While successful in stimulating high-level political talks, Vikzhel was unable to bring about a ceasefire. The key battle between Krasnov's roughly one-thousand-man cossack force and a motley army approximately ten times larger, made up of workers' detachments, soldiers of the Petrograd garrison, and Baltic sailors, took place October 30 on the Pulkovo Heights north of Tsarskoe Selo, twelve miles from Petrograd. This struggle, aptly termed "the Valmy of the Russian revolution,"8 was confused, disorganized, and bloody, with both sides suffering severe casualties. By late afternoon, the offensive of Krasnov's demoralized forces had been halted. The cossacks, running low on ammunition, were in danger of being outflanked and cut off from the rear. Forced to fall back on Gatchina, the cossacks agreed two days later to end their resistance and to turn over Kerensky for arrest and public trial on the condition that they be given amnesty and safe conduct home. Forewarned of the cossacks' capitulation, Kerensky, disguised in a sailor's uniform and automobile goggles, narrowly evaded capture and went into hiding.9
Under continued pressure from Vikzhel, whose appeals for compromise and an end to civil war were echoed by the Left SRs and Menshevik- Internationalists and by such mass organizations in the capital as the Petrograd Trade Union Soviet, the Central Soviet of Factory-Shop Committees, and several district soviets, discussions regarding the formation of a broad socialist government dragged on for several days. At the start of these talks, representatives of the Menshevik and SR central committees had been more concerned with mobilizing military support to defeat the Bolsheviks than with reaching an accommodation with them.10 As initial confidence that the Bolsheviks would be overthrown with ease proved unfounded, moderate socialist leaders became somewhat more amenable to serving in a coalition cabinet with the Bolsheviks. They remained adamantly opposed, nonetheless, to participation in a government that included either Lenin or Trotsky. Additionally, the moderate socialists insisted on a variety of safeguards aimed at insuring that any future government would not be Bolshevik-dominated.11
Between October 29 and 31, when it seemed that Krasnov's forces might take the capital, and at a time when the new regime was encountering great difficulty in consolidating its authority in Moscow, the Bolshevik leadership appeared ready to make significant concessions on these fundamental issues.12 During this period, Lenin and Trotsky, preoccupied with pressing logistical and military matters, did not attend either the party meetings at which the Bolshevik stand on the government issue was formulated or the sessions of the Central Executive Committee and the Vikzhel conference at which the character and program of a new government were discussed. In their absence, the views of Kamenev, Zinoviev, Rykov, Miliutin, and other Bolshevik moderates carried particular weight. Kamenev and his associates were firmly convinced that the only hope of defending and preserving the gains of the revolution and of achieving an early convocation of the Constituent Assembly and the conclusion of peace lay in the creation of a broad socialist coalition government, which had been their position all along. Hence, they insisted mainly that any new cabinet not include representatives of the propertied classes and that it be pledged to pursue the general political and social program endorsed by the Second Congress of Soviets.
It is ironic that at the time the Bolshevik Party leadership was inclined toward compromise, the Mensheviks and SRs displayed little interest in coming to terms with the Bolshevik regime. After Krasnov's defeat, when moderate socialists became more amenable to agreement with the Bolsheviks, the Bolshevik Central Committee repudiated the position of its more moderate members and adopted a significantly harder line in the Vikzhel negotiations. This was in part because the immediate danger to the survival of the new regime in Petrograd had passed and partly because Lenin and Trotsky now returned to the party's inner councils, where their outlook prevailed. Party representatives were instructed to participate in the Vikzhel talks solely to expose the impracticability of coalition with moderate socialist groups and to bring the talks quickly to an end.13
In public institutions such as the Central Executive Committee, Bolshevik moderates continued to press for the formation of a government in which all socialist parties would be represented, even after the moderate position had been voted down in the Central Committee. Indeed, on
November 3 Kamenev and Zinoviev secured the Central Executive Committee's endorsement of continued efforts to form such a government.14 For Lenin, who a week and a half earlier had urged that Kamenev and Zinoviev be ousted from the party for their public opposition to an insurrection, the moderates' readiness to sabotage the party's work and once again to jeopardize the revolution was maddening. On November 3 Lenin drafted an ultimatum which was subsequently signed by nine other members of the Central Committee: either the "opposition" would observe party discipline and support the policies agreed upon by a majority, or steps would be taken to expel its members from the party.15
Lenin's ultimatum was presented formally on November 4, after which Kamenev, Zinoviev, Rykov, Nogin, and Miliutin resigned from the Central Committee in protest. Rykov, Nogin, and Miliutin, along with Teodorovich, also withdrew from the government. A few weeks later, the Vikzhel discussions having foundered, the Left SRs agreed to enter the Council of People's Commissars and several Left SRs subsequently accepted government portfolios.16 Not long after the formation of the Bolshevik-Left SR coalition government, Kamenev and his associates ended their open opposition to the Bolshevik leadership. In time all reassumed positions of authority within the party and the government. The participation of the Left SRs in the Council of People's Commissars proved to be short-lived. In mid-March 1918 they resigned in protest against the signing of the onerous Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, which ended Russia's involvement in World War I.
Ahead for the Soviet regime lay a two-and-a-half-year civil war against anti-Bolshevik armies, domestic and foreign. This unprecedentedly bitter and devastating life-and-death struggle was followed by an economic and social crisis the dimensions of which far exceeded what Russia had gone through in 1917. During these tortured years, the democratic character of the Bolshevik Party was lost; the independence of the soviets was destroyed; an oppressive, centralized bureaucracy was reimposed throughout the country; and Russian political and economic life became harnessed to the dictates of the Bolshevik leadership^17 These events, however, belong to another chapter in modern Russian history, no less portentous than the preceding one.
The central question of why the Bolsheviks won the struggle for power in Petrograd in 1917 permits no simple answer. To be sure, from the perspective of more than half a century, it is clear that the fundamental weakness of the Kadets and moderate socialists during the revolutionary period and the concomitant vitality and influence of the radical left at that time can be traced to the peculiarities of Russia's political, social, and economic development during the nineteenth century and earlier. The world war also inevitably had a good deal to do with the way the 1917 revolution in Pet- rograd turned out. Had it not been for the Provisional Government's commitment to pursue the war to victory, a policy which in 1917 enjoyed no broad support, it surely would have been better able to cope with the myriad problems that inevitably attended the collapse of the old order and, in particular, to satisfy popular demands for immediate fundamental reform.
As it was, a major source of the Bolsheviks' growing strength and authority in 1917 was the magnetic attraction of the party's platform as embodied in the slogans "Peace, Land, and Bread" and "All Power to the Soviets." The Bolsheviks conducted an extraordinarily energetic and resourceful campaign for the support of Petrograd factory workers and soldiers and Kronstadt sailors. Among these groups, the slogan "All Power to the Soviets" signified the creation of a democratic, exclusively socialist government, representing all parties and groups in the Soviet and committed to a program of immediate peace, meaningful internal reform, and the early convocation of a Constituent Assembly. In the late spring and summer of 1917, a number of factors served to increase support for the professed goals of the Bolsheviks, especially for transfer of power to the soviets. Economic conditions steadily worsened. Garrison soldiers became directly threatened by shipment to the front. Popular expectations of early peace and reform under the Provisional Government dwindled. Concomitantly, all other major political groups lost credibility because of their association with the government and their insistence on patience and sacrifice in the interest of the war effort. In the wake of the Kornilov affair, among the lower strata of the Petrograd population the desire for an end to coalition government with the Kadets became very nearly universal.
That in the space of eight months the Bolsheviks reached a position from which they were able to assume power was due as well to the special effort which the party devoted to winning the support of military troops in the rear and at the front; only the Bolsheviks seem to have perceived the necessarily crucial significance of the armed forces in the struggle for power. Perhaps even more fundamentally, the phenomenal Bolshevik success can be attributed in no small measure to the nature of the party in 1917. Here I have in mind neither Lenin's bold and determined leadership, the immense historical significance of which cannot be denied, nor the Bolsheviks' proverbial, though vastly exaggerated, organizational unity and discipline. Rather, I would emphasize the party's internally relatively democratic, tolerant, and decentralized structure and method of operation, as well as its essentially open and mass character—in striking contrast to the traditional Leninist model.
As we have seen, within the Bolshevik Petrograd organization at all levels in 1917 there was continuing free and lively discussion and debate over the most basic theoretical and tactical issues. Leaders who differed with the majority were at liberty to fight for their views, and not infrequently Lenin was the loser in these struggles. To gauge the importance of this tolerance of differences of opinion and ongoing give-and-take, it is enough to recall that throughout 1917 many of the Bolsheviks' most important resolutions and public statements were influenced as much by the outlook of right Bolsheviks as by that of Lenin. In addition, moderate Bolsheviks like Kamenev, Zinoviev, Lunacharsky, and Riazanov were among the party's most articulate and respected spokesmen in key public institutions such as the soviets and the trade unions.
