7 OVERFLYING RUSSIA

A month after the first U-2 flight, the Skunk Works’ test pilots were soaring 70,000 feet above the desert, breaking all existing altitude records in secret. After a few months, our pilots had logged 1,000 hours of flight time, had been to 74,500 feet, and had flown ten-hour 5,000-mile missions on one tank of gas.

Kelly was delighted by the airplane’s performance even though our pilots experienced frequent engine stall-outs at these extreme altitudes, forcing Pratt & Whitney’s engineers to log huge overtime adjusting their high-altitude engine to become more efficient.

With its enormous wingspan, designed to provide quick lift, the U-2 was able to glide for 250 miles from 70,000 feet, taking more than an hour to do so. Pilots couldn’t restart their engine unless they descended to the more oxygen-rich altitude of 35,000 feet or lower. Meanwhile, that damned engine caused another big headache by spraying oil onto the cockpit windshield via the compressor that ran the cockpit air-conditioning. That was my domain. The airplane held sixty-four quarts of oil, and we often had to replace twenty lost quarts after a flight. Our pilots breathed potentially volatile pure oxygen inside their sealed helmets, while their windshield dripped potentially volatile hot oil. I tried all kinds of solutions, but in desperation I heeded a suggestion made by one of our veteran mechanics: “Why don’t we just stuff Kotex around the oil filter and absorb the mess before it hits the windshield.”

With great hesitation I approached the boss. Those steely eyes narrowed and he studied me hard. I saw my brief career at his side evaporate in one explosive bellow: “Rich, you’re out of here!”

Kelly silently heard my sanitary napkin suggestion, then raised his eyebrows, shrugged, and said, “What the hell, give it a shot.” I called the crew out at the facility and told them to stand by for a delivery of industrial-size cartons of sanitary napkins being airlifted their way immediately. And, by God, it worked!

But then a mysterious problem suddenly developed that held potentially disastrous consequences. The ground crews began reporting broken rubber seals inside engine valves and leaking pressure seals around the cockpit. The rubber had badly oxidized in only a few weeks, leaving all of us scratching our heads. We replaced the seals, but a few weeks later the seals leaked again. As it turned out, the answer to the mysterious malady was revealed one day on the front page of the Los Angeles Times, just beneath the fold. The article reported how European-made automobile tires were proving to be totally unacceptable for Los Angeles motorists. Because of our smog, the article reported, the rubber was badly oxidizing and causing “tire fatigue,” leading to flats and rapid deterioration. The villain was ozone, a key component of our noxious smog. U.S. tire manufacturers, aware of the smog problem, added silicone to the rubber for their tires shipped to Southern California in order to avoid this oxidation problem. Reading that story, I almost jumped out of my chair. The U-2 was flying at the top of the troposphere, which was heavily laden with ozone. I mentioned the article to Dick Boehme, the U-2 program manager, who took it directly to Kelly. The fix was made quickly. All our seals were replaced with silicone and the problem vanished.

Despite the dreadful hours and the problems they caused in family life, the Skunk Works was for me far more splendid than a misery. Each day I found myself stretching on tiptoes to keep pace with my colleagues. Working with that crew was invigorating and fun. One of my favorites was our hydraulics guru, Dave Robertson, who in his spare time built toy square shells for a toy square cannon he invented, just to prove it could work. One Sunday I went over to his house and we lit the powder charge on the front lawn. Boom! The square projectile shot in a high arc across the street and blasted through the neighbor’s upstairs window. “Wow,” Dave grinned, “that little sucker really works!”

I turned to Dave for help and advice during that period of U-2 test flights in the summer of 1955, when our test pilots began reporting “duct rumble” at fifty thousand feet, describing the sensation as driving down a deeply rutted road on four uneven tires. In an airplane as fragile as the U-2, such severe shaking was a serious problem. The cause was flying at a slant so that more air was entering one of the twin air-intake ducts than the other. The problem landed directly in my lap since I had designed the intakes. Dave helped me design a splitter to enhance more even airflow and that helped to alleviate the problem, but not entirely. At fifty thousand feet, pilots were continuing to experience a roughness, although not to the point of watching their wing flaps so that they broke into a cold sweat. I told Kelly, “We’ve got it under control, but it won’t go away. I have no idea why it happens only at fifty thousand feet.” He didn’t either. He just told our pilots: “Avoid flying at fifty thousand whenever possible. You should be up higher than that anyway.” Pratt & Whitney finally solved the problem completely a year or so later by revising the fuel control for a better match of air and fuel into the engine.

But our test pilots had a lot more on their minds than rumbling ducts. Landing the U-2 on its two tandem wheels was neither easy nor routine. Our veteran test pilots warned Kelly that training CIA pilots to fly the U-2 and not getting one or more killed in the process was going to be a major challenge. Pilots were also apprehensive when hitting clear air turbulence and watching those long thin wings flapping like a bird’s, worrying that the next big gust would snap them off entirely. And, by the way, there were no ejection seats in the early models of the airplane. Ejection seats would add thirty pounds above a regular seat, so to save precious weight, the CIA decided to dispense with them altogether.

U-2 pilots would be trained to fly 9-hour-and-40-minute missions, flying round-trip on deep-penetration flights over the Soviet Union. The pilot needed an iron butt for ten-hour flights. “I ran out of ass before I ran out of gas,” some U-2 drivers would later complain — and who could blame them? A pilot was jammed inside a cockpit smaller than the front seat of a VW Beetle, laced into a bulky partial-pressure suit, his head encased in a heavy helmet, hooked to an oxygen breathing tube, a urine tube, and fighting off muscle cramps, hunger, sleepiness, and fatigue. If the cabin pressure and oxygen supply cut off, a pilot’s blood would boil off in seconds at more than thirteen miles above sea level.

