibid., para. 151, and cf. Schalit, JQR 50, 1960, pp. 289 sqq.

806

Illustrated London News, Mar. 21, 1964, no. 6503, p. 432.

807

OGI I, 211; cf. Strabo, XIII, 4, 4, 625. Cf. also OGI 290 (Acrasos, Asia) — which Robert, REA 1934, p. 523, restored ol περί Ἄ]κρασον Μακεδόνες, and Jones, CERP, p. 44, and n. 26 genera/ly.

808

P. Guiraud, Histoire de la propriété foncière en Grèce, 1893, pp. 153 sqq.

809

IG XII, 3, no. 327; Klio, 17, 1920, p. 94, n. 1.

810

CIL III, 355.

811

J. Lesquier, Inst. Mil. Lag., pp. 162 sqq.

812

Op. cit., p. 164; F. Uebel. Die Kleruchen Ägyptens unter den ersten seeks Ptolemäer, 1968, p. 3.

813

For a list, Tcherikover, op. cit., (n. 22), pp. 35-43; CPJ I, Sect. iii, pp. 147 sqq.

814

Pap. Petrie, xxix.

815

Jos. C. Ap., I, 186-9; compare especially Tcherikover, HCJ, p. 300

816

OGIS 96.

817

L. Mitteis, U. W. Wilcken, Gründzuge u. Chrestomathie der Papiruskunde, 1911, p. 55; CPJ I, no. 33.

818

OGIS 726.

819

Pap. Lille, II, 235.

820

CIL III, Supp. (i-ii), 6583.

821

Ap. Jos., Ant. XII, 1, 5 (1).

822

Syr., 50 (viii).

823

Ap. Jos., C. Ap. I, 186 sq.

824

HCJ, pp. 55-8.

825

Ib., p. 55.

826

As V. Ehrenberg, Hermes 65, 1930, pp. 332 sqq.; also Heuss and Taeger.

827

Diod. XIX, 85, 4.

828

See p. 175.

829

Inscribed on a tomb near a spring called Gigi, according to Slouschz (Travels, II, p. 227). I have not succeeded in identifying this spot.

830

SB, 302: Πασιμένης Κυρηναῖος β΄ Ἰάσων Κυρηναῖος α΄ Ἀἣᾶδάμας.

831

Ant. XIV, 7, 2 (116).

832

I Macc. 16, 15-23.

833

The sacrifices for the dead alluded to in II Macc. 12139 and quite alien to the Judaism of Judaea, may be a trace of Libyan Jewish influence.

834

Schurer believed (GJV III, 1909, pp. 482 sqq.) that the author used eyewitnesses who were contemporaries of the Maccabees, but some years after the events described; Willrich regarded the book as unreliable. Others (Biichler, Laqueur, Wellhausen) thought the book contained authentic information mingled with fable. Torrey ((The Aocryphal Literature, 1946, pp. 76 sqq.) stated that the work contained vivid touches which point to the evidence of eye-witnesses. Pfeiffer (Hist. N.T. Times, p. 516) expresses the view that the book used written sources rather than eyewitness accounts. For a new summing up of the problems involved, and a conclusion in favour of the work as a source contemporary with the events described, Tcherikover, HCJ, pp. 381-90.

835

II Macc. 4, 11; cf. I, 8, 17.

836

HCJ, pp. 384-5: several scholars have suggested that Jason son of Elea’zar, Judah the Maccabee’s contemporary, was the same as Jason author of II Maccabees; thus Keil, Comm, über die Bücher der Makk., 1875, p. 275.

837

BIES 22, 1958, pp. 74 sqq.; SH 7, 1961, p. 40. The present treatment supersedes the above interpretations.

838

SEG 9, 440.

839

See Tcherikover, Jews of Egypt, p. 290, on the Jewish associations of the name Dositheos.

840

SEG 9, 424.

841

SEG 9, 439.

842

SEG 9, 441.

843

Ant. XIII, 6, 5 (203). In several places the name is spelt with one delta only.

844

Jer. Ta’an., IV 69a; Mid. Lam. R., II, 2; Sepher Ha-Yishuv, 1939, I, p. 92.

845

There are clear proofs that Haddid was a Jewish settlement at least down to the period of the Mishnah. It had been walled, according to tradition, since the days of Joshua (M.’Arakh. IX, 6), was resettled by Babylonian exiles, (Ezra, 2:33; Neh. 7:37), and was fortified by Simon the Hasmonean. (I Macc. 12:35). It was Simon’s base against Trvphon, was captured by Vespasian in tiie Great Rebellion (BJ, IV, 9, 1-486), and was subsequently a residence of mishnaic scholars. Its population would therefore appear to have been overwhelmingly Jewish for a prolonged period. Our information on Kephar Harrubali is sparser; it was improbably the village of that name associated with the outbreak of the revolt of Ben Kosba, but rather the place known east of Lydda.

846

Bull. of the Louis Rabbinowitz Fund for the Exploration of Ancient Synagogues, III, 1960, pp. 57 sqq.; Studi Biblici Franciscani, 4, 1953’4> p. 228 ad voc.; IEJ 3, 1953, p. 133. The name of the village is otherwise mentioned first in Byzantine sources; see K. H. Palmer, 1 he Desert oj the Exodus, II, 1871, Appendix 1), p. 552, containing the episcopal list of the year 534.

847

For these developments, Tcherikover, Fuks, CPJ I, pp. 23-4; Tcherikover, The Jews in Egypt, pp. 39, 46; HCJ, p. 334.

848

Justin VIII, 2; Polyb. XXXIV, 6 (1314); cf. Oliverio, DAI I, Cir. i, pp. 16 sqq.

849

But I have been unable to find in the relevant excavation report any authority that the attack, which is shown to have taken place by the presence of the ballista-balls fired by the attackers, was not mounted by the forces of Vespasian in A.D. 73 (BJ VIII, 8, 10, 3-483) rather than by those of Euergetes II. Cf. Tarbiz, 25, 1959, p. 422, n. 10.

850

Jos., C. Ap. II, 53-5. Cf. III Macc. II, 25 sq., which, presumably in error, attributes the event to the reign of Ptolemy IV Philopator; see Tcherikover, Zion. 10, 1935, pp. 1 sqq.; also in The Jews in the Greek and Roman World, 1961, pp. 339 sqq. (Heb.); CPJ I, pp. 21-3.

851

Tcherikover, Zion, 10, 1945, pp. 1 sqq. (Heb.); SII 7, 1961, pp. 1 sqq.

852

SEG 9, 5.

853

Tcherikover, HCJ, p. 282; SB 5862, 7454.

854

BMC p. c]xi.

855

BMC pl. xxxii, pp. 8-17; G. F. Hill, Brit. Mus. Cat. Greek Coins, Palestine, 1914, pl. xxii-xxiv.

856

BMC p. 87, Gp. viii, 83.

857

Israel Numismatic Society Publications: A. Kindler, apud The Dating and Meaning of the Ancient Jewish Coins and Symbols (Pubns. Numis. Soc. Studies, II), 1958, p. 11; A. Reifenberg, Ancient Jewish Coins, 1940, pl. iii, 33a.

858

SEG 9, 2, 57; DAI II, Cir. i, p. 31, no. 58.

859

Sepher ha-Yishuv, I, pp. 79 sqq., and see here pp. 306-7.

860

SEG 9, 1938, 559-567, 569, 572-724; SEG 16, 1959, 876-930; 20, 1964, 769-771; DAI II, Cir. ii, 1936, pp. 198 sqq.; Rowe et al, MUC 1952, ch. vii, pp. 43 sqq.; S. Applebaum, SH 7, 1961, pp. 27 sqq.: The Jewish Community of Hellenistic and Roman Teucheira in Cyrenaica; G. R. R. Wright, PEQ 1963, pp. 22 sqq.: Excavations at Tocra.

861

For these, Wright, ibid. (n. 1), pp. 27, 36 sq. The discussion on date concerns all the known burial courts (latomie) near the town, whether gentile or Jewish. The Jewish burials will be discussed separately.

862

In his previous study of the Teucheira Jewish epitaphs, the writer was under the impression that part of the inscriptions published by Oliverio in DAI and by SEG were from tombs to the west of the town. This impression was based on the assumption that Oliverio had followed Halbherr (to whose plan the writer had access) in the numbering of the tomb-courts. In effect the western inscriptions are cut in the city-wall and in the wall of the adjacent gymnasium. The present study, therefore, is a revision of the author’s previous publication.

863

Eg. SEG 9, 612: Γηλ΄ = the thirty-eighth year of Augustus or of the era of Actium, ie. A.D. 7.

864

SEG 9, 498: Αὐτοκρατόρος Δομιτιανοῦ Καίσαρος. The attempt of J. Gray (MUC 1952, pp. 54-55) to prove the use of the era of Actium, is not convincing. See SH 7, p. 31.

865

Lovδ΄ τοῦ κὰι γ’ αὐτοκρατόρος Μ Αὐρηλίου Σεβήρου Ἀλεξάνδρου... Cf. CIG III, 2, 5 145b; SEG 9. 184.

866

It should be remarked that there is no certainty if the year of the constitution of the province was regarded as 74 or as 67 B.C. when Cyrene was administratively merged with Crete. See Appian, Bell. Civ., I, in; RC para. 73.

867

PEQ 1963, pp. 37 sqq., tombs A-E.

868

Ibid. = J. Gray, ap. MUC, 1952, Chap, vii, pp. 43 etsqq.

869

This after much rereading and revision of inscriptions by Miss Joyce Reynolds. Known dates of Teucheira epitaphs, according to the era of Actium. All reference numbers are those of SEG with the exception of that marked W4, which was recorded by Webster.

870

SEG 9, 591 — Λ Αἰλίω; 522 — Μ Αὐρ[ήλ]ιος Νιγ[ρῖνο]ς.

871

522, 582, 583, 585, 591, 615, 712, 602, 620, 623, 624, 644, 668, 674, 676, 724; Gray nos. 1, 8, 9, 12, 25, 41.

872

Breccia, Iscriz. gr. e lat., nos. 27, 28.

873

Eg. ibid., nos. 238, 242, 246.

874

Ibid., nos. 251, 253.

875

Annales du service des antiquités d’Égypte, 19, 1920, p. 216; 22, 1923. pp. 7-16; ZNTW, 22, 1923. pp. 280 sqq.

876

Wright, PEQ (n. 1), pp. 54-5 (Tomb A).

877

Jos. C. Ap., II, 4 (33-6); cf. Ant. XIV, 7, 2 (117); I, Bell, Juden und Griechen in romiscken Alexandrien, 1926, p. 19.

878

This statement is correct, of course, only if the writer’s view is justified that not all the Teucheira quarry-tombs were Jewish. If on the other hand the opinion of some scholars is accepted, that they were all Jewish, then it

879

Above, n. 98.

880

This inscription was published in SEG 16 (894) with the note: infra titulum Hebraicum expressum. I have examined the photograph of this inscription, sent to me by the kindness of Miss J. Reynolds, but it is so faint as to be indecipherable, and its Hebrew character cannot be regarded as certain.

881

JJS 13, 1962, p. 34; SEG 9, 596. Gray thought to see in “Hermon” a transliteration of Hiram, and in Herennos a form of Aaron, but I am not convinced. One of his suggestions, however, that Arimmas is Ahiram, or Jehoram, requires additional comment, which will be found below.

882

CPJ 1, p. 28; SEG 9, 446. Θαννύρας (cf. Heb. tanur = oven) is also found as a Semitic name (cf. H. Wuthnow, Die semitische Menschennamen in griechischen Inschriften und Papyri des Vorderen Orients, 193°, ad voc.). It appears in the area to the west of the town of Teucheira, but cf. SEG 9,.135, 348; Herod. Ill, 15 (Θαννύρας), where it is Libyan.

883

Cf. SB 6651 (Tel el-Yehudieh); Philo, In Flaccum, VI, 39.