In 1917 subordinate party bodies like the Petersburg Committee and the Military Organization were permitted considerable independence and initiative, and their views and criticism were taken into account in the formation of policy at the highest levels. Most important, these lower bodies were able to tailor their tactics and appeals to suit their own particular constituencies amid rapidly changing conditions. Vast numbers of new members were recruited into the party, and they too played a significant role in shaping the Bolsheviks' behavior. Among these newcomers were many of the leading figures in the October revolution, among them Trotsky, Antonov- Ovseenko, Lunacharsky, and Chudnovsky. The newcomers included tens of thousands of workers and soldiers from among the most impatient and dissatisfied elements in the factories and garrison who knew little, if anything, about Marxism and cared nothing about party discipline. This caused extreme difficulties in July when leaders of the Military Organization and the Petersburg Committee, responsive to their militant constituencies, encouraged an insurrection, against the wishes of the Central Committee. But during the period of reaction that followed the July uprising, in the course of the fight against Kornilov, and again during the October revolution, the Bolsheviks' extensive, carefully cultivated connections in factories, local workers' organizations, and units of the Petrograd garrison and the Baltic Fleet were to be a significant source of the party's durability and strength.
The importance to the Bolshevik success of the dynamic relationship that existed in 1917 within the top Bolshevik hierarchy, as well as between it, the ostensibly subordinate elements of the party, and the masses, was illustrated immediately after the July uprising. At the time, Lenin believed that the Provisional Government was effectively controlled by counterrevolutionary elements; overestimating the government's capacity to damage the left, he was convinced, moreover, that under the influence of the Mensheviks and SRs the existing soviets had been rendered powerless. Hence he demanded that the party abandon its orientation toward a possible peaceful transfer of power to the soviets and shift its attention toward preparations for an armed uprising at the earliest opportunity. Other leaders, many of whom had particularly close ties with workers and soldiers and were also active in the Central Executive Committee and the Petrograd Soviet, refused to discount completely the Mensheviks and SRs as potential allies and the soviets as legitimate revolutionary institutions. While the slogan "All Power to the Soviets" was officially withdrawn by the Sixth Congress in late July, this change did not take hold at the local level. Moreover, the congress did not deemphasize efforts to win the soviets, and they continued to be a major focus of party activity throughout the month of August.
As it turned out, the impact of the post-July days reaction against the left was not nearly as serious as originally feared. To the contrary, the repressive measures adopted by the government, as well as the indiscriminate persecution of leftist leaders and the apparently increasing danger of counterrevolution, served simply to increase resentment toward the Kerensky regime among the masses and stimulated them to unite more closely around the soviets in defense of the revolution. The Bolsheviks, working in cooperation with Mensheviks and SRs primarily through revolutionary committees created by the soviets, played a leading role in the quick defeat of Kornilov. In the capital, the Petrograd Soviet, distinctly more radical in composition and outlook, emerged from the Kornilov experience with its power and authority greatly enhanced. In response, the Bolsheviks in early September formally resurrected their main pre-July slogan, "All Power to the Soviets."
Probably the clearest example of the importance and value of the party's relatively free and flexible structure, and the responsiveness of its tactics to the prevailing mass mood, came during the second half of September, when party leaders in Petrograd turned a deaf ear to the ill-timed appeals of Lenin, then still in hiding in Finland, for an immediate insurrection. To be sure, on October 10 the Bolshevik Central Committee, with Lenin in attendance, made the organization of an armed insurrection and the seizure of power "the order of the day." Yet in the ensuing days there was mounting evidence that an uprising launched independently of the soviets and in advance of the Second Congress of Soviets would not be supported by the Petrograd masses; that the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks alone would be opposed by all other major political parties, by peasants in the provinces and soldiers at the front, and possibly even by such mass democratic institutions as the soviets and trade unions; and that in any case the party was technically unprepared for an offensive against the government. In these circumstances tactically cautious party leaders in Petrograd, headed by Trotsky, devised the strategy of employing the organs of the Petrograd Soviet for the seizure of power; of masking an attack on the government as a defensive operation on behalf of the Soviet; and, if possible, of linking the formal overthrow of the government with the work of the Second Congress of Soviets.
On October 21-23, using as an excuse the government's announced intention of transferring the bulk of the garrison to the front and cloaking every move as a defensive measure against the counterrevolution, the Military Revolutionary Committee of the Petrograd Soviet took control of most
Petrograd-based military units, in effect disarming the Provisional Government without a shot. In response, early on the morning of October 24, Kerensky initiated steps to suppress the left. Only at this point, just hours before the scheduled opening of the Congress of Soviets and in part under continuous prodding by Lenin, did the armed uprising that Lenin had been advocating for well over a month actually begin.
The argument has been made that the belated uprising of October 24-25 was of crucial historical importance because, by impelling the main body of Mensheviks and SRs to withdraw from the Second Congress of Soviets, it prevented the creation by the congress of a socialist coalition government in which the moderate socialists might have had a strong voice. In so doing, it paved the way for the formation of a soviet government completely controlled and dominated by the Bolsheviks. The evidence indicates that this was indeed the case. A more crucial point, however, is that only in the wake of the government's direct attack on the left was an armed uprising of the kind envisioned by Lenin feasible. For it bears repeating that the Petrograd masses, to the extent that they supported the Bolsheviks in the overthrow of the Provisional Government, did so not out of any sympathy for strictly Bolshevik rule but because they believed the revolution and the congress to be in imminent danger. Only the creation of a broadly representative, exclusively socialist government by the Congress of Soviets, which is what they believed the Bolsheviks stood for, appeared to offer the hope of insuring that there would not be a return to the hated ways of the old regime, of avoiding death at the front and achieving a better life, and of putting a quick end to Russia's participation in the war.
Notes
D
ates of newspaper citations are for 1917 unless otherwise specified. Full citations are given in the bibliography. The following abbreviations are used in the notes:
KL: Krasnaia letopis'
PSS: V. I. Lenin, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, 55 vols., 5th ed. (Moscow, 1958-1965)
PR: Proletarskaia revoliutsiia
Introduction
Oliver H. Radkey, The Agrarian Foes of Bolshevism (New York, 1958); William G. Rosenberg, Liberals in the Russian Revolution: The Constitutional Democratic Party, 1911-1921 (Princeton, 1974); Ronald G. Suny, The Baku Commune, 1911-1918 (Princeton, 1972); Marc Ferro, La Revolution de 1911: La chute du tsarisme et les origines d'octobre (Paris, 1967); George Katkov, Russia 1911: The February Revolution (New York, 1967); Rex A. Wade, The Russian Search for Peace: February- October 1911 (Stanford, 1969).
William Henry Chamberlin, The Russian Revolution, 1911-1921, 2 vols. (New York, 1935).
After the outbreak of World War I the official name of the Russian capital was hastily changed from the German-derived "St. Petersburg" to the Russianized "Petrograd."
S. P. Melgunov, The Bolshevik Seizure of Power (Santa Barbara, 1972). This is an edited and abridged translation of the same author's Kak boVsheviki zakhvatili vlast' (Paris, 1953).
Robert V. Daniels, Red October (New York, 1967).
Lenin expressed his views on the tasks and organization of the Russian Social Democratic Workers' Party in the essay "What Is to Be Done?" compiled in 1902. Lenin, PSS, vol. 6, pp. 3-192.
Ibid., vol. 27, pp. 299-426. The important writings of Lenin cited here are available in English in Robert C. Tucker, The Lenin Anthology (New York, 1975).
Lenin, PSS, vol. 31, pp. 1-74. In this connection see V. I. Startsev, Ocherki po istorii Petrogradskoi krasnoigvardii i rabochei militsii (Moscow, 1965), pp. 18-19, and
Akademiia nauk SSSR, Institut istorii, Leningradskoe otdelenie, Oktiabr'skoe voo- ruzhennoe vosstanie, ed. S. N. Valk, 2 vols. (Leningrad, 1967), vol. 1, pp. 184—85.
N. I. Podvoiskii, God 1911 (Moscow, 1925), p. 23.
After his return from abroad on May 4, 1917, Trotsky headed his own small social democratic organization, the Interdistrict Committee. By the immediate pre-July period he and many of his associates were working closely with the Bolsheviks. At the Bolshevik Sixth Congress in late July the Interdistrict Committee formally merged with the Bolsheviks and Trotsky became a member of the Bolshevik Central Committee.
As a gesture of opposition to the war, the Petersburg Committee retained its name after St. Petersburg was renamed "Petrograd."
The Bolshevik Military Organization was created in March 1917 by the Petrograd party organization for the purpose of conducting revolutionary activities in the Petrograd garrison and at the Kronstadt naval base. In April the organization was placed directly under the Central Committee and given the task of winning the support of the armed forces at the front and in the rear and of organizing them into a reliable, disciplined revolutionary force.