The U-2 was a stern taskmaster, unforgiving of pilot error or lack of concentration. No U-2 pilot, no matter how tired, would risk a few winks and leave the driving to his autopilot. The airplane demanded extraordinary pilot vigilance from the moment of takeoff. It was designed for an immediate steep climb, but it was critical to keep the wings level because they stored a very heavy fuel load and as the U-2 rose in the sky the fuel expanded under diminishing air pressure. One wing would sometimes feed the fuel into the engine more quickly than the other and that upset the airplane’s delicate balances. To regain this balance the pilot had to activate pumps that moved fuel from one wing to the other. Another very tricky aspect of flying this particular machine was maintaining carefully controlled airspeed. A pilot could fly up to 220 knots during a climb with a special gust control turned on that stiffened the wings and allowed it to hit wind gusts of up to fifty knots. But he also had to guard against climbing too slowly, that is, below 98 knots, or the airplane would stall and fall out of the sky. Above 102 knots the airplane experienced dangerous Mach or speed buffeting. So the slowest it could safely go was right next to the fastest it could go as it climbed steeply to above sixty-five thousand feet. And the shuddering felt the same whether it was the result of going too fast or too slow, so a pilot had to keep totally alert while making corrections. A mistake might make the buffeting worse and shake the airplane to pieces. And to make life more interesting, our test pilots reported that sometimes during a turn the inside wing would be shaking in stall buffet while the outside wing was shaking even more violently in Mach buffet.

Once the pilot reached seventy thousand feet he tried to maintain 400 knots true airspeed, about as fast as a commercial jetliner, and keep the engine from overheating and operating at maximum efficiency.

At altitude the pilot flew nose high and wings level, so for him to be able to see down we installed a cockpit device known as a drift sight — basically an upside-down periscope that had four levels of magnification and could be swiveled in a 360-degree arc. The pilots also had to plot their navigation by sextant, plotting precise routes while maintaining total radio silence and photographing particular targets with the pinpoint accuracy of a bombardier. A screwup could mean death by ground fire or fighter attack — and a guaranteed international crisis.

The airplane and the missions were much too demanding to trust to any but the best pilots available. The CIA found that out in the late fall of 1955, when they made a totally off-the-wall decision to try to recruit foreign pilots to fly this top-secret program. The rationale was that it would be less embarrassing if, say, a Turkish national was shot down over Russia than an American. Our government could plausibly deny any involvement. The president had cut out the Air Force from the U-2 program on the basis that the CIA was better at keeping secret a very classified program and that if a plane should be shot down it was not as provocative somehow with a civilian pilot at the controls as with an Air Force fighter pilot. Much to the chagrin of the Air Force and of several high-level CIA officials, the White House ordered the CIA to recruit pilots from NATO countries who could pass themselves off as pilots for an international high-altitude weather survey program, which was the cover story for the U-2 operation. So seven foreign pilots arrived in the late fall of 1955 and began training under the tutelage of Colonel Bill Yancey, of the Strategic Air Command, and a small crew of top-notch blue-suiter flight instructors, who had been thoroughly checked out on the U-2 by our own test pilot corps. But from the first day the undertaking appeared hopeless. The pilots lacked experience to fly such a demanding airplane as the U-2, and several of them freaked out, realizing that they would be forced to land on two tandem wheels. In less than two weeks, they were sent packing, and Kelly noted with a sigh of relief in his journal: “It’s been decided to use only American pilots from now on, thank God.”

Before the year ended, General Curtis LeMay, the tough, cigar-chomping commander of the Strategic Air Command, got into the U-2 act by insisting that SAC recruit the pilots for the U-2 program. LeMay was furious that his own organization was not running the program operationally and thought that Eisenhower had lost his senses by allowing the CIA to start up its own air force. He raised so much hell with Air Force Secretary Harold Talbott that he was finally cut into the deal around the edges by being tasked to hire and train the pilots from within SAC, with the additional promise that U-2s would be made available to the blue-suiters at some future time. In those days the Strategic Air Command had its own fighter wings that were used to escort its bomber force into combat. The SAC fighter pilots selected would have to resign their Air Force commissions and come to work for Lockheed as contract employees under assumed names. We would put them on our payroll and so integrate them into the company that, at the end of the line, even the KGB might have a tough time tracing any of those pilots back to the military. The spooks called this kind of total identity change “sheep dipping.” This was about as close as the government and private enterprise were likely to get as teammates in top-secret espionage.

The Skunk Works would also be reimbursed by special government funds for the salaries and use of its mechanics and maintenance people who would service the U-2s at the secret overseas bases for the duration of the overflights. The agency insisted on using our mechanics over the usual Air Force crews simply because we held the monopoly on knowledge and experience on the workings of the U-2, and on these critical missions over Russia there was no margin for any mechanical failure. We needed perfectly functioning airplanes from takeoff to landing. No pancake landings on a Russian beet field, thank you.

God knows, the Skunk Works had gone out of its way to earn the agency’s trust. We had even kept the production line going by putting up our own money when Congress was late appropriating money to the CIA’s secret Contingency Reserve Fund. Eventually, more than $54 million was allocated for the U-2 program. Out of pure patriotism Kelly defied one of his own strictly held commandments — number 11 to be exact — which insisted that a customer’s funding must be timely. We were sticklers for delivering prompt monthly progress reports to customers and keeping a close accounting of our costs. Kelly required incremental customer payouts to keep us from having to carry the government with our own bank loans. But because of the national security urgency, Kelly obtained a $3 million bank loan to cover our U-2 production costs, at a time when interest rates were only about 5 percent. Still, it was a good example of a defense contractor bailing out his government. And at the end of the line we were actually able to refund about 15 percent of the total U-2 production cost back to the CIA and in the bargain build five extra airplanes from spare fuselages and parts we didn’t need because both the Skunk Works and the U-2 had functioned so beautifully. This was probably the only instance of a cost underrun in the history of the military-industrial complex.

The first group of six U-2 pilots recruited from the SAC fighter squadrons showed up at the Skunk Works in the fall of 1955 wearing civilian clothes and carrying phony IDs. They spent three days getting a thorough briefing on the airplane before flying off to the secret base to begin training with our test pilots. I remember talking to one of them, a nice, dark-haired fellow with a soft West Virginia accent who asked me a few technical questions about the air intakes. I would instantly recognize him four years later when his face was plastered on the front page of every newspaper in the world as Francis Gary Powers.

I learned that those pilots were being paid forty grand annually with an additional thousand a month bonus once they became active overseas. The forty grand would be held for them by our payroll department and they’d collect it only after they were mustered out. Which meant they had to survive in order to collect their just rewards.