884

SEG 9, 703.

885

SEG 9,642.

886

C. Clermont-Ganneau, Archaeological Researches in Palestine, 1899, II, p. 145. no. 7. Diehl, CICV, II, 1924, — Tituli Judaici, 4895a, 4858a, 4858; L. Jalabert, R. Mouterde, Inscr. grecques et latines de la Syrie, (1929-), 459b, 487, 625.

887

NW VI, 28/30; cf. V, 24; Βασσαχέως; VI, 42/3, ἐν τῷ Βασσάχι.

888

Ptol. IV, 5, 21.

889

P. Tebt. 64 (e) iii; 72, 322 etc.; ib., 61(a) 19 etc.; Lesquier, Inst. mil. Lagides, pp. 193-5. In P. Tebt. I, 32, we read of the establishment of cle-ruchies by a high-ranking personage holding the rank of “first friend“.

890

The name Arimmas is also found in a list of settlers settled near Ptolemais in the time of Pompey (circa 67 BC) — Reynolds, JRS 52, 1962, p. 100, no. 5.

891

CIG. 5265.

892

BIES 18, 1954, pp. 32, 3, nos. 202-3.

893

SEG 9, 557, 558.

894

PEJ 1963, p. 55. For an amplified reading, which unfortunately adds nothing comprehensible, SEG 16, 771.

895

One may recall in this connection the supposed belief of Jason of Cyrene, author of the original book of which II Macc. is an epitome, in the resurrection of the dead (II Macc. 12:39-45). Cf. Levi, RE 29, 1894, pp. 43 sqq.; REJ 41, 1900, pp. 161 sqq.

896

SEG 9, 641.

897

683, 709, 722.

898

On names of this category borne by Jews, see Tcherikover, Jews in Egypt, p. 192.

899

The comparison was made with the aid of the card-catalogue of the late Professor Tcherikover, and I would like to record his generous assistance in this matter.

900

Wright, PEJ, 1963, p. 40, (Tomb C), does not publish the text of the inscription, nor is the stele mentioned by Gray, but the late M. N. Tod had a copy of the epitaph and I have seen the stele in Tocra Museum.

901

E. Naville, The Mound of the Jew and the City of Onias, Egyptian Exploration Fund, 1888-9, pp. 13 sqq.

902

The case, indeed, is doubtful; see below.

903

Cf. IEJ 7, 1957, pp. 155 sqq.

904

TEJ 6, 1956, pp. 127-8.

905

But the name occurs among gentiles, eg. in Attica (SEG 15, in; 23, 86, line 284).

906

SB 1742. For Sarah as a name taken by proselytes, Baron, SRHJ I, 1935. p. 14. Cf. the Jew with a Libyan name (Ἄλζαν Συμώνος) found in the Jaffa cemetery — Sepher Ha-Yishuv. I, p. 85, no. 41.

907

Muller, FHG, frag. 141 = Jacoby, FGH, II, frag. 123. This practice was common among many primitive peoples, eg. among certain strata of the British population in the Roman period; cf. Proceedings of the Dorset Natural History and Archaeological Society, 69, pp. 33 sqq.; but the case at Teucheira might also be interpreted as the result of the custom of liqut ha-atzamot (M. Mo’ed Qatan, I, 5).

908

CIG III, 5167 = SB 5886- AD 88-9 (Cyrene).

909

NAMC 2, pp. 173, 177 n.

910

The letters concerned correspond to the first, third and twenty-fifth letters as listed by Halevi-Tourneau (O. Bates, The Eastern Libyans, 1914, p. 86). A fourth perhaps corresponds to their twenty-first. The presence of these letters was first noted by the writer in Zion, 19, pp. 46-7. Gray has no hint of them, but there is no reason to cast doubt on the reliability of the readings of Col. Thackrah made available to the writer, and they also appear on the sketches made by Halbherr, which I have been able to examine.

911

HCJ, p. 293; n. 87, p. 505. The evidence was assembled by Mantcufel, Tell Edfu, 1937, p. 147. Cf. Tarn, Griffiths, HC, 1952, pp. 100-102, who wrote concerning the family situation in the Hellenistic period: The general conclusion from c. 230 onwards seems certain: the one-child family was commonest, but there was a certain desire for two sons (to allow for a death in war); families of four or five were very rare; more than one daughter was very seldom reared; and infanticide on a considerable scale, particularly of girls, is not in doubt.”

912

Old Age among the Greeks, 1933, pp. 231 sqq.

913

CIJ I, p. cxvi. Cf. at Teucheira SEG 9, 713: “Secunda daughter of Fabius and wife of Aristos; deceased at the age of twelve.”

914

Cf. the tombstone of Bassara, imperial slave-woman, at Ptolemais (Βάσσαρας Καίσαρο[ς] δούλης) — Pacho, Relation d’un voyage dans la Mar-marique, 1827-9, pl. lxxv.

915

ClJ I, p. cxv.

916

Robinson, AJA² 17, 1913, p. 191, n. 108.

917

Cf. B. Gittin, 65a; ’Arachin, 25a.

918

Wright, summing up previous excavations, finds that all the tombs in the quarries to east of the town are Roman, but discovers earlier elements among those to west of it. His finding is appropriate to our own conclusion. It should be stressed that we see the epitaphs of the eastern sector as representing the generation of Teucheira Jews of the Roman period, but not the first generation of their community, which belonged to the hellenistic period.

919

On the term “Macedonian” in Ptolemaic Egypt, see Tcherikover, Jews in Egypt, pp. 42 sqq.; CPJ I, p. 14; M. Launey, Recherches snr lets armi]ées hellénistiques, 1949-50, I, pp. 308 sqq.

920

Cf. Wright on Teucheira (PEQ 1963, p. 23): “The terrain is characterized by rocky outcrops, the steeply-dipping strata of which are visible on the surface. The soil, however, is good, and numerous wells once supplied fresh water, so that the city must have been something of an agricultural centre. It was this and not its position on the coast per se which must have prompted settlement for... facilities for harbourage are completely lacking.”

921

The name “Pentapolis” does not appear before the 1st century BC, when Pliny (HN V, 5 (31)) enumerates as the five cities of Libya, Berenice, Arsinoe (Teucheira), Ptolemais, Apollonia and Cyrene. According to his evidence, the group of cities associated with this name did not precede the conversion of Apollonia to an independent city, an event not anterior to the 2nd century B.C. See p. 59, n. 354.

922

CIG 111, 5362 and the reexamination of G. and J. Roux, REG 62, 1949, pp. 290 sqq.

923

An honorary inscription closely akin to the present tablet in language and circumstances is OGI 737, of the 2nd century B.C., from Memphis. The politeuma of the Idumaeans here thanks a high official for painting and plastering (τήν τε καταλιφήν καὶ κονίασιν) the Temple of Apollo which belonged to the politeuma.

924

REG 62, 1949, pp. 284 sqq.; CIG III, 5361.

925

BIES 25, 1961, pp. 167 sqq.; pp.12, 1957, pp. 132 sqq.; REG 72, 1959, pp. 275-6; SEG 17, 823.

926

Eg. line 3 τῆ(ι)συναγωγῆ(ι); line 4, ἐπιδόντας has been corrected to ἐπιδόντες, when it ought to be ἐπιδόντος; in line 12 Ἡρακλείδης and Ἡρακλαίδου appear in propinquity; in line 16 Ἀντίγον(ο)ς is read.

927

It can be argued that the reference is to one synagogue among several contemporarily existent in the city, and that the archontes belonged to it. But this suggestion seems to be disproved by the inscription’s expression “resolved by the synagogue of the Jews of Berenice and its vicinity” (ἐφάνη τῆ(ι) συναγωγῆ(ι) τῶν ἐν Βερνεικίδι Ἰουδαίων).

928

Cf. CPJ I, 9-10, n. 25; HCJ p. 303.

929

Gen. 3:20. It was my late wife who drew my attention to the meaning of the Greek name.

930

Names especially characteristic of Cyrene are Euphranor, Pratomedes and Carnedas, while Ammonios and Serapion are common in Egypt. The following names, present in the third inscription from Berenice, all recur together among hundreds of names on a stele at Cyrene (unpublished) which lists gentile contributors of the 1st century B.C.: Carnedas, Euphranor, Lysanias, Jason, Pratis, Pratomedes, Straton, Cartisthenes, Thaliarchos, Zoilos.

931

Alexandras, Euphranor, Lysanias. Marion.

932

At Hamat Gader and Apamea, for instance.

933

G. Foucart, RA², 1864, p. 465; S. Reinach, Traité d’épig. grecque, 1885, p. 549; C. Kraeling, Gerasa, 1938, no. 365 = SEG 7, 894: and cf. Galen, Περὶ μέτρων καὶ σταθμῶν, ii.

934

P. Wesseling, Diatribe de Judaeorum Archontibus, 1738; for the second view; also G. Caputo, Anthemon, (Scritti di arch, e di antichita in onore de C. Anti), 1955, pp. 281-291.

935

REG 62, pp. 290-1.

936

Ibid.

937

M. Bieber, History of the Greek and Roman Theater, 1961, p. 170.

938

CIL X, 852.

939

Strabo XIV, 143 (649) — Mesogis near Nysa.

940

Jos, Ant., XV, 8, 1 (268); cf. A. Smith, Jerusalem, 1908, pp. 493-4.

941

I. T. Hill, The Ancient City of Athens, 1953, pp. 55 sqq.

942

REG loc. cit., p. 291.

943

C. Kraeling, Ptolemais, City of the Libyan Pentapolis, 1961, pp. 89 sqq.

944

IEJ 15, 1965, pp. 76 sqq.

945

M. Avi-Yonah, et al., Masada, Survey and Excavations, 1957, pp. 4-5; Jos., BJ, VII, 8, 4 (300).

946

Arch. News of the Dept, of Antiquities of Israel, 30, 1969, p. 28 (Heb.).

947

For a survey of various examples of the hypostyle hall, see C. Anti, Teatri greci arcaici, 1947, ch. vi, pp. 153 sqq.

948

D. S. Robertson, A Handbook of Greek and Roman Architecture, 1943, pp. 176 sq.; T. Wiegand, H. Schrader, Priene, 1904, pp. 176 sqq.

949

SB 5918; NAMC I, 1915, p- 152: fig. 42: CIG III, 5328; Kraeling, Ptolemais, pp. in sq.; p. 215, nos. 48-51.

950

N. Avigad, IEJ 12, 1962, pp. 1 sqq., no. 7 (a).

951

Unpublished. It were well to remark that the list contains six theophoric names, hence it is possible that there were other Jews in the list who cannot be identified; cf. especially Timostheus son of Onasion; the latter name appears also on the second inscription of the Berenice politeuma, CIG III, 5361.

952

ILS 897; CIL XIV, 2109. The slab is now in the Capitoline Museum at Rome, where I have been able to examine it.

953

Cf. JVFIV, 12: Ἰθαννύρον; VII, 6: Ἰ θάλατος.

954

QAL 4,1961, p. 20, no. 7, (c) 3.

955

CIJ I, 555

956

Hor., Sat., I, v, 100; Credat Iudaeus Apella.

957

The inhabitants of the city are called in a Cyrenean inscription of the time of Domitian (A.D. 88— CR p. 102, n. 3) Ptolemaenses. The form Πτυλιμαϊκὴ appears on a Jewish ossuary of the 1st century AD in Jerusalem (see p. 216, n.), the substitution of ’ο’ for ’υ’ here showing that the inscrip­tion is that of a Jewess of Cyrene. The citizens of Egyptian and Phoenician Ptolemais are called by the Digesta (50, 15, 1) and the Vulgata (I Mach. xii, 48; II Mach. xiii, 25) Ptolemenses, whereas the adjective Ptolemaieus (Cic., de fin., 5, 1, 1) means “that which belongs to Ptolemy”. The citizens of Cyrenean Ptolemais and Ptolemais of Egypt are also Πτολεμαιείς (CIG 5186; OGIS 49; 50).