The fullest and most candid account of Bolshevik behavior at this time by a Soviet historian is contained in E. N. Burdzhalov, "O taktike bol'shevikov v marte-aprele 1917 goda," Voprosy istorii, 1956, no. 4, pp. 38-56. The Czech historian Mikhail Reiman makes the important point that in several Russian cities there existed united Bolshevik-Menshevik organizations: "The impulse toward unification was very strong throughout the party, even reaching the Central Committee. This impulse was so strong that it often obscured fundamental differences which actually made unification an impossibility." Reiman, Russkaia revoliutsiia, 23 fevralia-25 ok- tiabria 1911, 2 vols. (Prague, 1968), vol. 2, p. 162.
These discussions were held in conjunction with a national conference of soviets which met in Petrograd from March 29 to April 3.
Lenin, PSS, vol. 31, pp. 113-18.
Institut marksizma-leninizma pri TsK KPSS, Sed'maia {ApreFskaia) Vserossii- skaia konferentsiia RSDRP (borshevikov)-. Petrogradskaia obshchegorodskaia konferentsiia RSDRP (tborshevikov), аргеГ 1911 goda: Protokoly (Moscow, 1958), pp. 290-91. The minutes of Petersburg Committee meetings for 1917 are contained in Vsesoiuznaia Kommunisticheskaia partiia (bol'shevikov), Leningradskii istpart, Pervyi legaVnyi Peterburgskii komitet borshevikov v 1911 godu: Sbornik materials i protokolov zasedanii Peterburgskogo komiteta RSDRP(b) i ego IspolniteVnoi komissii za 1911 g., ed. P. F. Kudelli (Moscow and Leningrad, 1927).
Sed'maia konferentsiia, pp. 241-45.
Included in the Central Committee elected at the April Conference were the moderates Kamenev, Viktor Nogin, Vladimir Miliutin, and Grigorii Zinoviev, alongside Lenin, Stalin, Iakov Sverdlov, and Ivar Smilga.
No reference was made, for example, to Lenin's controversial motion that the bourgeois democratic revolution had ended in Russia and that power should be transferred to the proletariat and poorer peasantry. A resolution on the "current moment" described the Russian revolution as "merely the first stage of the first revolution that would inevitably result from the war" and asserted that conditions for unified revolutionary action by workers in different countries were gradually developing. The same resolution explained that because the Russian proletariat operated in one of the most backward states in Europe, it could not achieve a socialist reconstruction of society; still, the proletariat could work on such practical steps on the road to socialism as nationalization of land, imposition of state control over banks, and other measures aimed at a more equal distribution of property.
This emphasis on Russia's backwardness and on specific economic gains reflects Kamenev's thinking. Lenin would have preferred to focus exclusive attention on the factors facilitating the consummation of a workers' revolution in Russia: he was opposed to encouraging hopes for partial reform since this would divert the proletariat from the main task of preparing for the transfer of power to the soviets. SecTmaia konferentsiia, pp. 241-60.
This subject was to have been thrashed out during a scheduled debate connected with the adoption of a new party program to replace the outdated program of 1903. However, evidently because of substantial opposition to the changes proposed by Lenin and lack of sufficient time in which to deal with the matter, conference delegates merely adopted some guidelines for revising the program and authorized the Central Committee to prepare a draft program for the consideration of subordinate party organizations. In view of the urgency of this matter, it was agreed that a special congress to adopt a new program would be convened within two months.
P. V. Volobuev, Proletariat i burzhuaziia Rossii v 1911 godu (Moscow, 1964), pp. 90-100.
Ibid., pp. 124—38; Z. V. Stepanov, Rabochie Petrograda vperiodpodgotovki i provedeniia oktiabrskogo vooruzhennogo vosstaniia (Moscow and Leningrad, 1965), p. 54. Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 1, pp. 390-450, contains a useful discussion of the Petrograd economy in the first half of 1917.
In addition, Order Number One placed control of all weapons in the hands of elective committees, announced that orders of the Provisional Government should be obeyed only if they did not conflict with orders of the Soviet, and proclaimed full rights to soldiers when not on duty.
Alexander Rabinowitch, "The Petrograd Garrison and the Bolshevik Seizure of Power," in Revolution and Politics in Russia: Essays in Memory of B. /. Nicolaevsky, ed. Alexander and Janet Rabinowitch with Ladis K. D. Kristof (Bloomington, 1972), pp. 172-74. The most useful studies of the Petrograd garrison in the revolutionary period are M. I. Akhun and V. A. Petrov, Bol'sheviki i armiia v 1905-1911 gg. (Leningrad, 1929); A. K. Drezen, "Petrogradskii garnizon v iiule i avguste 1917 g.," AX, 1927, no. 3 (24), pp. 191-223; O. N. Chaadaeva, "Soldatskie massy petrogradskogo garnizona v podgotovke i provedenii oktiabr'skogo vooruzhennogo vosstaniia," Istoricheskie zapiski, 1955, no. 51, pp. 3-44; V. M. Kochakov, "Sostav petrogradskogo garnizona v 1917 g.," Ucbenye zapiski Leningrad- skogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, 1956, vyp. no. 205, pp. 60-86; V. M. Kochakov, "Bol'shevizatsiia petrogradskogo garnizona v 1917 godu," in Akademiia nauk SSSR, Institut istorii, Leningradskoe otdelenie, Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde (Moscow and Leningrad, 1957), pp. 142-83. A valuable collection of documents is A. K. Drezen, ed., Bol'shevizatsiia petrogradskogo garnizona: Sbornik materialov i dokumentov (Leningrad, 1932).
Rabinowitch, "The Petrograd Garrison and the Bolshevik Seizure of Power," p. 175.
A valuable analysis of the revolutionary situation prevailing in urban Russia just before the start of the war is contained in Leopold Haimson, "The Problem of Social Stability in Urban Russia, 1905-1917," Slavic Review, vol. 23, no. 4 (1964), pp. 620-42, and vol. 24, no. 1 (1965), pp. 1-22.
Elected factory-shop committees were formed in virtually all Petrograd industrial enterprises immediately after the February revolution. Initially created primarily to represent the interests of workers in negotiations with management and governmental and other public institutions, such committees often became prominently involved in factory administration. Between early May and mid-October, representatives of factory-shop committees in Petrograd held four citywide conferences. They also formed a permanent executive body, the Central Soviet of Factory-Shop Committees. A national conference of factory-shop committees was held in Petrograd October 17-22.
Pravda was a daily newspaper published by the Bolshevik Central Committee. Shut down after the July days, it was replaced by Proletarii (August 13), Rabochii (August 25), and Rabochii put" (September 3). Soldatskaia pravda was put out by the Military Organization; banned in early July, it was replaced by Rabochii i soldat (July 23) and Soldat (August 13). Rabotnitsa was a journal for women workers published by the Central Committee two or three times a month.
Alexander Rabinowitch, Prelude to Revolution: The Petrograd Bolsheviks and the July 1911 Uprising (Bloomington, 1968), pp. 229-31.
Ibid., pp. 102-6.
Pervyi vserossiiskii s"ezd Sovetov rabochikh, soldatskikh i kresfianskikh deputatov (Leningrad, 1930), p. xxvii. See also M. S. Iugov, "Sovety v pervyi period revoliu- tsii," in Ocherkipo istorii oktiabr'skoi revoliutsii, ed. M. N. Pokrovskii, 2 vols. (Moscow and Leningrad, 1927), vol. 2, p. 222.
On the relationship at the local level between anarchists and Bolsheviks, and on the behavior of the latter during the April crisis, see Rabinowitch, Prelude to Revolution, pp. 43-45, 61-64.
Ibid., pp. 74—75, 94.
Ibid., pp. 121-22, 131-32.
V. D. Bonch-Bruevich, Na boevykh postakh fevraVskoi i oktiabr'skoi revoliutsii (Moscow, 1931), pp. 72-73.
1 • The July Uprising
Bonch-Bruevich, Na boevykh postakh, pp. 72-73; M. A. Savel'ev, "Lenin v iiul'skie dni," Pravda, July 17, 1930, p. 2; Birzhevye vedomosti, July 7, evening edition, p. 2. See also N. N. Maslov, ed., Lenin i revoliutsiia, 1911 god (Leningrad, 1970), pp. 216-17, 222-23.
Izvestiia, July 4, p. 5.
This crisis grew out of claims to autonomy for the Ukraine by the Ukrainian Central Rada in Kiev. Socialist members were more willing to make immediate concessions to the Rada than were Kadet ministers. At the end of June, Kerensky, Tsereteli, and Tereshchenko negotiated a compromise with the Rada which represented a substantial victory fot the Ukrainians. At a late-night cabinet meeting on July 2, the Kadets A. I. Shingarev, A. A. Manuilov, V. A. Stepanov, and D. I. Shakhovsky refused to approve the agreement, and, upon instructions from their Central Committee, tendered their resignations. The remaining Kadet, N. V. Ne- krasov, favored the compromise and resigned from the Kadet Party rather than leave the government.
