CHAPTER THIRTEEN

Sunday, 9:40 P.M., Washington, D.C.

Rodgers was ushered quickly through the outer and inner gates, and was met at the White House by Assistant National Security Director Grumet. The fifty-year-old woman stood nearly six feet tall, had long, straight blond hair, and wore very little makeup. Rodgers had a great deal of respect for the Vietnam veteran, who had lost her left arm in a helicopter crash during the war.

"You're waiting for me," said Rodgers. "Am I late?"

"Not at all, sir," Grumet said, saluting the General. "The rest of us happen to be old married people who were sitting home watching TV when the blast happened. We had a little head start. I swear, just when you think the world can't get any sicker—"

"Oh, I read history," Rodgers said. "I never think that. "

As Rodgers entered the doorway, he took off the jacket of his uniform and handed it to the armed Marine standing outside. Otherwise, the brass buttons would have set off the metal detector hidden in the jamb. The detector didn't ping. After running a portable detector over the jacket, the Marine returned it to Rodgers and saluted.

"What's been happening?" Rodgers asked Grumet as they walked down the short corridor to the Oval Office.

"We responded by the book," she said. "We closed down immigration and rounded up the usual suspects. The FBI put various bureaus and agencies on alert, dropped divers into the wreckage. Director Rachlin complained that the CIA spends too much money on political sensitivity training and not enough on keeping track of sociopaths, mad scientists, and ideological foes."

"That's Larry," said Rodgers. "More outspoken than Mr. Kidd. What the hell do these people want, Tobey?"

"Until we know more, we're treating it as a standard terrorist attack. It's possible that this was simply a criminal act, and that there will be a ransom demand. It's also possible that the bombing was the work of a psychotic individual or a domestic group."

"Like the bombing in Oklahoma City."

"Exactly. A group acting out their own deep anger and alienation from society."

"But you don't think so?"

"No, Mike, we don't. We think this was the work of a foreign terrorist group."

"Terrorists."

"Exactly. If so, they could simply want publicity for their cause. Generally, though, terrorist acts are used instrumentally— that is, they are part of a plan to achieve larger ends."

"The question is, what is the goal of these people?"

"We'll know soon enough," Tobey said. "Five minutes ago, the FBI got a call in New York saying that the President would be contacted by the terrorist. The caller provided the FBI with information about the size of the blast, its location, the kind of explosives used. It checked out exactly."

"Is he going to take the call?" Rodgers asked.

"Technically, no," Tobey said, "but he'll be in the room. We think that will satisfy— shoot!" she said as her pager buzzed. "They want us in there right now."

The two ran down the corridor. They were waved ahead by an assistant in the antechamber of the Oval Office, and were buzzed through the inner door.

President Mike Lawrence was standing behind his desk. He was drawn to his full six-foot-four inch height, his hands on his hips, his shirtsleeves neatly rolled back a turn. Facing him was Secretary of State Av Lincoln. Lincoln was a former major league pitcher with a round face and thinning widow's peak.

Four other officials were also present: FBI Director Griffen Egenes, CIA director Larry Rachlin, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Melvin Parker, and National Security Chief Steve Burkow.

All of the men looked grim as they listened to a voice coming from the President's speakerphone.

"…save you the trouble of tracing this call," the thinly accented Russian voice was saying. "My name is Eival Ekdol. I am at 1016 Forest Road in Valley Stream on Long Island. It is a Grozny safe house, and you can have it, and me. I will also stand trial and denounce the officials who brought me down. It will be a good show."

Grozny, thought Rodgers as he took a seat beside the dashing young National Security Chief. Oh, Christ.

Ascetic FBI Director Egenes wrote on a yellow pad, "Let me get people over there, " and held it up.

The President nodded and Egenes left the room.

"Once you have me," Ekdol concluded, "there will be no further acts of terrorism."

"Why blow up the tunnel and then surrender yourself?" Burkow asked. "What do you want in return?"

"Nothing. What I mean is, we want the United States to do nothing."

"Where, when, and why?" Burkow asked.

"In Eastern Europe," said Ekdol. "A situation will soon develop militarily and we want neither the U.S. nor its allies to become involved."

Chairman Parker picked up a phone near him. He turned his body so his voice couldn't be heard.

Burkow said, "We can't promise that. The United States has interests in Poland, Hungary—"

"You have interests in the United States as well, Mr. Burkow."

Burkow appeared to be taken by surprise. Rodgers just sat still, listening carefully.

"Are you threatening other American interests?" Burkow asked.

"Yes, I am," said Ekdol. "In fact, at a quarter past ten, a major suspension bridge in another American city will be blown up. Unless, of course, we've reached an agreement by that time."

All in the room looked at their watches.

"As you no doubt realize," said Ekdol, "you have just under four minutes."

The President said, "Mr. Ekdol, this is President Lawrence. We need more time."

"Take all the time you want, Mr. President," said Ekdol. "But you'll pay for it with lives. You can't reach me in time, even if you dispatched personnel when I gave you the address. And though you'll have me, you won't stop Grozny."

The President slashed his hand from side to side and Burkow muted the phone.

"Hit me," Lawrence said. "Fast."

"We don't deal with terrorists," Burkow said. "Period."

"Sure we do," said Lincoln. "Just not in public. We have no choice but to deal with this man."

"What about the next Tojo wannabe with a bomb?" Burkow asked. "What if Saddam does it next? Or some neo-Nazi right here in the States?"

"We don't let it happen again," said CIA Director Rachlin. "We learn from this. We prepare. Right now, we don't want another New York. Defuse the bomb, nail the peckers later,"

"But it could be a bluff," said Burkow. "He may he a nutcase who blew his wad under the East River."

"Mr. President," said Rodgers, "let the bastard have this one. I know a little something about these Grozny fanatics. They don't bluff, and you see how hard they strike. Give them the win and we'll catch them with an end run."

"You have an idea?"

"I do," he said.

"At least that's something," the President said.

"Right now, a spitball in a slingshot would be something," Burkow said. "But is it the right something?"

Lawrence rubbed his face with his open hands while Burkow scowled at Rodgers. The National Security Chief was not big on capitulation, and he obviously had thought he'd an ally in Rodgers. Ordinarily, he would have. But this was much bigger than what was happening here, and they needed time and clearer heads to deal with it.

"Sorry, Steve," said the President. "I agree with you in principle. God, how I do. But I've got to give this monster what he wants. Put him back on the line."

With a jab of his finger, Burkow unmuted the telephone.

"Are you there?" the President asked.

"I am."

"If we accept your terms, there will be no blast?"

"Only if you do so at once," said Ekdol. "You have less than a minute."

"Then we agree," said the President. "Damn you, we agree."

"Very well," said Ekdol.

The phone was silent for a moment.

"Where are the explosives?" Burkow asked.

"They are in the back of just another truck crossing just another bridge," said Ekdol. "I just phoned the driver not to deliver them. Now, as I promised, you can come and get me. I'll say nothing of our agreement. But go back on your word, Mr. President, and you will be unable to stop my people in other cities and towns. Do you understand?"

"I understand," said the President.

And then the line went dead.

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