958

JRS 17, 1927, p. 150, n. 2.

959

Dessau, ILS ad 897; B. Borghesi, Oeuvres computes, 1862-97, VII. p. 488.

960

PW IX, 1934, sv. Terentius (92), col. 708.

961

Ap. de Ruggiero, Dizz. Epig., II, 1910, 1436.

962

In the 2nd century B.C. the words δημόσια πράγματα meant “public affairs” (SIG³ 674, 72) or “the public interest” (ib. 646, 35); in the 1st century B.C. we find the expression used to translate the word respublica (SB 4224, 2). In Roman Egypt δημόσια generally was used to denote state property and especially imposts levied by the state, also state domain. (F. Preisgke, Wdrterbuch der griechischen Papyruskunde, 1925, p. 337; cf. Suidas (Adler), II, p. 47, no. 461: Δημοσίων πραγμάτων διοικέτης, οἷον φροντιστὴς χορηγίας...

963

Cyrenaica map 1:100,000, Section 2, (194 ). 5036, where it appears as ‛Ein Targhuna. EI X, 1931, p. 428, has Taurguni; the local pronunciation is “Targuna” or “Tarkhuna”. See here end-map 5.

964

DAI II, Cir. i, 1933, fig. 106; CR fig. 32.

965

DAI II, Cir. i, p. 128, figs. 104-5; AA 1926, col. 450.

966

SEG 9, 352 = DAI II, Cir. i, p. 129, no. 137; Tab. Imp. Rom. HI 34, Cyrene, pref. pp. 16-17.

967

The place where the stone was found is called Gasr Nuara by Good-child, ibid., opposite p. 16.

968

Bull. Amer. Inst. Arch., 2, 1910-1911, p. 136, pl. xxxviii; CR p. 201; fig. 19.

969

See p. 80 and fig. 5.

970

Examples are Gasr Belgara (1:100,000 (2), 4947) near Zavia Beda, the ancient Βαλάκραι (Paus. II, 26); Siret Maga, apparently derived from the name of the Cyrenean king Magas, east of Cyrene (1:100,000 (2), 5048); Meneqret, the name of a Greek rockcut tomb south of Barce, derivable from the Greek name Menecrates (W. Papé, G. Benseler, WGE, 1911, II, p. 897, ad voc.); Negharnes, the Graeco-Roman village east of Cyrene, evidently to be identified with Ptolemy’s Ἀρχίλη, (IV, 4, 6) — 1:100,000 (2), 5874.

971

Y. Press, Encyc. of Eretz Yisrael, 1948, II, p. 381, ad voc. (Heb.).

972

Targ. Jonathan. (Argov), Deut. 3; 4, Yalqut Shim’oni, Deut. ’Eqev, T’snn.חחעייד

973

Eg. Heb. פרצוף (Greek πρόσωπον); Heb. פלחד (Greek πρατήρ).

974

Eg. Adamah — Ademiyeh; Gilgal — Jaljulieh; Parod — Faradiyeh.

975

Jos., Ant. XVI, 9, 3 (292); Strabo XVI, 2, 16 (755); 2, 20 (756).

976

Jos., Ant. XVII, 2, 1 (24-5).

977

Ibid. XVIII, 2, 1 (24).

978

Ibid. XV, 10, 1 (346).

979

Epp. 132.

980

For mounted archers in Libya, cf. those illustrated in AI 4, 1931, pp. 191, 195, on a gold placque of the 5th century B.C. from the Temple of Apollo at Cyrene. Libyan archers are mentioned in inscriptions of the Pharaoh Mereneptah— J. H. Breasted, Records of Egypt, 1927, III, paras. 579, 609. For Libyan cavalry, Caes, Bell. Afric., VII, 5. Cf. Coh. III Cyrenai­ ca Sagittariorum, A E 1896, 10; Cyrenean archers in the Roman army of Cappadocia in the early 2nd century C.E.— Arrian. Ekt. Alan., I, 18.

981

The transfer of part of the Babylonian unit from Bathanea to Cyrene, if it took place, was apposite to the period; somewhere about 9 BC Herod moved Idumaeans to Bathanea; cf. Sulpicius Quirinius’ expulsion of Ituraeans from their hillforts in 6 B.C. (Eph. Ep. IV, 537). There are several hints of Herodian contacts with Cyrene; cf. Idumaean inscriptions in the cult cave of Budrash near Cyrene — NAMC 3,1971, p. 99; Nicolaus of Damascus had information on Libyan burial customs — see here p. 154

982

SEG 9, 773, 775, 781.

983

S. Ferri, Rivista di Tripolitania 2, 1925-6, pp. 363 sqq.; CR, p. 77; JRS 43, 1953, p. 76.

984

See pp. 68-9 sqq.

985

Tcherikover, The Jews in Egypt, p. 19.

986

Zion, 19, pp. 26, 48; NV I/35; IV 12/15.

987

The name of the mason Sidonius Selumaio engraved on a funerary monument of A.D. 88-99 (CIG III, 517C = SB 5880); cf. CIL VIII, 21900; 14106; RA 4, p. 373.

988

Clay lamps from Cyrene; see pp. 235 sqq.

989

The painter of the ζωγραφήματα in the Berenice amphitheatre.

990

The influence of Jewish coinage on that of Cyrene; see p. 143.

991

Coster, in Studies in Economic and Social History in honour of A. C. Johnson, ed. Coleman Norton, 1951, p. 15, n. 68, states erroneously that Jonathan the Weaver was a Jew of Cyrene; it is however possible that the found supporters among Jewish weavers in that city.

992

We read of a qth-century Jewish ship sailing from Alexandria to Cyrene (Synes. Ep., 4). Cf. inscriptions of Libyan Jews at Jaffa (Sepher ha-Yishuv, nos. 41, 54, 85), and links between Cyrene and ’Akko which hint as sea-communication between Cyrene and Judaea from very early times. There may also be evidence that the rising of 115-117 affected Jaffa (see here p. 306).

993

Pacho, Relation d’un voyage en Marmarique, pl. LXXV.

994

REG, 1969, p. 535, no. 618.

995

Jos., BJ, VIII, 11, 2 (445).

996

Ibid. 1 (438).

997

OGIS 760; SIG 108 etc.; CIG 90, 92 etc.; P. Guiraud, Propriéte foncière, pp. 152-7; Busolt, GS pp. 297, 302.

998

Ant. XVI, 6, 1 (160): “The cities had dealt evilly with the Jews who dwelt in Asia and in the neighbourhood of Cyrene of Libya, to whom the former kings had granted isonomia.”.

999

Ant. XVI, 6, 1 (161).

1000

Strabo ap. Jos., Ant. XIV, 7, 2 (115).

1001

Rostovtzeff, SEHHW, p. 333.

1002

QAL 4, 1961, p. 20, no. 7.

1003

Cf. for example Theochrestos son of Theochrestos, Theodotos son of Theodotos and Theodoras son of Nicanor. We also find Simon son of Orion, of ambiguous origin. It is not quite clear to me whether Professor K. M. T. Atkinson (Ancient Society and Institutions: Studies presented to Victor Ehren-berg, 1966, The Third Cyrene Edict of Augustus, p. 24), thinks that all the Jews of Cyrene possessed citizenship on the evidence here discussed; I suggest below (pp. 234-5) that only a minority obtained the privilege.

1004

QAL 4, 1961, p. 16, no. 2.

1005

See SEG 8, 641, apparently from Ptolemais in Egypt, for the connection between gymnasium education and the obtaining of citizen rights.

1006

P. Lon. 1912; I. Bell, Jews and Christians in Egypt, 1924, pp. 23 sq.; CP] II, no. 153.

1007

Tcherikover, HCJ, p. 323: 513, n. 77.

1008

Loc. cit.

1009

CPJ II, no. 141.

1010

Tcherikover, I.e.

1011

Ibid. lines 89-93: καὶ Ἰουδείους δὲ ἄντικρυς μηδὲν πλήωι ὧν πρότερον ἔσχον περιεργάζεσθαι... ἐν ἀλλοτρίᾳ πόλει.

1012

The independent identity of each document has been argued by Dr. A. Kasher in his Ph. D. dissertation “The civic status of the Jews of Egypt in the Hellenistic and Roman periods” (Tel Aviv University, 1972), chap. 9, pp. 299 sqq. See also I. D. Amusin, The Letter and Edict of Claudius Caesar, Westnik Drevnoj Istorii, 1949 (2), pp. 221-8, cited by Dr. Kasher, and not available to me.

1013

HCJ p. 325; cf. CPJ I, p. 56, n. 20.

1014

BGU IV, 1140 = CPJ II, no. 151.

1015

Xenoph., Hieron, VIII, 10; Strabo VIII, 5, 4 (305).

1016

Ehrenberg, The Greek State, 1960, p. 51.

1017

Ehrenberg, Polis and Imperium, 1965, pp. 279 sqq.; op. cit. p. 285.

1018

Eg. SEG 3, 122; cf. A. Heuss, Staat und Herrscher des Hellenismus, pp. 64 sq., Klio Beih. 39, 1937.

1019

E. Szanto, Das griechisches Bürgerrecht, 1892, pp. 67 sqq.; Busolt, GS, 1920 pp. 295 sqq.

1020

F. Griffiths, Tarn, Hellenistic Civilization³, 1952, p. 222.

1021

I owe this point to Dr. A. Kasher.

1022

GIG 5361, 15 sq.

1023

The same interpretation is adopted by Taubenschlag, The Law of Greco-Roman Egypt in the Light of the Papyri, 332 BC-640 AD, 1948, p. 19, n. 2.

1024

Plin. Ep. x, 6, 10; also ib. 7.

1025

Decmus Valerius Dionysius and M. Laelius Onasion.

1026

SEG 9, 8, para. III, 56-62.

1027

Jos. Ant., XVI, 6, 5 (169-170).

1028

Ibid. For a detailed discussion of this episode, and of Jewish status in the Greek cities of the period, see the writer. The Jewish People in the First Century, ed. Safrai, Stern, 1974, I, Chap. viii, pp. 434-454.

1029

Ant. XVI, 6, 1 (160).

1030

Les Juifs dans l’Empire romaine, I, 1914, p. 150 and n. 3.

1031

Ant. XVI, 6, 5 (169).

1032

Ant. XVI, 6, 2 (162).

1033

QAL 4, 1961, p. 16, no. 2.

1034

In Asia Minor Jews appear as city-magistrates in the 3rd century A.D. after the Constitutio Antoniniana — cf. especially Cl J 788 (Corycus) and 760 (Blaundos).

1035

The name Ele’azar (Elasaros) was common among Cyrenean Jews in the Hellenistic period. It appears four times in Egypt on inscriptions (Tcherikover, Jews in Egypt 2, p. 186; cf. CPJ, I, p. 84). It occurs twice in Cyrene (QAL 4, no. 7, 48). It is interesting to find that the hellenistic writer Lobon (FHG III, para. 209) mentions the Libyan king of Barka, Aladdeir (CIG 5147; Herodot. IV, 164, 4) under the form Ἐλεάζαρ, which perhaps reflects Jewish influence among the Libyans.

1036

E. Ghislanzoni, RAL⁶ I, 1925, pp. 406 sqq.; I Νομοφύλακες di Cirene; SEG 9, 131-5.

1037

For examples elsewhere, DS II, 1483.

1038

RAL⁶ I, p. 420; AE 1927, no. 142. The name of the proconsul Didius Gallus is incised on the architrave of the building; this man restored public land to the city of Ptolemais in A.D. 88 (cf. CR, p. 101). The Cyrene structure resembles the Tabularium at Rome, hence its proximity to the Nomophylakeion creates the impression that it served as a land-registry.