Rech\ July 4, p. 1. See also Birzhevye vedomosti, July 4, morning edition, p. 3.
Den\ July 4, p. 3.
Izvestiia, July 4, p. 2.
Birzhevye vedomosti, July 4, morning edition, p. 2.
Bonch-Bruevich, Na boevykhpostakh, p. 73.
July 4, p. 3.
Ibid.; Den\ July 4, p. 2.
Den\ July 4, p. 4.
Rech\ July 4, p. 2.
Birzhevye vedomosti, July 4, morning edition, p. 3; Izvestiia, July 4, pp. 4-5.
Rech\ July 4, p. 2; Den\ July 4, pp. 1, 5; Novaia zhizn\ July 4, p. 2; Birzhevye vedomosti, July 4, morning edition, p. 1.
Den\ July 4, p. 2; Izvestiia, July 4, p. 6.
Okopnaia pravda was an organ of the Bolshevik Military Organization. It was published in Riga and was widely circulated among soldiers on the northern front.
A. Shliapnikov, Semnadtsatyi god, 4 vols. (Moscow and Petrograd, 1923), vol. 2, pp. 190-92; Pervyi legalnyi Peterburgskii komitet, pp. 7, 39-40.
A member of the Executive Commission of the Bolshevik Petersburg Committee and a masterful political agitator, Bagdatiev was one of the most tactically radical Petrograd Bolsheviks. He was formally removed from membership in the Petersburg Committee after the April crisis when, without authorization, he circulated a leaflet in the name of the Petersburg Committee calling for the overthrow of the government. According to some sources, he did the same during the July days.
The son of a poor artisan, Volodarsky joined the Bund (the Jewish social democratic organization) in 1905 and subsequently became a Menshevik. During the war he emigrated to Philadelphia, where he joined the American Socialist Party and the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, and became active in the American antiwar movement. After the February revolution he returned to Petrograd, at first becoming associated with Trotsky's Interdistrict Committee. However, he quickly gravitated to the Bolsheviks, distinguishing himself as an effective leader in such institutions as the Petrograd Soviet and the Petersburg Committee. In addition, among fellow Bolsheviks he was generally reputed to be one of the party's most effective and popular mass orators.
N. Avdeev, Revoliutsiia 1917 goda: Khronika sobytii (Moscow and Leningrad, 1923), vol. 2, pp. 115-16\ Pervyi legalnyi Peterburgskii komitet, pp. 208-9.
M. Kedrov, "Iz krasnoi tetradi ob Il'iche," in Vospominaniia 0 Vladimire IViche Lenine (Moscow, 1956), vol. 1, p. 485.
Lenin, PSS, vol. 34, pp. 21-22; A. M. Liubovich, "3-5 iiulia," Leningrad- skaiapravda, July 16, 1925, p. 3.
In this connection see Podvoisky's recollections of a meeting with Lenin on June 18, in N. I. Podvoiskii, "Voennaia organizatsiia TsK RSDRP(b) i voenno- revoliutsionnyi komitet 1917 1923, no. 6, p. 76.
Rabinowitch, Prelude to Revolution, pp. 164-66.
Kalinin, Krasnaia gazeta, July 16, 1920, p. 2; see also Rabinowitch, Prelude to Revolution, p. 184.
In a long editorial in Pravda on June 22, Kamenev had specifically warned against premature revolutionary action. "Uncoordinated demonstrations by individual regiments attempting to eliminate the unavoidable petty bourgeois stage by means of sabotage are foolish and inexpedient," he wrote. "The proletariat will prepare for the new stage in the revolution not by anarchistic demonstrations and partial endeavors, but through renewed organizational work and unity." Viktor Nogin took every opportunity to speak out in a similar vein at this time. For example, see his impassioned appeal for constraint at a plenary meeting of the Moscow7 Regional Bureau on June 28, in Akademiia nauk SSSR, Institut istorii, et al., Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v mae-iiune 1917 g.: liuriskaia demonstratsiia, ed. D. A. Chugaev, et al. (Moscow, 1959), pp. 116-17. When word of the demonstrations reached Kamenev on the afternoon of July 3, he immediately ordered party leaders in Kronstadt to oppose participation by the sailors and, with Zinoviev, drafted an appeal to workers and soldiers to halt their protests. Late on the night of July 3 Kamenev tried to persuade his colleagues not to support continuation and expansion of the demonstrations the next day but rather to attempt to organize peaceful rallies in the districts.
L. D. Trotskii, Sochineniia, vol. 3, part 1: Ot fevralia do oktiabria (Moscow, 1925), pp. 165-66; Rabinowitch, Prelude to Revolution, pp. 157-74.
M. Ia. Latsis, "Iiul'skie dni v Petrograde: Iz dnevnika agitatora "PR, 1923, no. 5 (17), pp. 104—5; Pervyi legal" nyi Peter burgs kii komitet, p. 164.
V. I. Nevskii, "Voennaia organizatsiia i oktiabr'skaia revoliutsiia," Krasnoarmeets, 1919, nos. 10-15, p. 40.
B. Nikitin, Rokovyegody (Paris, 1937), p. 121.
The issue of German subventions to the Bolsheviks is explored in George Katkov, Russia 1917: The February Revolution; George Katkov, "German Political Intervention in Russia During World War I," in Revolutionary Russia: A Symposium, ed. Richard Pipes (Cambridge, 1968), pp. 80-112; Michael Futrell, The Northern Underground (London, 1963); S. P. Mel'gunov, Zolotoi nemetskii kliuch k boFshevistskoi revoliutsii (Paris, 1940); W. B. Scharlau and Z. A. B. Zeman, Merchant of Revolution: A Life of Alexander Helphand (London and New York, 1965); Stephen Possony, Lenin: The Compulsive Revolutionary (Chicago, 1964), Michael Pearson, The Sealed Train (New York, 1975). Related documents are contained in Z. A. B. Zeman, Germany and the Revolution in Russia 1915-1918: Documents from the Archives of the German Foreign Ministry (London and New York, 1958).
On this point see Alexander Dallin's comment on "German Political Intervention in Russia during World War I" by George Katkov, in Revolutionary Russia, p. 117, and I. G. Tsereteli, Vospominaniia ofevraPskoi revoliutsii, 2 vols. (Paris, 1963), vol. 2, pp. 336-41.
See Pereverzev's letter to the editor in Birzhevye vedomosti, July 9, evening edition, p. 7.
Rech\ July 9, p. 3.
Tsereteli, Vospominaniia, vol. 2, pp. 332-33. Tsereteli recalls that the charges released by Aleksinsky and Pankratov were most striking for their superficial and frivolous character. Nekrasov, for one, was enraged by Pereverzev's action. At the time a rumor circulated that he had challenged the minister of justice to a duel. Pereverzev was forced to resign a few days later. See Zhivoe slovo, July 7,
P. 2.
Tsereteli, Vospominaniia, vol. 2, pp. 333-34.
Izvestiia, July 7, p. 3.
2 • The Bolsheviks Under Fire
Lenin, PSS, vol. 32, p. 416.
These essays—"Where Is State Power and Where Is Counterrevolution?" ("Gde vlast' i gde kontrrevoliutsiia?"), "Foul Slander by Ultrareactionary Newspapers and Aleksinsky" (Gnusnye klevety chernosotennykh gazet i Aleksinskogo"), "Slander and the Facts" ("Zloslovie i fakty"), and "A New Dreyfus Case?" ("Novoe delo Dreifusa?")—were all published 'm List ok pravdy, July 6, pp. 1-2. (See Lenin, PSS, vol. 32, pp. 410-22.)
Izvestiia, July 6, p. 6; Gazeta-kopeika, July 6, p. 2.
Edinstvo, July 9, p. 1. Edinstvo was the organ of a group of right social democrats headed by Plekhanov. Its editorial policy strongly supported the Provisional Government and the Russian war effort.
Petrogradskaia gazeta, July 7, p. 2; Petrogradskii list ok, July 7, p. 1.
Recb\ July 6, p. 1.
This reticence was reflected most clearly in the aftermath of the abortive June 10 demonstration. At that time several prominent moderate socialists, headed by Tsereteli, urged that sanctions be applied against the Bolsheviks and their sympathizers—most importantly, that military regiments and worker detachments under Bolshevik influence immediately be disarmed. A majority of the Soviet leadership, however, refused to sanction such action. See Rabinowitch, Prelude to Revolution, pp. 81-84.
Akademiia nauk SSSR, Institut istorii, et al., Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v iiule 1917 g.: liuVskii krizis, ed. D. A. Chugaev, et al. (Moscow, 1959), pp. 295-97. During the last years of the tsarist regime, the State Council was the upper house of the Russian legislature; the Duma was the lower house.
Rech\ July 16, p. 1; July 18, p. 2; Rosenberg, Liberals in the Russian Revolution, pp. 178-85.