Those pilots disappeared off my screen on the morning when they flew off to the base in a CIA-operated C-47 that had all its passenger windows blacked out. But since Skunk Works mechanics and ground crews were used exclusively to maintain the airplanes overseas, and several of my colleagues were forced to make periodic quick trips to add some new device or make a fix, we were able to keep up with the U-2 operations in fits and starts. The first contingent became operational, setting up at a base in Wiesbaden, West Germany, only ten months after the first test flight and less than eighteen months since the plane was first designed. Dick Bissell had personally obtained permission from then Chancellor Konrad Adenauer to use German soil for this secret spy operation. Simultaneously, in early June 1956, the National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics, forerunner of the NASA space program, announced in Washington the beginning of a new high-altitude weather research program using a new Lockheed U-2 airplane that was expected to fly above ten miles high. The announcement was a fraud, claiming that the new U-2 would be charting weather patterns in advance of tomorrow’s jet transports. Our U-2 detachment called itself “The First Weather Reconnaissance Squadron (Provisional).” They were strange weather birds — hidden away in a remote corner of the Wiesbaden air base, guarded by CIA agents carrying submachine guns. And by the time these guys were setting up operations in Germany, with four U-2s and six pilots, we at the Skunk Works were building ten more airplanes that would supply three operational detachments: Detachment A in Germany, Detachment B in Turkey, and Detachment C in Japan.

Once that first detachment was deployed, the secrecy lid clamped shut. All of us inside the Skunk Works felt in our bones that the overflights of Russia were imminent, but only Kelly was plugged in with the CIA; he would disappear for several days and we all speculated that he was either on the scene in Germany (which was untrue) or being briefed in Washington by Mr. B (which was true) and actually shown the photos taken from the first flights (also true).

The first Russian overflight occurred on July 4, 1956. A CIA pilot named Harvey Stockman flew over northern Poland into Belorussia and over Minsk, then turned left and headed to Leningrad. He was tracked on radar all the way, and dozens of Soviet interceptors tried in vain to reach him, but he made it back safely into Germany having flown for nearly nine hours. When I came to work after that holiday weekend, Kelly sent for several of us in the analytical section and briefed us in a somewhat limited fashion. “Well, boys, Ike got his first picture postcard. The first take is being processed right now. But goddam it, we were spotted almost as soon as we took off. I think we’ve badly underestimated their radar capabilities. We could tell from overhearing their ground chatter that they were way off in estimating our altitude, but we always figured they wouldn’t even see us at sixty-five thousand feet. And you know why? Because we gave them lend-lease early-warning radar during World War II and presumed that, like us, they wouldn’t do anything to improve it. Obviously they have. I want you guys to brainstorm what we can do to make us less visible or help us go even higher.”

The Soviets were launching half their damned air force to try to stop these flights, and the president was upset at how easily they were tracking the U-2. “Mr. B is trying to bunch these flights before Ike gets cold feet or the Russians get lucky,” Kelly sighed. “The president has given us ten good weather days for these missions. After that, who knows?”

Other Voices
Marty Knutson

I was the first pilot selected to fly in the U-2 program and made the third flight over the Soviet Union on the morning of July 8, 1956. I was a twenty-six-year-old with a thousand hours of fighter time, who had almost died of disappointment the first time I saw the U-2. I looked in the cockpit and saw that the damn thing had a yoke, or steering wheel. The last straw. Either you flew with a stick like a self-respecting fighter jock or you were a crappy bomber driver — a goddam disgrace — who steered with a yoke, like a damned truck driver at the steering wheel of a big rig.

I wound up flying that U-2 for the CIA for the next twenty-nine years. It was a bitch to land and easy to stall out, but I fell in love. I was just crazy enough to enjoy the danger.

Now here I was flying over Russia in a fragile little airplane with a wingspan as long as the damned Brooklyn Bridge — and below I could see three hundred miles in every direction. This was enemy territory, big time. In those days especially, I had a very basic attitude about the Soviet Union — man, it was an evil empire, a forbidding, alien place and I sure as hell didn’t want to crash-land in the middle of it. I had to pinch myself that I was actually flying over the Soviet Union.

I began the day by eating a high-protein breakfast, steak and eggs, then put on the bulky pressure suit and the heavy helmet and had to lie down in a contour chair for two hours before taking off and breathe pure oxygen. The object was to purge the nitrogen out of my system to avoid getting the bends if I had to come down quick from altitude.

I knew from being briefed by the two other guys who flew these missions ahead of me to expect a lot of Soviet air activity. Those bastards tracked me from the minute I took off, which was an unpleasant surprise. We thought we would be invisible to their radar at such heights. No dice. Through my drift sight I saw fifteen Russian MiGs following me from about fifteen thousand feet below. The day before, Carmen Vito had followed the railroad tracks right into Moscow and actually saw two MiGs collide and crash while attempting to climb to his altitude.

Vito had a close call. The ground crew had put his poison cyanide pill in the wrong pocket. We were issued the pill in case of capture and torture and all that good stuff, but given the option whether to use it or not. But Carmen didn’t know the cyanide was in the right breast pocket of his coveralls when he dropped in a fistful of lemon-flavored cough drops. The cyanide pill was supposed to be in an inside pocket. Vito felt his throat go dry as he approached Moscow for the first time — who could blame him? So he fished in his pocket for a cough drop and grabbed the cyanide pill instead and popped it into his mouth. He started to suck on it. Luckily he realized his mistake in a split second and spit it out in horror before it could take effect. Had he bit down he would have died instantly and crashed right into Red Square. Just imagine the international uproar!

I kept my cyanide pill in an inside pocket and prayed that I would not have an engine flameout. A flameout meant I had a pack of goddam problems on my hands that might well land me in a Russian morgue or in some goddam gulag.

I was all pumped up — like flying combat in Korea. Nothing in the cockpit was automated back then. We had to fly a precise line at seventy thousand feet, looking through the drift sight and using maps. I’d compare what I was seeing through the sight to what the map showed. Pretty damned primitive, like 1930s flying, by the seat of the pants. But we all grew very skilled at it.