1039

The signs of burning on the interior of the walls pass behind the pilasters, which were inserted at a secondary stage in the building’s history to support the walls. The placques recording the nomophylakes of the time of Augustus were incorporated into the pilasters. It is therefore logical to suppose that the conflagration that damaged the building occurred in the hellenistic period. This possibility is ignored by G. Madolle, Les cretales del Nomophylakion di Cirene, ASA A, 41-42, 1965, pp. 39 sqq.

1040

Loc. cit., p. 427.

1041

SEG 9, 1, 78-82.

1042

TA, p. 95.

1043

Loc. cit., pp. 427 sqq.

1044

Oecon., IX, 14.

1045

De legibus, III, 20, 46.

1046

Polit., IV, 1298b.

1047

Ibid. VI, 1323a.

1048

A. H. M. Jones, The Greek City, 1940, p. 329.

1049

Stucchi (Cirene, p. 170) publishes an inscription from the Agora (ibid. no. 23) which records an eponymous priest of Apollo and six ephors in the 3rd or 2nd century BC, instead of the usual five; this suggests an unusual situation which probably involved the city’s constitution.

1050

Jones, op. cit., pp. 120-1; Griffiths, Tarn, HC pp. 123-5.

1051

Jos., Ant. XVI, 6, 5 (169).

1052

CIG 5186.

1053

Plut., Luc., 2: Strabo ap. Jos., Ant., XIV, 7, 2 (114); see below pp. 202-3 sqq.

1054

Ap. Ant., loc. cit. (115).

1055

Ant., XVI, 6, 5 (169-70).

1056

BJ VII, ix, 2 (445).

1057

Despite the statements of some scholars, I do not think that there is specific evidence that the Jews of the Roman Empire enjoyed a general exemption in military service. Such exemption was given on several occasions in Asia Minor to Jews possessing Roman citizenship, and then in the special circumstances of civil war in the late republican period. The fewness of Jews from the Roman army in the ist and 2nd centuries AD was caused principally by political factors, and in the 3rd and 4th centuries they are found serving in the imperial forces. For some cases in the ist and 2nd centuries, see the author, The Katz Memorial Volume, (Commentationes ad Antiquitatem Classicam Perlinentes), 1970, pp. 3 sqq.; for my general views on the question, Roman Frontier Studies 1967, 1971, pp. 181 sqq.; The Jewish People in the First Century, ed. Safrai, Stern, 1974, I, pp. 458-60.

1058

See p. 160.

1059

CIG 5361.

1060

SEG 17, 823; REG 72, 1959, pp. 275-6; pp.12, 1957, pp. r3 sqq.; BIES 25, 1965, pp. 167 sqq.

1061

Ant. XVI, 6, x (160): “The cities had dealt evilly with the Jews...

1062

Ant. XVI, 6, 5 (169).

1063

XIV, 7, 2 (116).

1064

28β gg p Petr. III, 14,17: ὁ δεῖνα Κυρηναῖος τῶν ἰοαίου σύνταγμα κληροῦχος. The other meanings of the word (political constitution, social class — F. Passow, Handwörterbuch der griechischen Sprache, 1857, ad voc.) are not appropriate in this context.

1065

de Aedif., VI, 2 (B 334).

1066

R. G. Goodchild, JRS 41, 1951, pp. n sqq.; Antiq. 25, 1951, pp. 132, 140, 143; GJ 118, 1952, p. 9.

1067

Cf. the forms Thebais, Argolis and the like.

1068

ASA A 39-40, 1961-2, p. 288, no. 166, fig. 88.

1069

SEG 18, 738; Berytus, 12, 1958, pp. 115-6, no. 8.

1070

CPJ III, no. 1442.

1071

IEJ 7, 1957, pp. 157 sqq.; ct. Zion, 19, 1954, p. 43, no. 15 (Heb.).

1072

R. Goodehild, Kyrene und Apollonia, pp. 163 sqq.

1073

Stucchi, Cirene, p. 163; Agora di Cirene, I, p. 277; tav. xlv, 5b. Slouschz, My Travels in Libya (Heb., II, 227), saw a hill called Horeb el-Yahud to west of the city. According to the map of the route taken by him, however, (ibid., p. 230) this was southward, but all memory of the name appears to have vanished in the district, and I was unable to identify the site.

1074

See p. 131.

1075

Eg. the council-house of Miletus is near the Delpheion, that of Priene opposite the Temple of Zeus; the Bouleuterion in the Athenian agora in the 3rd century B.C. stood behind the temple of the Cybele.

1076

See principally the introduction to Chap. IV, pp. 131 sqq.

1077

For details, Tcherikover, Jews in Egypt, pp. 30-63; HCJ, pp. 334 sqq.; CPJ I, pp. 147 sqq.

1078

Acts, 2: 10.

1079

Eus., HE, IV, 2, 2,

1080

Ant. XVI, 6, 1 (160).

1081

SEG 9, 8, 36.

1082

Polyb. XV, 25, 12: Λιβυάρχην τῶν κατὰ Κυρήνην τόπων.

1083

IG II, 3407.

1084

ΑΑ 1962 (iii), ρ. 437, f. ii; and see here pp. 63-4 and p. 203, n. 3.

1085

Cited by Goodchild, Kyr. u. Apoll., p. 31, n. 33.

1086

Γιδ΄ Τερτία Ἰώσητος (ἔτων) μ΄ Ἰώσης (ἔτων) κε΄. I am indebted to Miss Joyce Reynolds for information on this inscription and its text.

1087

Παρατομὴ Μαγδαλειτῶν: NV I, 35: IV, 12/15; Ptol. IV, 5: Μασαδαλίς.

1088

Jerem., 44:1; P. Würz. inv. 5; P. Ent., 23; Tcherikover, Jews in Egypt, pp. 14, 19, 22; CPJ I, p. 4, n. 12.

1089

CIJ I, 673, 13.

1090

NV VI, 28/30.

1091

Ibid.

1092

See above; SEG 9, 703, and cf. the destruction of the temple south of el-Dab’ah in Marmarica in the rebellion of 115-7 — see p. 290.

1093

Synes., Ep. 6; Migne PG 66, col. 1544, vi, para. 169.

1094

Professor Slouschz saw menorot incised on rockcut tombs at Messa (K. Friedmann, Misc. Stud... Chajes, p. 47). Near Lamluda he recorded a Hebrew inscription “Simon Samuel” (op. cit., p. 47, no. 11); one of my Italian antiquities workers told me of the discovery of a Hebrew inscription at the same site, and showed me where it was found, but nothing is now to be seen. G. Narducci claimed to have seen Jewish antiquities at Driana (near the ancient Hadrianopolis) but could not remember their character. Hypogaea exist in this vicinity, one with the inscription Λυκύ[ας], a very common name among Jews in Cyrene. (AJA 17, 1913, p. 183, no. 70; at Apollonia; SEG g, 624 and JHS 28, 1908, p. 199, no. 36 at Teucheira; Zion, 19. 1954, p. 42, no. 7, at Cyrene; cf. Eus. HE IV, 2).

1095

Goodchild, GJ 118, 1952, p. 146.

1096

Herod. IV, 164, 4.

1097

CIG 5147; cf. BMC, pp. clxiv; clxxxi.

1098

Muller, FHG, III, para. 209.

1099

Les siècles obscurs du Maghreb, 1927, pp. 201 sqq.

1100

Ibn Khaldoun, History of the Berbers, trans. de Slane, 1852-6, I, p. 168.

1101

Op. cit., I, p. 208.

1102

Ibid., pp. 170 sq.; 226 sq.

1103

Gautier, op. cit., p. 204.

1104

Ibn Khaldoun, op. cit., p. 232; cf. ibid. Appendix, I, p. 301.

1105

Op. cit., p. 201.

1106

N. Slouschz, Hébréo-Phéniciens et Judéo-Berbères, 1908, p. 463.

1107

M. Avi-Yonah, Palestine and Near East Economic Magazine, 14 (i), p. 11.

1108

ZDPV 56, 1933, p. 180; plan xii.

1109

W. F. Petrie, Egypt and Israel, pp. 102 sq.

1110

Jerem. 43:8-9; Petrie, op. cit., p. 91.

1111

The inscription has been published, but not quite accurately, by Gray,

1112

Slouschz, My Travels, II, p. 221.

1113

Jordanes, Romana, 81 (Mommsen, MGH V, p. 9); CAH IX, p. 433, n. 1; CPJ I, p. 25.

1114

Ap. Jos. Ant. XIV, 7, 2 (114): “The same Strabo testifies... that at the time that Sulla crossed to Greece to wage war against Mithradates and sent Lucullus against the rising (ἐπὶ τὴν στάσιν) of our people of whom (which?) the world is (was?) full, he said” etc. (Vers. Lat.:... quia tempore quo transiit Sulla in Hellada pugnaturus Mithradati Lucullum transmisse fertur in Cyrenen civitatem propter nostrae gentis seditionem, quae totam orbem complevit). The text of the sentence mentioning the stasis is corrupt, (Niese, FI. Jos. Operae, ad loc., III, 1955, p. 260), but I think that the word ἐπί is decisive. The primary meaning of the word seditio in the Latin version is “rebellion”.

1115

AA 1962, p. 437; from the Valley Street of Cyrene: Αἰγλάνορα Δαματρίω Κυραναίον τὸν συγγένη τῶ βασιλεύσαντος ἁμῶν Πτολεμαίω τὰ μέγιστα εὐέργήσαντα τὰν πατρίδα καὶ τὰς ἄλλας πόλιας καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὰν χώραν ἔθνεα Κυραναῖοι.

1116

Plut., Luc. 2:4; Aelianus, Var. hist., XII, 30, 5.

1117

JUS 17, 1927, pp. 141 sqq.

1118

Plin., HN XIX, 3, 15 (140).

1119

SEG 9, 354; DAI II, Cir. i, no. 135. The Arabic name of the settlement preserves, ί believe, the Greek name which appears in Ptolemy’s Geography (IV, 4, 7) in this neighbourhood as Ἀρχίλη.

1120

JEA 6, 1920, p. 175; Rostovtzeff, A Large Estate, pp. 90 etc.; C. Préaux, L’économie royale des Lagides, 1939, p. 141.

1121

In Verrem, II, 3, 63.

1122

Rostovtzeff, JEA 6, 1920, p. 175; C. C. Edgar, P. Zenon, 59723.

1123

This was the situation, at least, in Egypt.

1124

Rostovtzeff, Stud. z. Gesch. römischen Kolonates, 1910, pp. 131, n. 1.

1125

(Silphium) publicani, qui pascua conducunt, maius ita lucrum sentientes, depopulantur pecorum pabulo. — Plin. HN, XIX, 3, 15 (39).

1126

de leg. ag. II, 19, 51.

1127

W. Capelle, RM² 97, 1954, pp. 185-6.

1128

Badian (JRS 55, 1965, pp. 119-20) is not certain that Cyrene was definitely under direct Roman rule before 63 B.C.; Oost (Clas. Phil., 58, 1965, p. 19) accepts the establishment of Roman government in 75-74 BC.

1129

Reynolds, JRS 52, 1962, p. 98, no. 4.

1130

Hist. II, frag. 43.

1131

Reynolds, loc. cit., pp. 99-100, no. 5.

1132

Caes., B. Civ., III, 5.

1133

RAL 1, 1925, p. 421, fig. 9, line 13.

1134

Tac., Ann. XIV, 18, 2.

1135

Tacitus here uses the words “proximus quisque possessor”, an expression also found in the professional surveyors’ literature (eg. Hyg., de cond. ag. (Thulin) p. 79 (Lachmann, p. 116). The word possessor frequently means “tenant” (cf. Rostovtzeff, Stud. Gesch. rom. Kol., pp. 317, 341), hence it may be conjectured that Tacitus had before him some official report of the episode concerned, and that other tenants of the ager publicus had invaded vacant lots. But it might be doubted whether Tacitus was here using the term in its exact juridical significance.