Rech\ July 11, p. 2. On the German counterattack see Robert S. Feldman, "The Russian General Staff and the June 1917 Offensive," Soviet Studies, April 1968, pp. 540-42.
Izvestiia, July 8, p. 4.
Ibid., July 11, pp. 3-4, 6; Golos soldata, July 11, p. 3. The same day, July 9, the Bureau of the Central Executive Committee formally waived the right of its members to immunity from arrest, provided that the committee be informed of such arrests within twenty-four hours and that it be given the opportunity of keeping a close watch on the disposition of these cases.
Izvestiia, July 11, p. 1.
Delo naroda, July 11, p. 2; Izvestiia, July 12, p. 7; Sotsial-Demokrat, July 11,
p. 3.
Rabochaiagazeta, July 19, p. 3.
Izvestiia, July 18, p. 5.
Novoe vremia, July 25, pp. 2-3; Rosenberg, Liberals in the Russian Revolution, pp. 191-95; Kh. M. Astrakhan, BoVsheviki i ikh politicheskie protivniki v 1917 godu (Leningrad, 1973), pp. 285-86; Wade, The Russian Search for Peace, pp. 92-95;
Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 1, pp. 379-80; P. N. Miliukov, Istoriia vtoroi russkoi revoliutsii, 3 parts (Sofia, 1921-1924), part 2, pp. 19-20, 36.
Malenkaia gazeta, July 6, p. 1; Volia naroda, July 6, p. 3; G. Shidlovskii, "Razgrom redaktsii Pravdy v iiule 1917 1927, no. 1 (22), pp. 48-50.
Rabinowitch, Prelude to Revolution, pp. 208-9, 213-14.
Golos soldata, July 7, p. 2. During the July days, for security reasons, meetings of the cabinet were held in the General Staff building. Beginning around July 11 the government moved its permanent headquarters from the Mariinsky Palace to the Winter Palace. At this time the Winter Palace also became Kerensky's residence.
Ibid.
Russia, 1917, Provisional Government, Zhurnaly zasedanii Vremennago praviteVstva (Petrograd, 1917), meeting of July 6, 1917, p. 1.
Vestnik Vremennago praviteVstva, July 7, p. 1.
Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie: liuVskii krizis, p. 290.
Alexander Kerensky, Russia and History's Turning Point (New York, 1965), p. 290.
V. Vladimirova, Revoliutsiia 1917 goda: Khronika sobytii, vol. 3, Iiun'-iiuV (Moscow, 1923), p. 156.
Gazeta-kopeika, July 7, p. 3; Edinstvo, July 7, p. 3.
New York Times, July 25, p. 1.
Zhurnaly zasedanii Vremennago praviteVstva, meeting of July 7, 1917, p. 4; Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie: liuVskii krizis, pp. 73-74; Akademiia nauk SSSR, Institut istorii, et al., Baltiiskie moriaki v podgotovke г pravedenii velikoi oktiabrskoi sotsialistiche- skoi revoliutsii, ed. P. N. Mordvinov (Moscow and Leningrad, 1957), pp. 13132.
Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie: liuVskii krizis, pp. 290, 293, 298-303; Razlozhenie armii v 1917 godu, ed. Ia. A. Iakovlev (Moscow and Leningrad, 1925), pp. 96-98. Capital punishment was originally abolished by order of the Provisional Government on March 12, 1917.
Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie: liuVskii krizis, pp. 302, 304, 564.
Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 3, p. 161.
Malenkaia gazeta, July 6, p. 3\ Birzhevye vedomosti, July 6, morning edition,
P. 3.
Zhivoe slovo, July 11, p. 3; Birzhevye vedomosti, July 10, morning edition, p. 4. Khaustov had been jailed on June 9 for inflammatory articles he wrote for Okop- naia pravda condemning the forthcoming offensive.
Baltiiskie moriaki, p. 131; I. N. Kolbin, "Kronshtadt ot fevralia do kor- nilovskikh dnei," KL, 1927, no. 2 (23), pp. 151-54; Proletarskoe delo, July 14, p. 1.
F. F. Raskol'nikov, "V tiur'me Kerenskogo," РЯ, 1923, no. 10 (22), p. 135.
A. M. Kollontai, "V tiur'me Kerenskogo " Katorga i ssylka, 1927, no. 7 (36), pp. 25-32.
Izvestiia, July 19, p. 5.
Novaia zhizn\ July 13, p. 2.
Gazeta-kopeika, July 25, p. 3; Raskol'nikov, "V tiur'me Kerenskogo," p. 139. A close friend of Trotsky's, Larin was formally a Menshevik-Internationalist at this time. At the Sixth Congress shortly afterward he became associated with the Bolsheviks.
Petrogradskaiagazeta, July 9, p. 2; M. Ul'ianova, "Poiski Il'icha v pervye dni iiulia 1917 g.," in 0 Lenine (Moscow, 1927), pp. 35-40. For Nikitin's recollection of this episode see Rokovye gody, p. 152.
Lenin spent the night of July 5 at the apartment of Maria Sulimova, a Military Organization secretary. After the government's early-morning raid on the Kshesinskaia mansion, he spent a few hours each at the quarters of a Vyborg District factory worker, V. N. Kaurov, and the apartment of a close friend of Krupskaia's, Margarita Fofanova. On the night of July 6 he stayed at the apartment of Nikolai Poletaev, a former Social Democratic Duma deputy, moving in with the Alliluevs on the morning of July 7. See Institut marksizma-leninizma pri TsK KPSS, Vladimir IГгсЬ Lenin: Biograficheskaia khronika, vol. 4, Mart-oktiabr' 1911 (Moscow, 1973), pp. 275-82.
S. Ordzhonikidze, "Il'ich v iiul'skie dni "Pravda, March 28, 1924, p. 4.
Institut marksizma-leninizma pri TsK KPSS, Shestoi s"ezd RSDRP (boPshevikov), avgust 1911 goda: Protokoly (Moscow, 1958), pp. 32-33.
A. G. Shliapnikov, "Kerenshchina,"PR, 1926, no. 7 (54), p. 35.
Shestoi s"ezd, pp. 28-36.
N. K. Krupskaia, "Vospominaniia о Lenine," in Institut marksizma- leninizma pri TsK KPSS, Vospominaniia 0 Vladimire Wiche Lenine, 5 vols. (Moscow, 1968), vol. 1, p. 471.
Lenin, PSS, vol. 49, p. 445.
Ordzhonikidze, "Il'ich v iiul'skie dni," p. 4.
Lenin, PSS, vol. 34, pp. 8-9.
Vladimir IVich Lenin: Biograficheskaia khronika, vol. 4, pp. 287-88.
G. Zinov'ev, "Lenin i iiul'skie dni "PR, 1927, nos. 8-9 (67-68), p. 70.
A. Shotman, "Lenin nakanune oktiabria," in Institut Lenina pri TsK RKP(b), О Lenine: Sbornik vospominanii, 4 vols. (Leningrad, 1924-1925), vol. 1, pp. 112-24; Zinov'ev, "Lenin v iiul'skie dni," pp. 67-69. Lenin wrote most of The State and Revolution, originally titled "Marxism and the State," in January and February 1917 while in Zurich. Recently characterized by Robert C. Tucker as "Lenin's most important contribution to Marxist political theory" (The Lenin Anthology, p. 311), it was left behind in Stockholm when Lenin returned to Russia in April 1917 and was delivered to him at Emelianov's in late July.
This account of the All-Russian Executive Committees meeting of July 13 is based on reports in Izvestiia, July 14, pp. 3-4; Novaia zhizn\ July 14, p. 2; and Den\ July 14, p. 2.
The Trudovik (Toiler) group was a caucus of nonaligned populist-oriented socialists active in the State Duma. In the Fourth Duma Kerensky was the chief Trudovik spokesman.
Lisy Nos, literally "bald nose," is a point a few miles northwest of Petrograd which juts into the Finnish Gulf toward nearby Kronstadt.
N. Emel'ianov, "Tainstvennyi shalash," in О Lenine, ed. M. L. Meshcheriakov, vol. 1 (Moscow and Leningrad, 1924), p. 109.
M. I. Sulimova, "Iiul'skie dni," in К godovshchine smerti V. /. Lenina, ed. A. F. Il'in-Zhenevskii (Leningrad, 1925), pp. 136-38; M. I. Sulimova, "O sobytiiakh 1917 goda," in Institut marksizma-leninizma pri TsK KPSS, Velikaia oktiabr'skaia sotsialistcheskaia revoliutsiia: Sbornik vospominanii (Moscow, 1957), p. 120; Leninskii sbornik, vol. 4 (Leningrad, 1925), p. 319.
Shotman, "Lenin nakanune oktiabria," pp. 114—15.
Zinov'ev, "Lenin i iiul'skie dni," pp. 68-70.