I flew over Leningrad and it blew my mind because Leningrad was my target as a SAC pilot and I spent two years training with maps and films, and here I was, coming in from the same direction as in the SAC battle plan, looking down on it through my sights. Only this time I was lining up for photos, not a bomb drop. It was a crystal-clear day and about twenty minutes out of Leningrad I hit pay dirt. This was exactly what the president of the United States was waiting to see. I flew right over a bomber base called Engels Airfield and there, lined up and waiting for my cameras, were thirty Bison bombers. This would prove the worst, I thought. Because the powers that be back in Washington feared that we were facing a huge bomber gap. I proved the gap — or so I thought. As it turned out, my pictures were rushed by Allen Dulles to the Oval Office. For several weeks there was real consternation, but then the results of other flights began coming in and my thirty Bisons were the only ones spotted in that whole massive goddam country, so our people began to relax a little and we turned our attention to their missile production.

I flew hundreds of missions for the agency after that, but that moment over Engels Airfield I considered the most important of any ride I took. I was overflying the most secretive society on the face of the earth, about whom we knew little, and here arrayed below with no place to hide from my lens was a big chunk of their airpower. I remember mumbling, “Holy shit,” as those cameras whirred. I knew that this was an espionage coup second to none in importance and significance.

After those first flights the Russians went all out to stop the U-2. The Russian ambassador delivered a formal protest to the State Department, and the Kremlin privately threatened the Germans to either close us down or face a rocket attack on the base. KGB agents parked in big black cars just outside the fence, watching us take off and land. So we moved to a base in southern Turkey. Most of these Turkish flights monitored Soviet missile test sites on their southern border. Sputnik went up October 1957, the Russians putting the first object into space orbit, and they bragged about their ICBM capabilities to reach anywhere in the U.S., although they had no test launches from May 1958 to the following February. Ike was being roasted alive by the press for letting them get the jump on us. We covered Tyuratam, their missile test facility, nuclear test sites, and Kapustin Yar, their operational center for ABMs.

I flew on the eastern side of the Urals to observe their missile test launches. The CIA had spies on the ground who tipped us off whenever there would be a missile test. We usually had one day’s notice to get ready and needed the president’s approval to monitor the shot. By the fall of 1959, they were test-firing one missile a week. I made one or two of those observation flights and they were truly spectacular. I flew in the dead of night over some of the most remote terrain in the world. No lights down there. On a moonless night it was like flying through an ocean of ink. I flew with a big camera perched on my lap. The camera was hand-held and had special film that could determine from the flame shooting from the rocket’s nozzle what kind of fuel they were using and even how they were making their rockets. The U-2 also had special sniffers, installed on the outside fuselage, that would pick up chemical traces in the air after the firing for analysis back in Washington. Suddenly, the sky lit up and that big rocket roared off the pad. I snapped away, taking pictures of that plume for a matter of seconds before it disappeared into space. The Russians never even knew I was up there.

But the most exciting mission I ever flew was out of a small landing field at Peshawar in Pakistan, where we had a support unit set up in late 1958. The flight was so long range that there was no way for me to get back to the base. My main target was in Kazakhstan, a radar and missile test center, then on to a nuclear test site near Semipalatinsk and finally an overflight of a main ICBM launch test facility. By then I would have stretched the airplane’s range to the limit and would be nearly out of gas. The plan called for me to glide over the Urals to save fuel and land at a tiny World War II airstrip near Zahedan, in Iran, right in the triangle where Afghanistan, India, and Pakistan converge. The agency would send in a C-130 with agents armed with grenades and tommy guns to secure the base from mountain bandits who controlled that territory. If I made it across the border and saw a cloud of black smoke, it meant that the field was being attacked by the bandits. If that happened, I was supposed to eject and bail out. I crossed the Russian border with only a hundred gallons of fuel remaining. Really getting hairy. I didn’t see any smoke, so I came in and landed with less than twenty gallons left in the tank. One of the agents had a six pack of beer icing. They had an antenna set up and were supposed to send a coded message that I was safe. One of the guys came to me and said, “Our equipment is down. I know you’re a ham operator, do you, by any chance, know Morse code?” I’m sitting there under a blazing sun, still in my pressure suit, sipping a beer in one hand, and with the other tapping out the dots and dashes.

About the start of 1959 we began seeing ominous activities going on inside Russia. Around their strategic bases were strange Star of David patterns. We learned quickly enough that that meant the construction of ground-to-air missile sites. We now had orders that if we saw any new Star of David patterns, we were to deviate from the flight plan and go film them. These first SAMs couldn’t reach us. The optimum use of their surface controls was lower — fifty-five thousand feet — to be used against our bombers. But we figured we were flying on borrowed time. Sooner or later, one of us would get nailed. I knew for sure it would be the other guy.

They tried to stop us by trying to ram us with their fighters like a ballistic missile. They stripped down some of their MiG-21s and flew straight up at top speed, arcing up to sixty-eight thousand feet before flaming out and falling back toward earth. Presumably they got a relight down around thirty-five thousand feet. I’m sure they lost some airplanes and pilots playing kamikaze missile. It was crazy, but it showed how angry and desperate they were becoming.

By the winter of 1960, we were getting intelligence briefings warning us about improvements in Soviet tracking and SAM capability. Their new SA-2 missile was an improved version of what they previously had, capable of reaching us and equipped with a powerful warhead that could be lethal if exploded within four hundred feet of an airplane. We gave the SA-2 a wide berth whenever possible. I have to admit we were all getting plenty worried. We had long since installed ejection seats. That was one item of added weight no one in his right mind would do without.

The CIA code-named the project Rainbow. The orders came directly from the Oval Office and had the highest priority. Every one of Kelly’s engineers and designers was put to work. The object: significantly lower the U-2’s radar signature or face a presidential cancellation of the entire program. These orders arrived just before the new year in 1956, after only seven or eight overflights of the Soviet Union. The Russians were using diplomatic channels to scream at us. They were too embarrassed by their own ineptitude in being able to stop the overflights to make their threats public, but that did not make these threats less ominous.