1136

On flock transhumance, see C. Yeo, Tr. Amer. Philol. Assoc., 79, 1948, pp. 275 sqq.; P. A. Brunt, Italian Manpower, 1971. pp. 371-3 sqq. with special regard to Luceria, Calabria and Apulia. He points out that here transhumance had been made practicable by the confiscation of land, and had rendered impossible the recovery of the population. Its practice was here closely bound up with the public lands, and with grain-production — a branch in which the large landowners of Cyrene were interested.

1137

Hyg., de cond. agrorum (Lachmann), 116; Rostovtzeff, Gesch. der römischen Staatspacht, 1904, pp. 422-6.

1138

ubi publicanus esset ibi aut ius publicum vanum aut libertatem socus nullam esse — Liv. XLV, 18, 4.

1139

Rostovtzeff, Staatspacht, pp.410-11; cf. CIL III, 1209, 1363; IX, 243.8

1140

Tac., Ann. XIV, 18: missum disceptatorem a Claudio agroram quos etc.

1141

Loc. cit.: Nero, probata Strabonis sententia se nihilo minus subvenisse sociis et ursurpata concedere scripsit.

1142

Plin., Epp. 2, 11; cf. Furneaux, The Annals of Tacitus, 1907, I, pp. 3-4.

1143

L’arbitrate publico, 1893, p. 345; cf. Oliverio, DAI II, Cir. i, pp. 128-23.

1144

A judicial dispute which is likely to throw light on the Cyrenean problem is reflected in an inscription from the town of Aezani in Phrygia (C/L III, 355; OGIS 502; F. F. Abbott, A. C. Johnson, Municipal Administration in the Roman Empire, 1926, pp. 403 sq., no. 82). The lands of the Temple of Zeus here had been appropriated by one of the Hellenistic rulers and divided out among cleruchs. Under Hadrian it was found that part of the tenants had enlarged their plots at the expense of others, and regarded their land as completely theirs. It appears that they owed rent both to the city of Aezani and to the emperor, hence, after a prolonged conflict (πολυχρόνιος μάχη), the city had appealed to the Roman governor, and the case ultimately came before the emperor himself. Hadrian, in his reply to the governor’s communication, instructs, that if it proves impossible to ascertain the size of the original plots, the governor must find out the average size of similar plots in the neighbouring cities, and redraw the boundaries at Aezani accordingly. The tenants must pay vectigal (τέλος) to the city; the governor also sends instructions to the local procurator of the emperor to find surveyors to complete the enquiry, and the procurator replies that for this he needs experienced specialists (eos qui usu sint eorum periti).

1145

Oliverio (loc. cit.) thought that Nero forewent arrears of rent, but there is no evidence of this.

1146

de cond. ag. 122-3: Lapides vero inscripti nomine divi Vespasiani sub clausula tali: occupati a privatis — P. R. restituit.

1147

SEG 9, 352; DAI II, Cir. i, p. 129, no. 137. The third, which I have seen personally, is fragmentary.

1148

Fines occupatos a privatis P.R. restituit-ὄρους δικαατεχομένους ὑπὸ, ἰδιωτῶν δημῷ Ῥωμαίων ἀποκατέστησεν.

1149

DAI II, Cir. ii, p. 133, no. 138; NAMC 2, 1916, pp. 165 sqq.; SEG 9, 165, 166, 167; FA 9, 1956, 3802 (p. 281).

1150

Aegyptus 4, 1918, p. 164.

1151

SEHRE p. 681, n. 64; cf. SIG³ 463.

1152

Ghislanzoni, NAMC 2, p. 173; CR, p. 103 n.

1153

Ghislanzoni, loc. cit.

1154

Cf. NAMC 2, p. 173, 177 n.; SEG 9, 166.

1155

DAI II, Cir. i, pp. 132-3. no. 138; SEG 9, 360.

1156

Loc. cit.

1157

PW XXV, 1926, sv. Limitatio, col. 674: The use of Ptolemaic units of measurement and Hyginus’ language (lapides vero divi Vespasiani) perhaps point to the earlier date.

1158

Neque hoc praetermittam, quod in provincia Cyrenensium conperi...

1159

For Limitatio (centuriation) see Blume, Lachmann, Rudorff, Die Schrifte der römischen Feldmesser, 1848; A. Schulten, BJ 103, 1894, pp. 12-41; W. Barthel, ib. 120, 1911, pp. 39-125; PW XXV, 1926, sv. Limitatio, (Fabricius); J. P. S. Bradford, Antiq. 21, 1947, pp. 197 sqq.; 23, 1949, pp. 65 sqq.; C. E. Stevens, Antiq. 32, 1958, pp. 25 sqq.; Ministère des travaux publiques (Tunisie), Atlas des centuriations romaines de Tunisie, 1954; J. P. S. Bradford, Ancient Landscapes, 1957, Ch. iv, pp. 145 sqq.; R. Cheval-lier, BCH, 82, 1958, p. 636; id. Hommages à Albert Grenier, ed. Renard, 1962, (Collections Latomus, 58), pp. 403 sqq.; Notes sur trois centuriations romaines, Bononia, Ammaedara,Vienna; Bibliothéque genérate de l’école pratique des hautes études, 6, Colloque international d’archéologie aérienne, 1964: M. Guy, L’apport de la photographie aérienne a l’étude de la colonisation antique de la Province de Narbonnaise, pp. 117 sqq.; Gymnasium, Beih. 7: Germania Romana, III: Römisches Leben auf Germanischem Boden, ed. H. Hinz, 1970, pp. 26-42, Die Landwirtschaftliche Grundlage der Villae Rus-ticae, with extensive further literature; O. A. W. Dilke, The Roman Land-surveyors, 1972.

1160

For areas of Limitatio in Africa in which the tree pits of the olive-plantations are clearly visible, Bradford, Ancient Landscapes, pl. 49, a-b, and p. 204.

1161

Bradford, ibid., pp. 154, 203.

1162

The clearest sketch of this development is still that of F. Pelham, Essays in Roman History, 1911, pp. 275 sqq.

1163

Rostovtzeff, Kolonat, p. 328.

1164

Blumeetal., Die Schrifte, pp. 211, 261.

1165

Hyg., de gen. controv., Lachmann, p. 133.

1166

Ant. XIV, 7, 2 (116).

1167

N. Avigad, IEJ 12, 1962, pp. 1 sqq: A depository of inscribed ossuaries in the Kidron Valley. Professor Avigad decided for the Cyrenean origin of the people buried here on the strength of the words “Alexander the QRNYT” (sic) incised on one of the ossuaries (no. 8), and of the general composition of the names, most of which are to be found in the onomasticon of Cyrenean Jews. To these indications another may be added, namely the spelling of the word Πτυλιμαϊκὴ (sic) on no. 7a, which is peculiar to Cyrene, where the upsilon frequently takes the place of the omicron — cf. here p. 213. In connection with relations between Judaea and Cyrene, we may mention the names of the proselyte Batti ben Tebbi, (Tobiah) the slave of the younger Rabban Gamliel (Qiddushin, 70b). Batti may be a form of the Cyrenean “Battus”, cf. ’Azariah di Fano’s remark concerning this proselyte, that he was derived from Ham. The name Tobiah is found among the names of the Jews of Teucheira (Gray, MUC, no. 24), and cf. Βαρθύβας, which occurs four times on the Cyrene stele QAL 4, 1961, p. 20, nos. 7, 34, 37, 47 (A.D. 3/4).

1168

P. B. Bagatti, J. T. Milik, Gli Scavi del “Dominus Flevit”, I, 1955, p. 81, no. 9, Vanno 74, Oss. 10.

1169

Acts, 10:9.

1170

Matt. 27:32; cf. Acts 3:1 etc.: Λούκιος ὁ Κυρηναῖος.

1171

Jos., BJ VI, 2, 2 (114).

1172

Ant. XVIII, 2, 2 (34).

1173

Ant. XX, 8, 8; 8, 11 (180-1, 194-6).

1174

B. Pes. 57a.

1175

Ant. XVIII, 8, 11 (195).

1176

DS sv. Poena, pp. 539-40.

1177

SEG 9, 360.

1178

Jos., BJ VII, 6, 6 (218).

1179

CPJ I, 1957, p. 80.

1180

Jos., Vita, 76 (424); BJ VII, 11, 1 (437) sq.

1181

Ἥψατο δὲ καὶ τῶν περὶ Κυρήνην ἡ τῶν σικαρίων ἀπόνοια καθάπερ νόσος. Cf. P. Lon. (CPJ, no. 153). 1912, 98-100; εἰ δὲ μή, πάντα τρόπον αὐτοῶς ἐπεξελεὑσομαι καθάπερ κοινὴν τείνα τῆς οἰκουμένης νόσον ἐξεγείροντας.

1182

For the identity of this governor see Ritterling, JRS 17, 1927, p. 29: he was L. Valerius Catullus Messalinus, consul for 73 (PW XIV, 1948, col. 2411, sv. Valerius no. 127). Under Domitian he was a member of the emperor’s council and much feared as an informer.

1183

καὶ ταῦτα πρἀττειν ἐνόμιζεν ἀσφάλως, ὁτὶ τὰς οὖσίας αὐτῶν εἰς τὰς τοῦ Καισάρος προσόδους ἀνελάμβανεν.

1184

Jos., Vita, 76 (424).

1185

J. Klausner, Hist. of the Second Temple, V, 1951. p. 168, note 5 (Hebrew).

1186

BJ II, 13, 5 (261-3); cf. Acts 21:38; Eus., HE II, 21.

1187

Ant. XX, 5, 1 (97-8).

1188

Some confirmation of this suggestion is perhaps to be found in the wording of Josephus, who writes: “After he (sc. Jonathan) had convinced two-thousand of the ἐγχώριοι”. The last word has two meanings, viz. “local people”, and “country-people”.

1189

Suet., Vesp., 16.

1190

Sola est, in qua merito culpetur, pecuniae cupiditas — Ibid.

1191

Ibid., 16: Creditur etiam procuratorum rapacissimum quemque ad ampliora officia ex industria solitum promovere, quo locupletiores mox condemnaret; quibus quidem volgo pro spongiis dicebatur uti, quod quasi et siccos madefaceret et exprimerit umentis.

1192

Vesp. 15: Non temere quis punitus insons reperiatur nisi absente eo et ignaro aut certe invito atque decepto.

1193

Jos., BJ VIII, 10, 1 (407).

1194

It is interesting that Josephus’ words can be interpreted to mean that the property had been confiscated before the execution of its owners.

1195

Lib. Ant., 2, 1965, pp. 103 sqq.

1196

BJ II, 13, 4 (258-9).

1197

Y. Yadin. The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light with the Sons of Darkness, 1957.

1198

Y. Devir, Bar Kokhba, the Man and the Messiah and the Dead Sea Scrolls, 1964, especially Chapter II: “The Desert as a place of inspiration throughout the generations” (Heb.).

1199

Compare the Rechabites, the sojourn of various prophets in the desert, the flight of the Maccabean brothers to the wilderness and similar. See further M. Hengel, Die Zeloten, 1961, pp. 225 sqq.; W. R. Farmer, Maccabees, Zealots and Josephus, 1956, pp. 116 sqq.

1200

Studies in the Dead Sea Scrolls (ed. Yadin, Rabin), 1961. pp. sqq... “The date and authorship of the Scroll of Light and Darkness.”

1201

W. Marçais, Rev. critique d’histoire et de la litérature, 1929, p. 260; C. A. Julien, Hist. de l’Afr. du nord, II, 1952, pp. 22-4.

1202

L’empire romain, 1939, p. 165.

1203

M. Simon, Le Judaïsme berbère dans l’Afrique ancienne, ap. Recherches d’hist. Judéo-Chrétienne, 1962, p. 69.

1204

Loc. cit., p. 69.