3 • Petrograd During the Reaction
The following were consulted in preparing this account of the cossacks' funeral: Izvestiia, July 14, p. 2; July 15, pp. 1-2; and July 16, p. 4Golos soldata, July 16, p. 1; Zhivoe slovo, July 16, p. 1; Rech\ July 16, pp. 1-2; Volia naroda, July 16, p. 4; Delo naroda, July 15, p, 4; July 16, p. 3.
Recb\ July 7, p. 1.
V. Voitinskii, "Gody pobed i porazhenii, 1917 god" (Nicolaevsky archives, Hoover Institution, Stanford, California), p. 209.
Golos soldata, July 7, p. 1; Izvestiia, July 7, p. 1; Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 3, p. 161.
Izvestiia, July 19, p. 5; Gazeta-kopeika, July 19, p. 2.
See, for example, Groza, August 20, pp. 1-2; August 27, pp. 1-2.
Petrogradskii list ok, July 27, p. 1.
Tat'iana Graf, "V iiul'skie dni 1917 g.," KL, 1928, no. 2 (26), p. 47, Novaia zhizn\ July 21, p. 3.
Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 3, pp. 149, 165, 319-20.
Graf, "V iiul'skie dni 1917 g.," pp. 69-73; Golos soldata, July 12, p. 3.
A. Il'in-Zhenevskii, "Bol'sheviki v tiur'me Kerenskogo," KL, 1928, no. 2 (26), p. 47.
Izvestiia, July 6, p. l\Den\ July 6, p. 3.
Gazeta-kopeika, July 8, p. 4; July 11, p. 3; Golos soldata, July 12, p. 3; Izvestiia Moskovskogo soveta rabochikh deputatov, July 13, p. 1.
This account of the July 18 meeting of the Provisional Committee is based on A. Drezen, ed., Burzhuaziia ipomeshchiki v 1911 godu: Chastnye soveshchaniia chlenov Gosudarstvennoi dumy (Moscow and Leningrad, 1932), pp. 192-205.
A. Il'in-Zhenevskii, Ot fevralia k zakhvatu vlasti: Vospominaniia 0 1911 g. (Leningrad, 1927), p. 87.
I. P. Flerovskii, "Iiul'skii politicheskii urok "PR, no. 7 (54), pp. 83-84.
Proletarskoe delo was published by the Bolshevik fraction in the Kronstadt Soviet beginning July 14, 1917, as a replacement for Golospravdy, just then banned by the authorities.
L. Trotskii, Sochineniia, vol. 3, part 1, Ot fevralia do oktiabria (Moscow and Leningrad, 1925), pp. 206-11.
Institut istorii partii Leningradskogo obkoma KPSS, Geroi oktiabria, bio- grafiii aktivnykh uchastnikf/v podgotovki i provedeniia oktiabr skogo vooruzhennogo vosstaniia v Retrograde, 2 vols. (Leningrad, 1967), vol. 1, pp. 239-40. As the only party member killed in attacks on the Bolsheviks after the July days, Voinov was made a hero after the October revolution. The street where he was assaulted was renamed Voinov Street.
Il'in-Zhenevskii, Ot fevralia k zakhvatu vlasti, p. 93.
Il'in-Zhenevskii, "Bol'sheviki v tiur'me Kerenskogo," p. 48.
Ibid., p. 51; Raskol'nikov, "V tiur'me Kerenskogo," p. 137. To judge by a memoir by Tatiana Graf, a young member of the Bolshevik Petrograd District Committee, among party members thrown into prison in the aftermath of the July days, those in the Nikolaevsky Military Hospital seem to have had the most lenient regime. Graf recalls her astonishment when, visiting the hospital to deliver food and clothing to three Bolsheviks there, she could not locate these inmates. She later learned that guards at the hospital, acting without authorization, permitted prisoners to go into town on a regular basis, sometimes for several days at a time. Graf, "V iiul'skie dni 1917 g.," p. 75.
Kollontai, in the women's prison, was also held in solitary confinement. For several weeks she was not permitted to leave her cell; she was denied contact with other prisoners and not allowed reading materials. What tidbits of news she managed to pick up were all bad. Apprehension for the fate of the party became an obsession. Eventually she fell seriously ill. When Maxim Gorky and Leonid Krasin launched a protest in the press against her harsh treatment, Zhivoe slovo countered with an expose of what Kollontai's life in prison was "really" like. According to this fanciful account, Kollontai was so pleased with prison borshch and kasha that when a sympathizer brought her a large basket of sardines, cheese, sprats, and fried goose, she gave it all away to fellow prisoners. Kollontai was released from prison on August 19. Kollontai, "V tiur'me Kerenskogo," pp. 37-41; Zhivoe slovo, August 13,
P. 4.
Raskol'nikov, "V tiur'me Kerenskogo," pp. 138, 142, 144-45, 155.
Rabochii i soldat, July 29, p. 1.
Soldat, August 20, p. 3.
Il'in-Zhenevskii, "Bol'sheviki v tiur'me Kerenskogo," pp. 51-52.
Raskol'nikov, "V tiur'me Kerenskogo," p. 149.
Il'in-Zhenevskii, "Bol'sheviki v tiur'me Kerenskogo," pp. 55-58; Izvestiia Kronshtadtskogo soveta, August 8, p. 3.
4 • The Ineffectiveness of Repression
Zhivoe slovo, July 8, p. 2.
Recb\ July 7, p. 1.
Vsesoiuznaia Kommunisticheskaia partiia (bol'shevikov), Vtoraia i Trefia pet- rogradskie obshchegorodskie konferentsii bol'shevikov v iiule i oktiabre 1911 goda: Protokoly (Moscow-Leningrad, 1927). Novaia zhizn\ July 21, p. 3.
Izvestiia, July 12, p. 4.
Ibid., July 12, p. 5; July 13, p. 3; Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 3, p.
175.
Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 3, pp. 180-81.
See, for example, I. Tobolin, ed., "Iiul'skie dni v Petrograde," Krasnyi arkhiv, 1927, no. 4 (23), pp. 1-63, and no. 5 (24), pp. 3-70.
Izvestiia, July 22, p. 7.
Novaia zhizn\ July 23, p. 1; see also A. S. Farfel, Bor'ba narodnykh massprotiv kontrrevoliutsionnoi iustitsii vremennogo praviteFstva (Minsk, 1969), p. 98.
G. E. Zinov'ev, Sochineniia, 16 vols. (Moscow, 1923-1929), vol. 7. For a useful analysis of Zinoviev's activity in 1917, see Myron Hedlin, "Zinoviev's Revolutionary Tactics in 1917Slavic Review, vol. 34, no. 1 (1975), pp. 19-43.
A new Central Committee was elected at the Sixth Congress. Its members were Ia. A. Berzin, A. S. Bubnov, N. I. Bukharin, F. E. Dzerzhinsky, L. B. Kamenev, A. M. Kollontai, N. N. Krestinsky, V. I. Lenin, V. P. Miliutin, M. K.
Muranov, V. P. Nogin, A. I. Rykov, F. A. Sergeev, S. G. Shaumian, I. T. Smilga, G. Ia. Sokolnikov, I. V. Stalin, la. M. Sverdlov, L. D. Trotsky, M. S. Uritsky, and G. E. Zinoviev.
A. F. Il'in-Zhenevskii, "Nakanune oktiabria," KL, 1926, no. 4 (19), pp. 15-16.
See below, pp. 72-74.
Institut marksizma-leninizma pri TsK KPSS, Perepiska sekretariata TsK RSDRP(b) s mestnymi partiinymi organizatsiiami: Sbornik dokumentov, vol. 1, Mart- oktiabr' 1911 g. (Moscow, 1957), p. 22.
Among the approximately fifteen top party officials attending this meeting were Sverdlov and Nogin from the Central Committee; Gleb Boky, Viacheslav Molotov, Saveliev, and Volodarsky from the Petersburg Committee; and Bubnov, Olminsky, Sokolnikov, Bukharin, and Aleksei Rykov from Moscow.
These appear under the title "Politicheskoe polozhenie (Chetyre tezisa)," in Lenin, Sochineniia, vol. 34, pp. 1-5; for the background and an interpretation of these theses, see A. M. Sovokin, "Rasshirennoe soveshchanie TsK RSDRP(b) 13-14 iiulia 1917 g.," Voprosy istorii KPSS, 1959, no. 4, pp. 130-31.
S. Ordzhonikidze, "Il'ich v iiul'skie dm," Pravda, March 28, 1924, p. 4. This statement by Lenin has been edited out of some editions of Ordzhonikidze's memoirs. See, for example, S. Ordzhonikidze, Put" boVshevika (Moscow, 1956).
According to Podvoisky, Lenin spoke to him about the necessity of preparing the masses for an armed uprising immediately after the June 18 demonstration. Lenin also appears to have discussed his views on this subject with Kamenev, Zinoviev, and Stalin at Fofanova's on the evening of July 6.
See especially Vtoraia i Trefia petrogradskie obsbcbegorodskie konferentsii, pp. 75, 85.