So the heat was on to find ways to reduce the airplane’s radar signature from approximately that of a Fifth Avenue bus to the size of a two-door coupe. But the U-2’s big tail, wings, and large inlets designed for its lift and thrust got in the way, acting like a circus spotlight on hostile radar scopes. Kelly flew to Cambridge, Massachusetts, seeking advice from a high-powered scientific group doing research on antiradar technology. He brought back with him two of their best radar experts, Dr. Frank Rogers and Ed Purcell, to help us brainstorm. I was involved analyzing various composites and paints that might be tried to absorb radar energy without adding too much weight to the airplane. The U-2 was painted a dull black to prevent it from glinting in the sun. We wanted to make it as difficult as possible to achieve human detection from the ground or from below in an interceptor trying to reach it. And we began experimenting with chromic paint that changed from different shades of blue to black at different temperatures like a chameleon. But paint added more weight than deception, as did the idea of painting the U-2 with polka dots to break up the silhouette against the sky. As for fooling radar, Rogers and Purcell suggested a radical fix: stringing piano wire of various dipole lengths along the entire fuselage in the hope of scattering as much radar energy in as many frequencies as possible in every direction. The wires made the U-2 draggy and we lost seven thousand feet in altitude.

The next thing we tried was something called a Salisbury screen, a metallic grid applied to the airplane’s undercarriage in the hope of deflecting incoming radar beams, but it worked only at some frequencies and altitudes and not at others.

Kelly thought it was more practical to try special iron ferrite paints that would absorb a radar ping rather than bounce it back to the sender. The paints were moderately effective but inhibited heat dissipation through the airframe’s outer skin and we experienced overheating engine problems. But the paint lowered the radar cross section by one order of magnitude, so we decided to give it a try. We called these specially painted airplanes “dirty birds” and shipped the first one out for flight testing in April 1957. Our test pilot, Bob Sieker, took the U-2 up to over seventy thousand feet and suddenly radioed that he was experiencing rapid airframe heat buildup. Moments later his engine blew out and the faceplate blew off Bob’s oxygen mask as his pressure suit instantly inflated. The U-2 dove straight down and crashed. It took us three days to locate the wreckage and Bob’s body. An autopsy revealed that above seventy thousand feet he had suffered acute hypoxia and lost consciousness in only ten seconds. The culprit that killed him was a defective faceplate clasp that cost fifty cents.

The CIA was so desperate to buy time for these Soviet overflights that Bissell got Kelly to sequester four of our test flight engineers and have them write a bogus flight manual for a U-2 twice as heavy as ours and with a maximum altitude of only fifty thousand feet that carried only scientific weather gear in its bay. The manual included phony instrument panel photos with altered markings for speed, altitude, and load factor limits. Four copies were produced and then artificially aged with grease, coffee stains, and cigarette burns. How or if the agency got them into Soviet hands only Mr. B knew, and he never told.

Other Voices
James Cherbonneaux

In July 1957, a cargo plane brought the first so-called dirty bird to our base in Turkey. It was covered with a plastic material and had two sets of piano wire strung from either side of its nose to a set of poles sticking out of the wings. The wires were to scatter radar beams while the paint was to absorb other frequencies. But I wasn’t thrilled. Part of my big paycheck was compensation for high-risk missions in a semi-experimental airplane, but I had never before risked flying an airplane wired like a guitar.

The Skunk Works engineer who flew out with the dirty bird admitted that its extra weight would cost us altitude and three thousand miles in diminished range. On July 7, 1956, I flew the dirty bird on an operational test of the whole Soviet defense net along the Black Sea, flying inside twelve miles of the coastline. The flight lasted eight hours, and I carried an array of special recording devices while deliberately trying to provoke responses from Soviet air defense along its entire southern flank. The plan was to see if they could detect our dirty bird. All in all, the coatings and wire worked well, but analysis of my recordings indicated that the bad guys were homing in on my cockpit and tailpipe, neither of which had been treated.

As it turned out, my most incredible overflight occurred only two weeks later in a mission specially cleared by President Eisenhower and involving a dirty bird. I took off in total secrecy from a field in Pakistan, flying a dirty bird for a flight deep inside Russia to photograph a missile site believed to be readying intercontinental missile tests. Because of the added “dirty” weight I could top out at only fifty-eight thousand feet. The missile site was a three-hour trip, but about seventy-five minutes into the mission I looked through my drift sight and saw a startling sight: the familiar circular graded contours that I had seen marking our own nuclear test site at Yucca Flats. My heart jumped! Could it really be? We had no idea that this test site even existed. I brought my drift sight up to its maximum four power magnification and focused on a large tower. I felt a chilling terror. That tower held a large object at the top, and there were signs of activity around a huge blockhouse about two miles away. And then a paralyzing thought slammed me: what if those bastards were getting set to let that nuclear weapon blow just as I was directly overhead? And in fact, that crazy thought took hold and I began to sweat and hyperventilate in panic. “Wait, goddam it. Wait, will you! Let me pass and then light your fire.” I was shouting into my faceplate.

I carried a three-camera system, one pointing straight down and the other two out at forty-five-degree angles so that each picture would overlap and provide a stereographic photo interpretation. I threw a switch and the cameras began to whir in sequence. It seemed to take an eternity for my airplane to cross directly over that tower. My heart was pounding in my throat. I just knew I was going to be evaporated in the next seconds.

Five minutes later I was clear of the nuclear test site, laughing at myself for being so chicken. Three hours later I was over the city of Omsk, in central Russia, photographing a military-industrial complex of interest to SAC as a potential target; then I turned east to head for the missile test site — my principal target for the mission. I photographed the site, which bore evidence of a very recent test firing, then headed back to Pakistan.

I looked through the drift sight at the vastness of central Russia, a vastness almost unimaginable that made me feel achingly lost and alone. There were no telltale contrails of MiGs trying to get me, so I had to conclude that the Skunk Works had worked its magic and kept me hidden from the bad guy’s radar. If true, that meant that no one on earth knew where I was at that particular moment because I was also out of range of U.S. listening posts. Suddenly I became alert. My engine started making rough noises, but I knew from long experience that the roughness of an engine is in direct proportion to how far a pilot still has to go before he makes it safely across a hostile border.