1205

Jour, of African Hist., 4, 1963, pp. 313 sqq.: The problem of the Judaized Berbers.

1206

See Hirschberg, loc. cit., p. 317, note 8.

1207

Ibid., p. 338.

1208

In eastern Cyrenaica, the name Βεῖσχα (see here p. 290); at Ptolemais the name Itthalammon son of Apella (p. 168).

1209

Aladdeir — Ele’azar, see here p. 198, note.

1210

Simon, Le Judaïsme etc., loc. cit. (note 91), p. 40.

1211

Ant. I, 15 (239-241).

1212

Jacoby, FGH, II, frag. 123.

1213

Worlds Meet: Studies in the Situation of Jewry in the Greek and Roman World, 1960, pp. 60 sqq. (Heb.).

1214

Augustini Ep. ad Rom. expos, inchoata, c. 13, — PL, Migne, 35, p. 2096.

1215

Y. Guttman, Jewish Hellenistic Literature, II, 1963, pp. 9-69; 68 (Heb.).

1216

Clemens Alex.; Stromata, I, 23, 155-6; PG 8, cols. 901-3.

1217

Ant. I, 15 (238-9); cf. ibid. 240.

1218

The analogy that suggests itself is the settlement of Hirbet Qumran. As to Cyrenaica itself, a historical parallel might be seen in the function of the “Zawiet” or settlements of the Order of the Sanusi during the war conducted by the Libyans against the Italian government in 1912-1931. The more important of these settlements were on the margin of the desert and also in the oases linked by the caravan routes. They were supported by contributions from the tribes and by trade; some of their supplies came from the occupied regions. It is important to emphasize that their existence was rendered possible by tribal support and by supplies from without. It should also be remembered that the Sanusis were first and foremost a m ove­ ment of the countryside. The rebel forces that fought the Italians and found their leadership in the Order, were supported by an underground of the inhabitants of the Plateau, who were outwardly reconciled to Italian rule. From these they derived arms and manpower; among them they rested and recovered from their wounds. (For an account of these circumstances, see E. Evans Pritchard, The Sanusi of Cyrenaica, 1949, pp. 50 sqq.). This analogy informs us that a rebellion organized on the desert margin, particularly in ancient times, and probably without the aid of the camel, which only ap­ peared west of the Nile valley at the end of the 2nd century A.D., required the cooperation of the tribes inhabiting the desert margins and of the settled population of the fertile areas. Yet for all the suggestive value of the analogy concerned, any conclusion based on such vis-à-vis the character of the development of the Jewish rising in Cyrenaica, remains conjectural in the absence of archaeological research on the relevant desert margins. Nor should it be forgotten that Roman garrisons were stationed at several key-points of the desert such as the Oases of el-Behneseh, Hargiyeh and ed-Dahliyeh. (For details, see J. Lesquier, L’armée romaine de l’Égypte, 1918, II, pp. 412-17). The period of the occupation of some of these stations is unknown, but 1st-century inscriptions are known at el-Dahliyeh and el-H argiyeh; an inscription of Trajan’s time has been found near the latter oasis. (AD 107). A Roman fort let at Nedurah, between the above two oases, was built under Hadrian or Antoninus Pius, and Gasr az-Zayyin south of el-Hargiyeh, was restored in 157. Im portant in pari materia is the inscription from the fortified temple at Kissos, (Gasr ed-Dush) in the Hargiyeh oasis, which records the building of its pylon in 116, and the completion of the work between April and M ay of that year (OGTS 677 — Liθ΄ Αύτοκράτορος Τραιανοῦ Πάχων α΄, and cf. JRS 21, 1931, p. 6). The absence here of the title “Parthicus” is explained by Longden (ibid.) as owing to the Jewish revolt, which had interfered with the transmission of news along the desert routes.

1219

N. Slouschz, The Jewish Dispersion of North Africa, 1946, p. 29. (Heb.).

1220

A. Neubauer, Mediaeval Jewish Chronicles, I, 1887, p. 190 — Mid. Lam. I, 31; Sepher le-Yuhsin le-R.A. Zakkut.

1221

K. Miller, 1962, VIII, 1; cf. p. 15.

1222

65.1.

1223

IV, 3, 11.

1224

Stadiasmus (Müller), 87; Strabo, XVII, 3, 20 (836).

1225

The catacomb epitaph at Rome (CIJ I, 7) recording a grammateus of the Σεκηνοί, has been thought to refer to Iscina, but this is far from certain (cf. H. J. Leon, The Jews of Ancient Rome, 1960, pp. 149-51). For a new suggestion, that the reference is to the island of Sikinos in the Aegean, see now Applebaum, The Jewish People in the First Centurv, II, 1977, p. 720.

1226

T. Mommsen, Provinces of the Roman Empire, I, 1909, pp. 306-7, n. 1; JRS 3, 1913, p. 120; Plin, HN, IV, 11, 47.

1227

IGR IV, 991. 992.

1228

Schriften der römischen Feldmesser, p. 211.

1229

Ibid., Liber coloniarum, I, p. 230.

1230

RetJ, 44, 1902, p. 7; A. Merigli, La Tripolitania antica, I, 1940, p. 212 n.: “Non è improbabile che fomentassero la rivolta (sc. dei Nasamones) gli Ebrei immigrati nella Sirtica in seguito alia repressione della sommossa scoppiato in Cirenaica l’anno 72 d. Chr.”

1231

Cf. in the same period the settlement by Vespasian of opponents of the great revolt at Yavneh, which was an imperial estate (B. Gitt. 56b; Jos. BJ IV, 81 (444); Ant. XVIII, 2, 2 (31).

1232

Ulp. Dig. L, 16, 27 (Mommsen, CIC, I, 910).

1233

Bruns, Fontes Iuris. Rom. 1, no. 11 (m BC).

1234

A. Grenier, Manuel d’archéologie gallo-romaine, VI, ii, 1936, pp. 730-32; CIL XII, 1524.

1235

I. A. Richmond in Archaeologia, 93, 1959, p. 15; cf. Cosmographus Ravennas, (Schnetz) paras. 228-35 — ibid. p. 19.

1236

AI 2, p. 200.

1237

Loc. cit.

1238

P. J. Mesnage, Le Christianisme en Afrique, 1914, p. 11.

1239

See Applebaum, Prologomena to the Study of the Second Jewish Revolt, (132-5), 1976, pp. 10-12.

1240

Jos., BJ VII, 6, 6 (216-7); not ager publicus, as stated by Alon, Hist.

1241

Palastinensische Studien, I, 1923, pp. 10 sqq.; Alon, op. cit., p. 37; Applebaum, Prologomena, loc. cit. (n. 127).

1242

Mid. Tannaim (Hoffmann), pp. 224, 317; the full evidence will be found in Applebaum, Prologomena (n.117), pp. 10-11; id., Aufstieg und Nieder-gang der römischen Welt, II, 8: The countryside as a political and economic factor 1979. pp. 289-94.

1243

Friedmann, 352, p. 149.

1244

Hoffmann, p. 224.

1245

IEJ 12, 1962, p. 258; CIL III, 4-5; Supp. 14149; Dessau, ILS, 5834.

1246

Cf. Aurelius Victor, Epit. de Caes., 42.21: cuius (sc. Traianus) procurators cum provincias calumniis agitarent...

1247

The rebellion of the Nasamones noted here in n. 118 (A.D. 85 — Jos., BJ II, 16, 4 (381); Eus., Chron., ann. 2101) may well have been a symptom of what was to occur in the area at a later date. See here n. 118.

1248

Fossatum Africae: Recherches aériennes de l’organisation des confins sahariens a l’époque romaine, 1949.

1249

Baradez, op. cit., pp. 100-104; 359-63; The Congress of Roman Frontier Studies, 1949, ed. Birley, 1952, pp. 18-19.

1250

IEJ 7, 1957, pp. 157 sqq.; Eretz Yisrael (Narkis Memorial Volume), 6, 1960, pp. 73 sqq. (Heb.-Eng. résumé).

1251

Stucchi, Cirene, 1957-66, 1967, p. 163; L’agora de Cirene, 1965, I, pp. 217, 237.

1252

O. Bronner, Corinth IV, (ii), 1930, Terracotta Lamps, pl. x, xii, Types xxv, xxvii, and pp. 83, 90, 182; H. B. Walters, Catalogue of Greek and Roman Lamps in the British Museum, 1914, eg. no. 787; cf. H. Goldman, Excavations at Gozlu Kule, Tarsus, I, 1950, p. 115, Group xvi, Class B, no. 203.

1253

G. R. Wright, Excavations at Tocra, PEJ 1963, pp. 28 sqq.

1254

Walters, op. cit., nos. 1059, 1125.

1255

Ibid. 1065.

1256

J. Iliffe, Imperial Art in Transjordan, QDAP, 11, 1945, pp. 1-26., pl. viii-ix, nos. 134-6, 114-5.

1257

H. M. D. Parker, The Roman Legions, 1958, p. 162. But see now Keppie, Latomus, 32, 1973, p. 862.

1258

A. Reinfenberg, Judische Lampen, JPOS 16, 1936, pp. 166-79.

1259

On coins of Antigonus Matthias, (40-37 B.C.), and on the walls of the Jewish rockcut tomb in Alfasi Street, western Jerusalem (IEJ 6, 1956, pp. 127-8). The finds in the tomb were dated between the 2nd century BC and the ist century AD, and nothing was found later than the reign of Tiberius.

1260

PEJ 1963, p. 54 — “Tomb A”; Bull. Amer. Arch. Inst. 2, 1911, p. 57, pl. ii.

1261

DAI I, Cir. i, 1933, p. 169.

1262

Cf. Zion, 19, 1959, p. 26, n. 16. (Heb.).

1263

SEG 9, 252; JRS 40, 1950, p. 89, D/4.

1264

The confrontation of a menorah with the inscription “Victoria Augusta” among the rock cuttings in Wadi Umm Sidera in south Sinai (Rothenberg, in Roman Frontier Studies 1967, 1971, p. 221, fig. 109) might well belong to the time of Trajan. For the development of the imperial Victory cult in his reign, see J. Beaujeu, La religion romaine à l’apogée de l’empire, I, 1955, pp. 58-64.

1265

Walters, op. cit., no. 780.

1266

Ibid., no. 788.

1267

Ibid., no. 1016.

1268

Walters, op. cit., no. 780; Dessau, ILS 8613.

1269

Hammond, BASOR, 146, 1957, pp. 10-13.

1270

Dressel, CIL XV, p. 784; 6194-6220.

1271

Walters, op. cit., nos. 649-652; Dressel, ibid., p. 786.

1272

S. Loeschke, Katalog der Lampen aus Vindonissa, 1919, no. 386.

1273

See n. 156.

1274

For both groups of coins see C. H. V. Sutherland, Coinage in Roman Imperial Policy, 31 B.C. — 68 A.D., 1951, pp. 37, 47.

1275

H. Cohen, Description historique des Monnaies Impériales, 1880, I, no. 275 (Vespasian, p. 388).

1276

A. Héron de Villefosse, Monuments Piot, V, 1889 sqq., pp. 180 sqq., fig. 44; M. Rostovtzeff, SEHRE, 1957, pl. xviii, 2 and p. 132.

1277

H. Th. Bossert, Geschichle des Kunstgewerbes, IV, 1930, p. 275. The lamp is the work of the potter Primus, who worked in Greece in the ist and 2nd centuries of the present era, although he came from Italy. (O. Bronneer, Corinth IV, 1930, ii, p. 97; CIL XV, 6684, 6784; Loeschke, op. cit.. p. 248; Walters, op. cit., p. xxxvi). The lamp with face surrounded with leaf-motifs is among his products. One of his lamps, of 2nd-century date, bears the figure of Zeus enthroned (Walters, op. cit., no. 1204).

1278

D. Sourdel, Les cultes de Hauran à l’époque romaine, 1952, pp. 89 sqq.

1279

Cf. R. Yohanan’s statement (Meg. 13a): “Every man who rejects idolatry may be termed a Jew”.