L. A. Komissarenko, aDeiatel'nost' partii bol'shevikov po ispol'zovaniiu vooruzhennykh i myrnikh form bor'by v period podgotovki i provedeniia velikoi oktiabr'skoi sotsialisticheskoi revoliutsii" (Candidate dissertation, Leningrad State University, Leningrad, 1967), p. 23.
Sovokin, Rasshirennoe soveshchanie," p. 132.
Vtoraia i Tret'iapetrogradskie obsbcbegorodskie konferentsii, p. 85. An interesting analysis of this conference is contained in Komissarenko, "Deiatel'nost' partii bol'shevikov," pp. 22-23. On the Central Committee's rejection of Lenin's advice in the post-July period, see G. Sokolnikov, "Как podkhodit' к istorii oktiabria," in Za leninizma (Moscow and Leningrad, 1925), p. 165.
Vtoraia i Trefiapetrogradskie obsbcbegorodskie konferentsii, p. 84.
Ibid., pp. 144-45.
See Olminsky's comments at an expanded meeting of the Moscow Committee on July 15 in Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie: liuVskii krizis, p. 186.
Lenin, Sochineniia, vol. 34, pp. 10-17; Sovokin, "Rasshirennoe soveshchanie," p. 134.
E. A. Fedosikhina, "Bol'shevistskie partiinye konferentsii nakanune VI s'ezda partii" (Candidate dissertation, Moscow State University, Moscow, 1969), pp. 65-67, 87, 92.
Vtoraia i Trefia petrogradskie obshchegorodski konferentsii, p. 56.
M. Ia. Latsis, "Iiul'skie dni v Petrograde: Iz dnevnika agitatora,"PR, 1923, no. 5 (17), p. 115.
Pervyi legaVnyi Peterburgskii komitet, pp. 210-14.
Izvestiia, July 16, p. 7; Latsis, "Iiul'skie dni v Petrograde," p. 116; Petro- gradskii list ok, July 19, p. 1.
Vtoraia i Trefiapetrogradskie obshchegorodskie konferentsii, pp. 64—68.
Ibid., pp. 69-70.
Ibid., pp. 70-71; 75-76.
Ibid., pp. 71-72.
Ibid., pp. 74—75.
Ibid., p. 78.
Ibid., pp. 78-88.
Ibid., p. 88; Komissarenko, "Deiatel'nost' partii bol'shevikov," pp. 41-42. Less than a week later Slutsky attempted to get the Petersburg Committee to reevaluate "the current moment." See the minutes for the Petersburg Committee meeting of July 12 in Pervyi legaVnyi Peterburgskii komitet, p. 216.
See Il'in-Zhenevskii, "Nakanune oktiabria," pp. 10-12, for personal recollections of a purge by fellow officers in his military unit.
Golos soldata, July 12, p. 4.
V. I. Nevskii, "V oktiabre," Katorga i ssylka, 1932, nos. 11-12 (96-97), p. 28; A. Minchev, "Boevye dni," KL, 1924, no. 9, p. 9. Lingering resentment toward the Military Organization on the part of district representatives frequently surfaced at meetings of the Petersburg Committee. For example, see the hostile references to the Military Organization at the Petersburg Committee meeting of August 17 in Pervyi legalnyi Peterburgskii komitet, pp. 227-29.
Vtoraia i Trefiapetrogradskie obshchegorodskie konferentsii, pp. 57-61, and Shestoi s"ezd, pp. 59-66. On this point see S. E. Rabinovich, "Bol'shevistskie voennye organizatsii v 1917 g ."PR, 1928, nos. 6-7 (77-78), pp. 187-89.
Shestoi s"ezd, p. 289; B. Shumiatskii, "Shestoi s"ezd partii i rabochii klass," in V dni velikoi proletarskoi revoliutsii: Epizody borby v Petrograde v 1911 godu (Moscow, 1937), p. 92.
Il'in-Zhenevskii, "Nakanune oktiabria," p. 7.
Ibid., p. 9.
Institut marksizma-leninizma pri TsK KPSS, Protokoly TsentraVnogo komiteta RSDRP(b): Avgust 1911-fevraV 1918 (Moscow, 1958), p. 4.
Ibid., p. 24.
Ibid., p. 20.
The All-Russian Bureau was formed at the All-Russian Conference of Bolshevik Military Organizations in June; its members were Nevsky, Podvoisky, E. F. Rozmirovich, and Lazar Kaganovich, all of whom escaped arrest in July, and Flavian Khaustov, I. Ia. Arosev, Nikolai Krylenko, Konstantin Mekhonoshin, and I. I. Dzevaltovsky, all of whom were jailed.
Protokoly TsentraVnogo komiteta, pp. 23-25.
Il'in-Zhenevskii, Ot fevralia k zakhvatu vlasti, p. 98.
Nevskii, "V oktiabre," pp. 28-30.
Ibid., p. 29.
Protokoly TsentraVnogo komiteta, pp. 22-23. Two weeks later, on the heels of the Kornilov affair, Sverdlov presented a very favorable progress report to the Central Committee on the state of the Military Organization. He declared that the Military Organization was "not an independent political organization but a military
commission under the Central Committee. Simultaneously," he went on, "the work of the Military Organization is being supervised by the Central Committee. Comrade Bubnov is working with the staff of Soldat, and [Military Organization] work in general is being supervised by Dzerzhinsky and Sverdlov." Ibid., p. 64.
Perepiska sekretariata TsK, vol. 1, p. 23.
Soldat, August 20, p. 6.
Ibid., September 13, p. 4.
Ibid., September 2, p. 4.
Ibid., September 13, p. 4.
Akademiia nauk SSSR, Institut istorii, Leningradskoe otdelenie, Raionnye sovety Petrograda v 1911 godu: Protokoly, rezoliutsii, postanovleniia obshchikh sobranii zasedanii ispolniternykh komitetov, 3 vols. (Moscow and Leningrad, 1964—1966). For worthwhile descriptions and analyses of these materials, see Theodore H. Von Laue's review essay in Kritika, vol. 4, no. 3 (Spring 1968), pp. 33-57, and Rex A. Wade, "The Raionnye Sovety of Petrograd: The Role of Local Political Bodies in the Russian Revolution," Jahrbiicher fur Geschichte Osteuropas, vol. 20 (1972), pp. 226-40.
On this point see Wade, "Raionnye Sovety," p. 240.
Raionnye sovety Petrograda, vol. 3, pp. 248-50. The fullest study of the Interdistrict Conference is M. L. Lur'e, "Petrogradskoe mezhraionnoe soveshchanie v 1917 godu," KL, 1932, no. 3 (48), pp. 13-43, and no. 4 (49), pp. 30-50.
This independence was mirrored in the action taken by the conference in response to an appeal for funds on the part of the Central Executive Committee. The Bolsheviks apparently opposed such aid while the majority socialists obviously favored it. In its resolution on the matter, the Interdistrict Conference, while endorsing donations for the Soviet's upkeep, pointedly declared that if the central Soviet organs were experiencing difficulties obtaining funds in the districts of Petrograd, it was only because of the disappointment of the Petrograd proletariat with the policies of the Central Executive Committee leadership. Until the politics of the Central Executive Committee majority were altered in a fundamental way, the district soviet representatives warned, the Central Executive Committee was bound to encounter passivity on the part of the proletariat toward all aspects of its work requiring mass support, finances included. Raionnye sovety Petrograda, vol. 3, pp. 283-84.
Ibid., p. 88.
Ibid., p. 201. District soviet documents do not include any protocols for meetings of the Porokhovsky and Obukhovsky district soviets for the period just after the July days; to judge by their behavior in June and August, one would surmise that their positions were close to those of the Okhtinsky and Rozhdest- vensky district soviets.
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 143.
Ibid., vol. 3, pp. 268-70.
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 32-33.
Ibid., vol. 3, pp. 70-71.
Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 224-28.
Ibid., vol. 3, pp. 203-4.
Ibid., pp. 268-72.
Ibid., pp. 272-79. The district soviet deputies were received by the Bureau
of the Central Executive Committee later the same day, but there is no evidence that the mission had any effect.
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 144—45.
Ibid., vol. 3, pp. 279-80.
Ibid., vol. 2, p. 46.
5 • The Bolshevik Resurgence
An initial edition of the Sixth Congress protocols appeared in 1919 (Izdatel'stvo Kommunist). It was obviously incomplete, quite likely more than anything else a reflection of the difficult circumstances under which the congress met. According to Soviet sources, the secretarial record of the congress was then lost, as a result of which the original 1919 edition has been the basis of all subsequent editions of the Sixth Congress protocols. These appeared in 1927, 1934, and, most recently, 1958.
Shestoi s"ezd, pp. 27-36, 270.
Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie: liuVskii krizis, p. 326.
Shestoi s"ezd, pp. 109, 423-24.
Il'in-Zhenevskii, Ot fevralia k zakhvatu vlasti, p. 96.