Twenty minutes later I saw the shimmering snowy peak of the awesome mountain called K-2 illuminated against a dark blue sky. K-2 was my beacon back to Pakistan and a hot shower and sleep, and I calculated it was an hour away, about 450 miles, before I crossed the border. I was now eight hours plus into the mission and I became aware of the need to urinate. I cursed myself for forgetting to avoid any liquids the night before the flight, something I tried always to do because I was never able to pee out of my pressure suit. To do so, I had to unwork three layers and then pee uphill into a nozzle arrangement. I just couldn’t. But I began to ache. Real pain. Like knife thrusts down there. I was exhausted and in agony. I tried to pee into the nozzle, I tried to wet my pants, but I was having spasms and nothing came out. It was so bad I could barely focus my eyes, and K-2’s magnificent granite towers slipped by directly below and I barely noticed. Or cared a damn. By the time I made my landing approach the pain was searing to the point where I almost landed short of the field and crashed into a forest. I barely remember the mechanic opening my canopy at the top of his ladder and me pushing him aside like a maniac and vaulting down that ladder in a flash. Moments later, not heeding privacy, I set a new world record on that tarmac.

I expected to be received as a hero for having uncovered a Soviet nuclear test site with a bomb in the tower. Instead the team who debriefed me scoffed incredulously. “There is no atomic test facility in that part of central Russia,” one debriefer told me. But they passed on my observation by special wire to Washington, while another team began processing my film. CIA headquarters responded by coded cable in less than an hour. Their communication was stern, halfway between a personal rebuke and an official reprimand. My credibility was zero back home. But the next day over lunch, John Parangosky, the senior CIA agent in charge of our operation, took me aside with a sheepish grin. “Apologies, Jim. Collateral intelligence sources just reported that a nuclear bomb was detonated from that tower less than two hours after you flew over it.”

During the final winter of the U-2 overflights of Russia, Kelly Johnson came back from a visit to CIA headquarters looking profoundly gloomy. He couldn’t believe how easily the Russians were tracking our overflights and knew it was only a matter of time before their ground-to-air missile defenses caught up with their prowess in radar development and blew us out of the sky. “Putting fixes on this airplane won’t do any good. We need a fresh piece of paper,” Kelly told a group of us. His mind was already churning, thinking about the U-2’s successor that could survive flying above Moscow. He had asked our ace mathematician Bill Schroeder to predict how long it would take the Soviets to bring down a U-2 with their latest missile system. Schroeder gave the U-2 less than a year.

One of our engineers came back from a quick-fix visit to the secret U-2 base in Turkey to say that the morale among the pilots was sagging. The guys were worried about new SA-2 missile sites under construction around the Soviet Union’s main target areas. The president was very aware of the growing dangers and had cut back sharply on authorizing U-2 missions. And the trip our engineer made to Turkey indicated the growing concerns about pilot safety: he was on hand to supervise a new “black box” installed into the U-2’s tail section to electronically counter incoming radar beams and scatter them away. In the jargon of the trade, the box was called an ECM — electronic counter-measure — and would hopefully prevent a missile fired at a U-2 from locking on.

The word Kelly received from Dick Bissell was that the intelligence community was pushing hard for at least one more overflight over Tyuratam, the big Russian missile test center deep in the Urals, since a recent flight had revealed significant advances toward development of their first operational intercontinental missile. Eisenhower was ready to approve the follow-up flight, but the State Department heard about it and Secretary of State Christian Herter was strongly opposed. Herter had replaced John Foster Dulles, who had died of cancer earlier in the year, and was worried that any overflight might upset the delicate planning that had revolved around a summit in Paris between Ike and Khrushchev scheduled to start on May 14.

Bissell told Kelly that Allen Dulles had wrested one final flight out of the president, provided it took place two weeks before the Paris summit. The target date was May 1, 1960, the Soviet May Day, akin to our Fourth of July. We hoped to catch them with their defenses down, with only skeleton crews at work.

As it turned out, our black box and the route of the mission finally selected would seal the fate of that tragic last flight. Ike had signed off on two mission options and left the final decision to the CIA. The choices were missions code-named Time Step, which would overfly certain key nuclear and missile test sites, and Grand Slam, a marathon nine-hour mission from Pakistan clear across Russia to land at a base in Bodo, Norway. The heart of Grand Slam was overflying Tyuratam, then heading south to photograph the huge military-industrial complexes at Sverdlovsk and Plesetsk. All were heavily defended.

The two plans were sent for review to the Air Force chief of staff, General Nathan Twining, who quickly spotted a flaw in the Grand Slam mission and called Allen Dulles to personally urge changes. Twining had noticed that the proposed mission repeated the exact route into Sverdlovsk from the south used less than a month earlier by U-2 pilot Marty Knutson. “Allen, if you come in that way again, they’ll know exactly where you are heading and will just be lying in wait. You’ll get nailed.” Dulles obviously didn’t agree. He personally chose Grand Slam with no changes.

Because the mission would be so demanding and long, covering 3,700 miles from Pakistan to Norway, the agency chose its most experienced pilot and the best navigator of the group — thirty-four-year-old Francis Gary Powers. The pilot had twenty-seven U-2 missions logged, including several marathon-length flights across the eastern Mediterranean in 1956 to gather intelligence on the movements of British and French warships participating with Israel in attacking Egypt during the Suez crisis.

Powers took off at dawn from Peshawar, Pakistan, on Sunday, May 1, 1960. Flying across the Soviet border for the first time from Pakistan was another way to catch the Russians napping. And for the first three hours into the flight the plan worked perfectly. He flew over Tyuratam without difficulty then changed course and headed south toward Sverdlovsk, on the same flight plan as Knutson’s only weeks earlier. As he approached the Sverdlovsk complex, Powers was suddenly blinded by a brilliant orange flash and felt an explosion from behind. His right wing dropped and he began pitching down. His instincts told him his tail had been hit as the airplane began a steep nosedive. In horror he saw his wings rip off. His pressure suit inflated, squeezing him in a viselike grip, and his faceplate began to frost. He glanced at the altimeter, saw he was at thirty-four thousand feet and falling fast, and almost panicked realizing he was pinned by the centrifugal force up against the instrument panel. If he hit the ejection lever, he’d be blasted out of the cabin while leaving both his pinned legs behind. He struggled to push back in his seat and manually open the canopy. He unhitched his safety harness, and as the wingless fuselage spun upside down, Francis Gary Powers fell free.

As his chute opened, Powers was startled to see another chute opening in the distance. Whatever hit him had also hit a Soviet pilot as well. He landed hard in a farmer’s field. Several villagers came running to him. They weren’t unfriendly and had no idea he was an American because he was too stunned to even say a word while they conversed among themselves excitedly. They finally helped him to a truck and drove him off. He would later learn they were driving him to the local airport, assuming he was a Russian pilot and not knowing what else to do with him. At some point, though, the truck was stopped by the militia. The police grabbed Powers and took him away.