1280

R. Vopel, Die Altkristliche Goldglaser, 1889; F. Neuberg, Glass in Antiquity, 1949, pp. 49 sqq.; E. R. Goodenough, Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period, II, 1953, pp. 108 sqq.

1281

V. Sussmann, Ornamental Jewish Oil Lamps, 1972, (Heb.), pp. 32-3.

1282

J. Juster, Les Juifs dans l’empire remain, 1,1914. pp. 223-4.

1283

Cf. Juster, op. cit., I, p. 226. Juster saw the source of Jewish rights throughout the Empire in a political treaty, and accordingly believed that such a treaty remained uncancelled. For the difficulties affecting Juster’s view, see Applebaum, The Jewish People in the First Century, edd. Safrai, Stern, I, 1974, pp. 456-7.

1284

H. I. Bell, Juden und Griecken in röomischen Alexandrien, 1925, p. 33; Appian, Syr., 50.

1285

SRHJ II², 1952, p. 106.

1286

SRHJ I², pp. 188 sqq.; CAII IX, p. 433.

1287

U. Kalirstedt, Kulturgeschichte der römischen Kaiserzeit², 1958, p. 389; Juster, op. cit., I, p. 218, n. 3.

1288

Kahrstedt, ibid., p. 387.

1289

The picture was not uniform. We may record fraternal relationships at a critical testing time at Gerasa in Transjordan (Jos., BJ II, 18, 5 (479-80)) and at Scythopolis-Beth Shean (BJ II, 18, 3-466). Yet the latter episode also demonstrates the lack of stability of such relationships.

1290

Milne, JRS 17, 1927, p. 6.

1291

For Jewish merchants in Alexandria, see Tcherikover, The Jews in Egypt. pp. 63-6; CPJ I, pp. 49-50; Applebaum, The Jewish People in the First Century, II, 1977, pp. 706-7; and cf. Tell Edfou I, 1957, n. 141, P. Oxy. 276, — Jews engaged in grain transport. But the share of the Jewish ἔμποροι and ναύκληροι in the corn trade remains conjectural; Josephus (C. Ap., II, 5 (64) attributes to them a part in the administratio tritici, but I would regard this as an exaggeration, and in any case what there was, was abolished by Augustus (ibid.).

1292

CPJ II, nos. 154-9.

1293

“The Stoic teaching, indeed”, writes Syme (The Roman Revolution, 1952, p. 57) “was nothing more than a corroboration and theoretical defence of certain traditional virtues of the governing class in an aristocratic and republican state.”

1294

On the question of the Cynic opposition and the Stoic current in the Flavian period and their influence in the cities of the eastern provinces, see Rostovtzeff, SEHRE, 1957, pp. 114 sqq.; cf. Applebaum, Studia Classica Israelica, I, 1974, pp. 119-23.

1295

M. Hengel, Die Zeloten, 1961, pp. 97-8.

1296

CPJ II, no. 153, 99-100. Cf. Oros. VII, 27, 6: tertia sub Traiano plaga Iudaeos excitavit; Acta Isid. (P. Berol. 8877 = CPJ II, no. 156c; 21-4: [σοὶ δὲ] Ἀγρίππα πρὸς ἃ εἰση[γεῖ περὶ Ἰου[δαίων] ἀντικαταστήσομαι. ένκ[αλῶ αὐτοῖς [ὁτι κ]αὶ ὅλην τήν οἰκουμένην [ἐπιχειροῦσιν ταράσ]σειν. (Musurillo, ΑΡM. 1954. iv, p. 23).

1297

Dio LXVII, 14.

1298

Arrian, Epictetus, 2.9.19-22.

1299

Ibid. 4, 7, 6.

1300

See Applebaum (n. 13), pp. 116 sq.

1301

See Y. Lewi, Worlds Meet, 1960, pp. 115 sqq.

1302

For denouncements of Roman oppression and exploitation, cf. the words of Rabban Gamliel (Avot de-R. Nathan, 28d) and the famous conversation between R. Judah and R. Simon (B. Shab. 33b).

1303

cf. especially Morton Smith, Harvard Theological Review, 64, 1971, pp. 1 sqq.

1304

Hengel, Die Zeloten, pp. 93-146.

1305

Hengel, indeed, (ib. p. 137) was probably in error in assuming that all provincial lands were regarded as ager publicus when they were conquered. Many jurists, at any rate, do not see the imposition of tributum soli as indicating a claim of proprietorship before Claudius’ reign. For the discussion, cf. here n. 128 to Chap. V; fundamental are T. Frank, JRS 17, 1927, pp. 141 sqq.; A. H. M. Jones, JRS 31, 1941, pp. 26-31 = id. Studies in Roman Government and Law, 1960, pp. 143 sqq.

1306

The Jewish World in the Time oj Jesus, (Eng. trans.), 1939, p. 40.

1307

This defeat found expression in Claudius’ final decision recorded in CPJ II, no. 153.

1308

Hengel, op. cit., p. 316.

1309

Schürer, GJV, III, 1909, pp. 555-92; PW II² (IV), 1923, cols. 2117 sqq. sv. Sibyllinische Orakel (Rezach); R. H. Pfeiffer, A History of New Testament Times, 1949. pp. 226 sqq.

1310

Klausner, The Messianic Idea in Israel, 1950. passim, and especially pp. 199, 213 sq. (Hebrew).

1311

Hegesippus ap. Eus., HE, III, 20 (5), 32.

1312

Ibid., 32 (3).

1313

Or. Sib. II, 178-89.

1314

Tac., Hist. V, 13; Jos., BJ VII, 5, 3 (312); H. Fuchs, Der geistige Widerstand gegen Rom in der antiken Welt, 1938, p. 62, n. 77.

1315

Jos., Ant. XVIII, 1, 1 (5).

1316

C. C. Torrey, The Apocryphal Literature³, 1948, pp. 116 sqq., 123 sqq.; R. H. Pfeiffer, Hist. NT Times, pp. 81 sqq.; 226; Schurer, GJV, 1909, III, pp. 305, 325, 327, 555-92; Klausner, The Messianic Idea, pp. 191, 201, 213.

1317

Ap. R. H. Charles, Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament, 1913, (Box), XI, 40-43.

1318

Ap. Charles, op. cit., p. 552; Pfeiffer too (Hist. NT Times, p. 84) believes that the text was supplemented and emended after the reign of Domitian.

1319

Charles, op. cit., p. 478.

1320

Ibid., xxxvi-xxxvii (p. 500).

1321

Jos., BJ II, 17, 6 (427).

1322

Die Zeloten, p. 136.

1323

Jos., BJ IV, 3, 8 (155).

1324

BJ II, 22, 2 (652).

1325

BJ IV, 9, 3 (508).

1326

BJ IV, 9, 3 (503-5).

1327

See Chap. V, n. 85.

1328

Millar Burrows, More Light on the Dead Sea Scrolls, 1958, p. 394, “The Rule of the Congregation”, col. i, para. 3.

1329

Millar Burrows, The Dead Sea Scrolls of Saint Mark, II, 1951, pl. 1.

1330

For a bibliography of the controversy, (to 1967), see Brandon, Jesus and the Zealots, 1967, pp. 61-2.

1331

Perhaps a distinction ought to be made between the purely “internal” socialism of the Essenes, which possessed a “kibbutzic” significance, and the political revolutionary trend of Bar Giora’s men and those that thought like them. Yet it may be doubted whether in that period such a distinction existed. For the social equalitarian trend in contemporary Judaism, cf. Pirqei Avot, V, 13.

1332

Ant. XVIII, 1, 6 (24).

1333

Arrian, Diss., 4, 7, 6. Yet for doubts that Epictetus means the Galilean revolutionaries, see M. Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism, I. 1974. p. 541. n.

1334

BJ VII, 10, I (407) sq.; VII, 11,1 (437) sq.

1335

BJ II, 13, 15 (261-3).

1336

CPJ I, 68,

1337

BJ VII, xo, 1 (412).

1338

L’armie romaine en Egypte, p. 24: “son charactfere rurale et fortement marque.”

1339

The War of Bar Kokhba², pp. 22-3.

1340

Rostovtzeff, SEHRE¹, p. 664, n. 32: “the national movement in Palestine, which was based almost wholly on the religious fanaticism and economic oppression of the peasants.”

1341

Op. cit., p. 198.

1342

Yadin, Masada, The First Season of Excavations, 1963-1964 (1965), pp. 103-15.

1343

Eus., HE IV, 2, 2.

1344

Oros. VII, 12.

1345

Oros. VII, 12, 6.

1346

A battle (μάχη) took place between Jews and Greeks in Alexandria in October, 115, and in this the Jews were the attackers (M. Boissacq, 1937, pp. 159 sqq.; Tcherikover, Jews in Egypt², p. 167), but this clash probably preceded the actual revolt — see here below, pp. 266 sq.

1347

On these details, see Chapter VII.

1348

Dio LXVIII, 32.

1349

Eus. IV, 2, 4; Dio LXVIII, 32.

1350

Eus. IV, 2, 4.

1351

PO III, p. 986.

1352

Jos., BJ II, 17, 9 (447).

1353

Jos., BJ II, 55; Tac., Hist., V, 9.

1354

BJ, loc. cit. (444): “He had gone up in state to pay his devotions, arrayed in royal robes.” (ἐσθήτί τε βασιλικὴ κεκοσμημένος).

1355

See Chapter VII.

1356

Ant. XVII, 6, 2 (149) sqq.; BJ I, 32, 2 (648).

1357

Ant. XVIII, 3, i (55); BJ II, 9, 2-3 (169-72).

1358

Jos., Vita, XII, (66-7).

1359

Suidas, sv. ἐπίκλημα; cf. Longden, JRS 21, 1931, pp. 12 sq.

1360

Suet., Nero, 57, 2.

1361

Syme, Tacitus, 1958, I, 238.

1362

CAH XI, 1954, pp. 104 sqq.

1363

SEHHW, I, p. 346.

1364

Much light on this consideration is shed, in my opinion, by certain phenomena of the 3rd century, which may be regarded as valid also in the time of Trajan. I refer to the messianic aspirations expressed in the frescos of the synagogue at Dura Europos (see here p. 322), and the words of Lam. Rabba, (I, 43): “If you see a Persian horse tied up in Israel, expect the footsteps of the Messiah.”

1365

Syme, Tacitus, I, p. 222, n. 5; ILS 1035.

1366

AE 1972 (1975). p. 178, no. 577; cf. Applebaum, Prolegomena to the Study of the Second Jewish Revolt, 1976, p. 77, n. 149a.

1367

A. Negev, PEQ 1966, p. 96; IEJ 13, 1963, p. 121; 17, 1967, p. 46. For doubts and criticisms, Bowersock, JRS 61, 1971, p. 225.

1368

IEJ 17, 1967, p. 54.

1369

BJ IV, 8, 1 (450).

1370

ILS 8970.

1371

Plin. Paneg., 14, 1; Aur. Victor, Epit. 9, 12, De Cues., 9, 10; cf. CAH XI, 1936. p- 143.

1372

Syme, Tacitus, I, 31.

1373

Cf. Pliny on Trajan (Paneg. 25): Cognovisti per stipendia decem mores gentium, regionum situs, opportunitates locorum et diversam aquarum caelique temperiem, ut patrios fontes patriumque sidus ferre consuesti.

1374

Plin. Paneg., 14, 1.

1375

His council was mainly composed of “the heads of the military oligarchy” (Syme, Tacitus, p. 231). He was first and foremost “the candidate of the generals.”

1376

P. Oxy. 1242; cf. H. A. Musurillo, A PM, 1954. pp. 162 sq.

1377

APM, pp. 168 sqq.

1378

Dig. 50, 2, 3, 3; Hieron., In Dan. 11:34-5 — PL 25, p. 595, para. 717; cf. Hist. Äug., Carac., I, 6; Sev. Alex. XXII, 4: Momigliano, Bib. Zeitschr., 1934, p. 406.

1379

Jer., Sukk. V, 1, 55b; cf. Mid. Lam. Rabba, I, 16.

1380

Syme, Tacitus, I, p. 232.

1381

Syme, loc. cit.,; cf. Aur. Victor, Epit. de Caes., 42, 21.

1382

Tcherikover, Jews in Egypt, Chap. 6; Tcherikover, Fuks, CPJ I, pp. 86-93; Fuks, JRS 51, 1961, pp. 98 sq.; Zion, 22, 1957, pp. 1 sqq.; Aegyptus, 33. 1953. pp. 131 sqq.

1383

For the various views, Schurer, GJV, I, 1901, p. 663, n. 46; Vermes and Millar, Hist. of the Jewish People, I, 1973. p. 530. Of recent scholars, Longden (JRS 21,1931, pp. 6-7),Alon (Hist. of the Jewish People, I, p. 237), Tcherikover (Jews in Egypt, p. 161), Romanelli, CR, p. 113 n.) and Fuks (JRS 51, 1961, p. 100) date the rising to 115; Fuks places the outbreak at the beginning of the year. F. A. Lepper (Trajan’s Parthian War, 1948, pp. 91-2) came to no final conclusion. Vermes and Millar (I.e.) are for 115.

1384

Eus., HE IV, 1: And now as the Emperor entered the eighteenth year (of his reign) another Jewish rising began etc.

1385

Zion, 22, p. 2. (Heb.).

1386

Mil. Boissacque, I, 1937, pp. 159 sqq.; Zion, ibid.; JRS 51, 1961, p. 100; CPJ I, no. 435.

1387

JRS 51, p. 100.

1388

Eus., Chron. II (Migne), 19, p. 554; Dio LXVIII, 32.

1389

Eus., Chron. II, loc. cit.: Ἰουδαῖοι κατὰ Λιβύην καὶ Κυρήνην καὶ Αἴγυπτον καὶ Ἀλεξανδρίαν καὶ Θηβαΐδα πολεμήσαντες πρὸς τοὺς συνοικοῦντας Ἑλλήνας, διεφθαρέντας. Iudaei qui in Libya erant, adversum cohabitatores suos alienigenas dimicant. Similiter in Aegypto et in Alexandria. Apud Cyrenem quoque et in Thebaide magna seditione contendunt.

1390

Vers. Arm., II, 164.

1391

CPJ II, nos. 158a-b.

1392

“And having extended the rebellion on a large scale, the following year they waged a considerable war... but in the city (sc. Alexandria) the Jews were hunted down and slain. And as the Jews of Cyrene had lost their allies, they ravaged the country areas of Egypt under the leadership of Lucuas.”

1393

A Jewish epitaph from Teucheira dicussed in Zion, 22, 1957. pp. 84-5; SH 7, 1961, p. 32 and n. 26, appeared to show that there were still Jews at Teucheira in the year 116, but has now been reread by Miss Joyce Reynolds to date many years earlier (SEG 16, 887).

1394

Tcherikover, Qedem, I, 1942, pp. 82 sqq. (Hebrew).

1395

JRS 21, 1931, pp. 2-6; cf. CAH XI, 1936, pp. 858-9. Longden dated the event to the beginning of 115 despite Malalas’ information and in accordance with Xiphilinus, on the evidence of the death in the earthquake of the consul M. Pedo Vergilianus, whose name disappears from the inscriptions at the beginning of that year (JRS 21, p. 4).

1396

Iudaei... toto orbe saevierunt absque magnis multarum urbium ruinis, quae crebri terrae motus isdem temporibus subruerunt.

1397

IV, 140-43.

1398

As suggested by G. Riccioti, The History of Israel, II, 1955, p. 449.

1399

Opuscula Archeologica, VI, 1950, p. 32, no. 16; cf. Zion, 19, p. 39.

1400

CRAI 1912, pp. 249-56.

1401

SEG 20, 157 = AJA 65, 1961, 124/5.

1402

VII, 12, 6: per totam Libyam (Iudaei) adversus incolas atrocissima bella... gesserunt: quae adeo tunc interfectis cultoribus desolata est, ut, nisi postea Hadrianus imperator collectis illuc aliunde colonias deduxisset, vacua penitus terra abraso habitatore mansisset.

1403

Turk Tarik Belletin, ix, 1947, pp. 101-4, no. 19. Cf. Tac. Ann. XIV, 27, 4 on the settlement of legionary veterans together with their officers.

1404

Tabula Peutingeriana, (Miller), VIII, 4.

1405

R. G. Goodchild, GJ 118, 1952, p. 152.

1406

Tab. Pent., VIII, 4, 5.

1407

Cf. NV IX, 24/5 sqq.; Chor. Ravennas, 137, 13, 354, 1.

1408

Cenopolis (Καινόπολις) — Ptol. IV, 6, 7.

1409

See above, n. 49.

1410

CIJ I, 673; cf. Zion, 19, p. 26, n. 29.

1411

JEA 17, 1931, pp. 81 sqq.; and see below, p. 000.

1412

CERP, p. 498.

1413

IV, 4, 4.

1414

XVII, 3, 22 (838).

1415

HN V, 5 (5).

1416

P. Romanelli, Rendic. Pontif. Accademia Montana di Archeologia, 16, 1940, pp. 215 sqq.

1417

RAL 17, 1918, p. 356; AA 74, 1959, cols. 326 sqq.

1418

NAMC 2, 1916, p. 66. On another stone of Hadrian’s reign, see below.

1419

See end-map 6.

1420

On the meaning of the word tumultus, see below, p. 302.

1421

AI x, 1927, p. 321.

1422

AI 1, p. 318; SEG 9, 252.

1423

JRS 40, 1950, p. 89, D4.

1424

AI 2, 1928, pp. 118-9; SEG 9, 168.

1425

JRS 40, p. 89, D3.

1426

M. Smallwood, JRS 42, 1952, pp. 37 sqq. I cf. 40, p. 89.

1427

PBSR 26, 1958, pp. 31-3.

1428

AI 3, 1930, pp. 161-4.

1429

AI 3, p. 210; SEG 9, 190.

1430

AI 3, pp. 193-6; SEG 9, 190.

1431

AI 3, p. 196.

1432

SEG 9, 186.

1433

AI 1, p. 155.

1434

NAMC 2, p. 12.

1435

Pernier, TA pp. xox sqq.; 138 sqq.; S. Stucchi, QAL 4, 1961, pp. 71 sqq.

1436

TA pp. 71 sqq.; 75.

1437

We here follow the reanalysis of Stucchi (see n. 76), which emends the conclusions of Pernier.

1438

All, pp. 142-3; TA p. 140.

1439

SP no. 63, p. 42.

1440

S. Ferri, Contributi di Cirene alia storia della religione greca, 1923, p. 5; SEG 9, 189.

1441

Ferri, Contrib., p. 4/5, no. 3; SEG 9, 173.

1442

SEG 9, 173.

1443

AI 1, p. 145; TA p. 112.

1444

AI 4, 1931, pp. 173 sqq.

1445

AI 4, pp. 212 sq.; SP, p. 117, no. 33; Ferri, Contrib., pp. 5/7; SEG 9, 171.

1446

The doubt arises with regard to the architectural style of the architrave carrying the inscription.

1447

BCH 71-72, pp. 349 sqq.

1448

On this building, Sichtermann, AA 1959, cols. 301-14, and subsequently, P. Mingazzini, L’insula di Giasone Magno a Cirene, 1966.

1449

Stucchi, Cirene 1967-66, 1967, pp. 113-4.

1450

AI 1, 1927, p. 322, fig. 7.

1451

L. Moretti, Epigraphica, 31, 1969, pp. 139 sqq., evidently the first recorded man of the name Claudius Jason Magnus, (OGI 507 = I GRP IV, 576), archon of the Panhellenic Federation in 157.

1452

AI 1, p. 335, no. 17; SEG 9, 172.

1453

DA I II, Cir. ii, p. 266, no. 540; SEG 9, 175.

1454

Goodchild, Kyrene u. Apollonia, p. 123, n. 25.

1455

DAI II, Cir. ii, no. 539; SEG 9, 174.

1456

Cf. TA p. 94.

1457

Unpublished.

1458

C. Anti, Teatri greci arcaici, 1947, pp. 122 sqq.

1459

Bull. American Archaeological Institute, 2, 1910-11, pp. 141 sqq.

1460

Ibid., p. 152.

1461

AI 3, p. 150.

1462

Stucchi, Cirene, p. 76.

1463

S. Ferri, Dix années d’activite archéologique en Libye, 1924, p. 14.

1464

Stucchi, op. cit., loc. cit.

1465

Stucchi, L’agora, p. 247.

1466

Stucchi, op. cit., p. 147.

1467

Stucchi, op. cit., p. 241.

1468

Stucchi, Cirene, pp. 54-5; L’agora, p. 251.

1469

Stucchi, L’agora, p. 251.

1470

Stucchi, Cirene, pp. 83-4.

1471

Mingazzini disputes the building’s identification with the Capitol — see QAL 4, 1961, pp. xoi sqq.

1472

J. B. Ward Perkins, PBSR 26, 1958, pp. 194 sqq.

1473

SP p. 75.

1474

SEG 9, 136.

1475

Ἡ Κυρηναίων πόλις κοσμεισθεῖσα ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῖς ἀγάλμασιν.

1476

PBSR 226, 1958, pp. Ι94.

1477

Goodchild, Cyrene and Apollonia, p. 46.

1478

For the post-war excavation see AA 1959, cols. 301 sqq.; P. Mingazzini, L’insula di Giasone Magno a Cirene, 1966.

1479

L’insula, pp. 16, 95.

1480

Mingazzini, ibid., p. 95; Stucchi, Cirene, pp. no sq.

1481

Isa Kyrene und Apollonia, 1971, p. 79; Lib. Antica, 3/4, 1966/7, p. 258.

1482

Mingazzini, op. cit., p. 14.

1483

Stucchi, Cirene, p. 113.

1484

ASA A 29/30, p. 663.

1485

Atti del Settimo Congresso Internationale del’Archeologia Classica, I, 1961, pp. 443, 447.

1486

R. G. Goodchild, Kyrene und Apollonia, p. 90.

1487

E. Sjöquist, Opuscula Romana, I, 1954, pp. 86-108; J. B. Ward Perkins, M. H. Ballance, PBSR, 26, 1958, pp. 137-94; Stucchi, Cirene, pp. 96 sqq.; Goodchild, Kyrene und Apollonia, pp. 71 sqq.; Gasperino, QAL, 6, 1971, pp. 3 sqq.

1488

Stucchi, Cirene, pp. 96 sqq.

1489

Gasperini, QAL 6, 1971, pp. 3 sqq.

1490

Goodchild, ibid., Stucchi, ibid. (n. 128); JRS 42, 1952, p. 37, pl. viii; Gasperino, loc. cit., p. 15.

1491

JRS 40, 1950, pp. 89-91, El; PBSR 26, pp. 161-2.

1492

QAL 6, pp. 10-11, C5.

1493

SEG 17, 804; JRS 40, p. 89, Di; 42, 1952, p. 37; PBSR 26, p. 162; QAL 6, pp. 10-11, B4.

1494

AI 1, p. 318; AE 1964, no. 177; PBSR 26, p. 163.

1495

JRS 40, 1950, p. 89, 1)2.

1496

JRS 40, p. 88, A3; PBSR 26, p. 164; SEG 9, 54; a completion of the restoration by J. Robert, REG 73, 1960, pp. 207-8; SEG 17, 809; Gasperini, QAL 6, B5.

1497

JRS 40, 1950, p. 89, 3 A-C.

1498

QAL 6, C9.

1499

PBSR 26, p. 167.