It would later be determined that a Soviet missile battery had launched in shotgun fashion fourteen SA-2s at the approaching U-2—an indication that they were waiting for his arrival. One missile had knocked down a Russian fighter trying to intercept Powers, and the shock waves from the exploding missiles had knocked off the U-2’s tail.

* * *

Kelly received the call at home, well after midnight, and he grimly arrived at the Skunk Works that Monday morning and assembled a group of us. “We got nailed over Sverdlovsk by an SA-2. That’s that. We’re dead.”

It was the first time in history that a ground-to-air missile had shot down an airplane, and all of us assumed, knowing how fragile the U-2 was and at the height it was probably flying when it was hit, that the pilot had been killed. The CIA immediately had NASA launch a preplanned cover story that one of its weather research planes, flying out of Turkey, had strayed off course and was missing after the pilot indicated he was having oxygen problems. Cagey Khrushchev waited for Eisenhower to arrive in Paris for the summit before announcing that the Russians had shot down a U-2 spy plane. The administration called that a “fantastic allegation.” Eisenhower denied spy flights, and then on the eve of the summit Khrushchev announced that the pilot had been captured and confessed his spy mission. The pilot was named Francis Gary Powers.

Eisenhower was humiliated and forced to admit the U-2 spy operation, which he said was justified since Khrushchev had recently turned down his Open Skies proposal. To mollify the Russians and save the summit, Ike announced we would end the flights, which he had privately done anyway. But when Khrushchev demanded an apology, the summit collapsed and Eisenhower went back home.

Inside the Skunk Works we were no less stunned that Powers had survived than the CIA and the White House. The agency was livid at Powers for not dying in the hit or taking his own life, even though using the poison needle that had replaced the cyanide pill in a pilot’s kit was entirely optional. But some of the more macho patriots around the Skunk Works agreed with their opposite numbers thundering around at the CIA that Powers was a damned traitor for not self-destructing. And they meant it! Because he was chicken, the president endured a terrible international humiliation. Power’s survival also embarrassed Dulles and Bissell, who had assured the president, presumably in good faith, that not much would be left of a U-2 or a pilot if shot down by a missile. Powers was also faulted for not pulling a seventy-second delayed explosive charge before bailing out that would have destroyed the film and cameras and kept them out of the hands of the KGB.

There was little sympathy for Powers, who was kept incommunicado inside the notorious Lubianka prison for months before enduring a propaganda show trial that heaped embarrassment on the agency and the administration for more than three weeks. Powers was sentenced harshly to ten years at hard labor and served nearly two years before being exchanged in February 1962, for the captured Russian master spy Rudolph Abel, a decision that only enraged many at the CIA even more. “That’s like trading Mickey Mantle for a goddam bullpen catcher,” one of the agency guys exploded when hearing the news.

Had Powers killed himself or not survived the missile hit, he would have come home a hero in a flag-draped wooden box. But coming home haggard and alive, he was greeted like a traitor and was whisked off in great secrecy to a CIA safe house in Virginia to be grilled unmercifully for days about his experiences over and inside Russia. Kelly was summoned to the debriefing to hear the part about the shoot-down and was satisfied that Powers was telling the truth.

Kelly had long ago analyzed photographs of the U-2 wreckage released by the Russians and reported to Bissell his conviction that the airplane had been hit from the rear. “It looks like they knocked off his tail.” At the debriefing, Powers confirmed that fact. Kelly felt sorry for the guy and offered him a job as a U-2 flight test engineer at the Skunk Works. He gratefully accepted and worked for us for eight years, until the mid-1970s, when he went to work for a local TV station as a helicopter traffic reporter. He was killed in a helicopter crash on August 1, 1977. Ten years later the Air Force awarded the former captain a posthumous Distinguished Flying Cross, a medal well earned if sadly late in arriving.

Kelly long suspected that the electronic counter-measure black box we installed on the tail section of Power’s U-2 may have acted in an opposite way from the one we intended. The box was code-named Granger, and we provided the frequencies used to jam and confuse the enemy missile. These were the same frequencies the Russians used on their defensive radar. But it was possible that the Russians had changed these frequencies by the time we incorporated them into our missile spoofer, so that the incoming missile’s seeker head was on the same frequency as the beams transmitted off our tail and acted as a homing device. A few years later a similar black box was installed in the tails of CIA U-2s piloted by Taiwanese flying highly dangerous missions over the Chinese mainland. One day three of four U-2s were shot down, and the sole survivor told CIA debriefers that he was amazed to be alive because he forgot to turn on his black box. To Kelly, that clinched the case. But we’ll never really know.

Other Voices
Richard Helms
(Director of the CIA from 1966 to 1973)

The U-2 overflights of the Soviet Union provided us with the greatest intelligence breakthrough of the twentieth century. For the first time, American policymakers had accurate, credible information on Soviet strategic assets. We could evaluate in real time the other side’s strengths and weaknesses, keep current on their state of preparedness, their research and development, their priorities in defense spending, the state of their infrastructure, and the disposition of their most important military units. It was as if the scales had been lifted from our eyes and we could now see with clarity exactly what it was we were up against. It really was as if we in the intelligence community had cataracts removed, because previous to those splendid U-2 missions our ability to pierce the Iron Curtain was uncertain and the results were often murky. We were forced to use defector information and other unreliable means to sift for clues about what the other side was up to. Given how little solid information actually filtered out to the West, we did a credible job, but the U-2’s cameras leapfrogged us into another dimension altogether. For example, those overflights eliminated almost entirely the ability of the Kremlin ever to launch a surprise preemptive strike against the West. There was no way they could secretly prepare for war without our cameras revealing the size and scope of those activities.

Building the U-2 was absolutely the smartest decision ever made by the CIA. It was the greatest bargain and the greatest triumph of the cold war. And that airplane is still flying and is still tremendously effective. In my opinion, the national security demands that we keep supplying new generations of surveillance aircraft to our policymakers. There is no way to replace the vital data provided by piloted airplanes. Satellites lack the flexibility and the immediacy that only a spy plane like the U-2 can provide. No president or intelligence agency should have to operate with only one eye in such an uncertain and dangerous world.

Richard Bissell

I have no doubt that the U-2 overflights of the Soviet Union made up the most important intelligence-gathering operation ever launched by the West. Until those flights, our side had to be content with some ingenious analysis on our part about their nuclear program, for instance, that later U-2 overflights would confirm as being remarkably correct. We were much less correct about their missile development because we had assumed — quite incorrectly — that they would continue to develop liquid-fuel missiles, while very secretly they dropped that concept and embarked on more sophisticated, solid-state missiles. That caught us by surprise and generated the so-called missile gap.

There was also a profound worry about the size of their long-range bomber fleet. President Eisenhower told Allen Dulles that obtaining a hard count of their bombers was the urgent priority of the intelligence community. And by the time Allen chose me to head the U-2 project, the president told me that he regarded hard intelligence on Russian bombers as the number one item on his national security agenda. He told me that the minute I flashed the signal to him that Kelly Johnson was ready to deliver that airplane, he was ready to give me permission to start those flights.

I told the president that we would probably have two years before the Russians would find a way to bring us down. As it turned out, we had a fruitful four years.

The first flights I decided to bunch. My reasoning was that the first would be the safest, catching them by surprise, so we’d overfly all the highest-priority targets. The first flight was to be over Leningrad, picking up important missile test sites and air bases along the route, then fly the length of the Baltic coast. I stopped by Allen Dulles’s office and told him, “Well, we have an Oval Office green light and we’re off and running.” When I told him the flight plan, he turned deathly pale. A few hours later I was able to inform him that all went well. The next day we scheduled two separate flights, one into the Ukraine and the other well north of that. We were looking for military airfields — our primary target. Only in later months did the location of hardened missile silos take precedence.

It took us four days to get our hands on the photographs from that first mission. I remember vividly standing around a long table with Dulles next to me, both of us chuckling with amazement at the clarity of those incredible black-and-white photos. From seventy thousand feet you could not only count the airplanes lined up at ramps, but tell what they were without a magnifying glass. We were astounded. We had finally pried open the oyster shell of Russian secrecy and discovered a giant pearl. Allen rushed with the first samples over to the Oval Office. He told me that Eisenhower was so excited he spread out the entire batch on the floor and he and Allen viewed the photos like two kids running a model train.

We never knew what we’d find from one mission to the next. Every airfield discovered increased our knowledge dramatically. On one flight a pilot saw a railroad track in the middle of nowhere and followed it and brought back stunning pictures of a Soviet missile launcher at a site we never knew existed. Many other photos were confirmations of locations of important military bases that we had received from our spy network on the inside. We would get a tip about a new plant somewhere, but the informant was uncertain about whether they were manufacturing tanks or missiles, so we would schedule a look. Our first missions out of Pakistan were staged so that we could overfly central Siberia and observe the Trans-Siberian railroad, mainly because we had very sketchy inferential information that atomic facilities were being built there. We brought back very revealing photos indicating that a nuclear test facility was nearly completed on the site.

After only four or five flights our analysts were able to make much firmer estimates of the Soviet bomber strength by types. We had a count on how many planes of each type were photographed sitting out on their ramps. Of course, it was not watertight because airplanes seldom stayed put at one base or another, and it was hard to tell if we were counting the same airplanes seen at base A that now appeared at base B, or if these were additional ones. But the accumulated weight of evidence from these flights caused the president of the United States to draw in a deep breath, smile, and relax a bit. I was able to assure him that the so-called bomber gap seemed to be nonexistent.

By six months into the overflights we turned our attention to their missile development. We found big research and development bases at the head of the Caspian Sea and just east of the Volga, and saw hard evidence of a number of experimental launches that had taken place there. We found a big radar installation at Sari Sagan, between Turkistan and Siberia, and also a down-range site under construction near there, so we began to monitor this particular section very closely.

Our estimates of their SAM missiles was that they could reach the altitude of the U-2 but that their surface controls were effective only up to fifty-five thousand feet and any higher than that they couldn’t control a missile and bring it home for a kill against our spy plane.

But the very unpleasant surprise was the ease with which they tracked every single one of our flights — almost from takeoff. Yet, until the Powers flight, they had never come close to hitting us. On one night flight out of Turkey they had actually scrambled fifty-seven fighters against one U-2. And on many occasions they were flying squadrons fifteen thousand feet underneath the U-2, trying to block the view. Kelly Johnson called that “aluminum clouds.”

After the first few flights they tracked, they could infer the U-2’s range, speed, altitude, and radar cross section, so they knew all the important essentials about the airplane which we cloaked under the deepest secrecy.

Ironically, the two governments, in their abiding hostility, were collaborating to keep these flights secret from the public. Because if they were ever revealed, the Russians would have to present us with an ultimatum and admit that they were impotent in stopping these flights over their territory. It must have been terribly upsetting inside the Kremlin knowing that the enemy could overfly with impunity. So I was constantly pressing Eisenhower for more flights and he was constantly resisting me. I had to go to the mat on nearly every authorization because he was following the advice of the other Dulles brother, John Foster, our secretary of state, who was wringing his hands over the spy flights right from the beginning.

We flew fewer than thirty missions over those four years, but each of them was a remarkable success. We accumulated about one million two hundred thousand feet of film — a strip almost two hundred and fifty miles long, that covered more than a million square miles of the Soviet Union. The flights provided vital data on the Soviet atomic energy program, their development of fissionable materials, their weapons development and testing, and the location and size of their nuclear stockpile. It also gave us precise information on the location of their air defense systems, air bases, and missile sites; submarine pens and naval installations; their order of battle, operational techniques, and transportation and communications networks. By the Pentagon’s own estimate, 90 percent of all hard data on Soviet military development came directly from the cameras on board the U-2.

As early as three years before Powers was shot down, I flew out to Burbank with my deputy, Colonel Jack Gibbs, to meet with Kelly about the future. We estimated that the U-2 was operating on borrowed time after the two-year mark. I said to Kelly, “We’ve got to begin now to design a successor.” He told me he had already begun thinking about a liquid hydrogen-powered airplane and was looking at ways to make his own liquid hydrogen fuel and build his own tank farm. A hydrogen-powered airplane was certainly ambitious, and in those days Kelly seemed entirely capable of moving the world.

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