Shestoi s"ezd, pp. 69-70.
Il'in-Zhenevskii, Ot fevralia k zakhvatu vlasti, p. 96.
Shestoi s"ezd, p. 7.
I. P. Flerovskii, "Lenin i kronshtadtsy," in О Vladimire IViche Lenine (Moscow, 1963), p. 276; I. P. Flerovskii, "Na putiakh к oktiabriu," in Institut marksizma-leninizma pri TsK KPSS, Velikaia oktiabr'skaia sotsialisticheskaia revoliu- tsiia: Sbornik vospominanii uchastnikov revoliutsii v Retrograde i Moskve (Moscow, 1957), p. 105.
Shestoi s"ezd, p. 28.
Ibid., p. 122.
Ibid., pp. 111-12.
Not included, apparently intentionally, in any editions of the Sixth Congress protocols and materials, this draft resolution was published shortly after the congress in the August 13 issue of the Kiev Bolshevik paper, Golos sotsial-demokrata. From some notations made by Lenin before his departure for Finland, it appears clear that he prepared a draft resolution "On the Current Moment" specifically for the congress. For these notations see Leninskii sbornik, vol. 21 (Moscow, 1933), pp. 81-82. The resolution itself was finally republished in A. M. Sovokin, Vpreddverii oktiabria (Moscow, 1973), pp. 336-41. Heretofore most Soviet sources suggested that the text of this resolution had never been found.
On this point see Oktiabrskoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, p. 96. More fundamental theoretical questions relating to the very possibility of a socialist revolution in Russia were raised by only three delegates: Nogin, Evgenii Preob- razhensky, and N. S. Angarsky.
Shestoi s"ezd, pp. 116-18.
Ibid., pp. 119-20.
Ibid., pp. 124—25; for a valuable view7 of the revolution in Baku, see Suny, The Baku Commune 1911-1918.
Shestoi s"ezd, pp. 134-36.
Ibid., pp. 114-42.
Ibid., pp. 125-28.
Ibid., pp. 131-32.
Ibid., pp. 133-32.
Ibid., pp. 133-39.
For the text of this resolution, see Institut marksizma-leninizma pri TsK KPSS, Institut istorii parti MK i MGK KPSS, Podgotovka i pobeda oktiabr'skoi revoliutsii v Moskve (Moscow, 1957), pp. 202-4.
Shestoi s"ezd, pp. 144-45.
A. M. Sovokin, "Razrabotka V. I. Leninym novoi taktike partii posle iiul'skikh sobytii 1917 g.," (Candidate dissertation, Institute of Marxism-Leninism, Moscow, 1962), p. 185; Shestoi s"ezd, p. 251.
Shestoi s"ezd, pp. 225-27.
Akademiia nauk SSSR, Institut istorii, et al., Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Ros- sii v avguste 1911 g.: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, ed. D. A. Chugaev, et al. (Moscow, 1959), p. 46.
On this point see Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 1, p. 385.
Thus participants in a gathering of local SR officials on August 23, reviewing developments since mid-July, worried aloud about significant membership losses to the Bolsheviks. Only a very few representatives of SR district party committees were able to say that support for the SRs in their areas was undiminished. Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 1, pp. 387-88.
At the end of July, in elections to the Kronstadt Duma, the Bolshevik list, headed by Raskolnikov, received 10,214 votes of the 28,154 votes cast, second only to the SRs, with 10,900 votes.
Early August elections to the powerful Kronstadt Soviet provided an even more striking sign of support for the Bolsheviks: ninety-six Bolsheviks took seats in the new soviet alongside ninety-six nonaffiliated candidates, seventy-three SRs, thirteen Mensheviks, and seven anarchists. (Of 280 deputies in the first Kronstadt Soviet formed in March, only sixty were Bolsheviks. The second Kronstadt Soviet, elected in early May, contained ninety-three Bolsheviks, ninety-one SRs, forty-six Mensheviks, and sixty-eight nonaffiliated deputies.) Nonetheless, even now the Bolsheviks did not have a majority in the Kronstadt Soviet; an SR, Konstantin Shugrin, was elected chairman. Petrogradskii listok, July 30, p. 2; Izvestiia Kronshtadtskogo soveta, August 13, p. 1; S. S. Khesin, Oktiabr'skaia revoliutsiia i flot (Moscow, 1971), pp. 74-75, 153, 299.
A. M. Andreev, Sovety rabochikh i soldatskikh deputatov nakanune oktiabria (Moscow, 1967), pp. 255-59; L. F. Karamysheva, Bor'ba bol'shevikov za Petrogradskii sovet (Leningrad, 1964), p. 136.
Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 4, p. 24.
Novaia zhizn', August 8, p. 3.
See below, pp. 110-15.
Rech', August 15, p. 1.
Pervyi legal'nyi Peterburgskii komitet, pp. 223-26, 232-33.
Soldat, August 19, p. I; Proletarii, August 19, p. 1.
Soldat, August 19, p. 1; Proletarii, August 20, p. 1.
For a valuable analysis of the vote, see William G. Rosenberg, "The Russian Municipal Duma Elections of 1917: A Preliminary Computation of Returns," Soviet Studies, XXI (1969), pp. 152-63.
Rech\ August 23, p. 1. According to this writer, the actual vote totals didn't mean much because (1) absenteeism had been highest in areas of greatest Kadet strength, and (2) the SR and Bolshevik figures were swelled by the votes of thousands of soldiers who were only temporary residents of the capital. To him, the most essential point was that 40 percent of the total vote minus soldiers was Kadet.
Novaia zhizn\ August 23, p. 1.
Rabochaiagazeta, August 23, p. 1.
Rabochaia gazeta, August 24, p. 1.
6 • The Rise of Kornilov
On August 11 an uncontrolled fire in the Malaia Okhta District totally destroyed four factories and a large quantity of shells. Three days later fire ravaged a gunpowder plant and ammunition depot in Kazan; spectacular incendiary explosions there went on for three days. Moreover, on August 16 yet another major industrial fire leveled the sprawling Westinghouse factory in Petrograd.
Shortages of bread, meat, fish, vegetables, dairy products, and other essential foodstuffs increased dramatically at the end of the summer and in the early fall. Most seriously affected by these shortages were citizens with low incomes, unable to deal in the black market which now flourished everywhere, or even to afford the somewhat lower albeit rapidly rising prices in legitimate produce shops. Simultaneously, the supply of fuel for home and industrial use also became critical; in early August government officials were warning that by midwinter 50 percent of Petrograd factories would be forced to shut down for lack of fuel. Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, pp. 5-16, 69-86.
J. D. White, "The Kornilov Affair: A Study in Counterrevolution," Soviet Studies, vol. XX (1968), pp. 188-89.
See Rosenberg, Liberals in the Russian Revolution, pp. 196-200.
Ibid.
Made up primarily of conservatively inclined army officers, the Union of Officers, the Military League, and the Union of Saint George Cavaliers were originally formed shortly after the February revolution to help arrest the deterioration in the position of officers and the breakdown of traditional discipline in the armed forces, and, in general, to further the cause of "war to victory." In addition to maintaining a central headquarters at Mogilev, the Main Committee of the Union of Officers had representatives scattered on the various Russian fronts. Membership in the Union of Saint George Cavaliers was limited to holders of the Cross of Saint George, awarded for heroism in battle. Like other ultrapatriotic pressure groups, the Union of Officers, the Military League, and the Union of Saint George Cavaliers were hostile to the soviets and rabidly anti-Bolshevik.
White, "The Kornilov Affair," p. 187.
V. Ia. Laverychev, "Russkie monopolisty i zagovor Kornilova," Voprosy istorii, 1964, no. 4, p. 36.
N. Ia. Ivanov, Kornilovshchina i ее razgrom (Leningrad, 1965), pp. 34—37.
E. I. Martynov, Kornilov: Popytka voennogoperevorota (Leningrad, 1927), pp. 11-17.
Ibid., pp. 16-18.
Ibid., p. 20.
Akademiia nauk SSSR, Institut istorii, et al., Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Ros- sii posle sverzheniia samoderzhaviia, ed. D. A. Chugaev, et al. (Moscow, 1957), pp. 409-10.
Martynov, Kornilov, p. 18.
P. N. Miliukov, Rossiia na perelome, 2 vols. (Paris, 1927), vol. 2, p. 67.
I. G. Tsereteli, Vospominaniia 0 fevraVskoi revoliutsii, 2 vols. (Paris, 1963), vol. 1, pp. 91-92.
The group had its own weekly journal, Freedom in Struggle.
Laverychev, "Russkie monopolisty," pp. 34—35; White, "The Kornilov Affair," pp. 187-88. It appears that Zavoiko was acting on behalf of his own organization, grouped around Freedom in Struggle, rather than on behalf of the Society for the Economic Rehabilitation of Russia, as is suggested by Laverychev and White.
Zavoiko was the son of an admiral who had distinguished himself in the Crimean War. At the turn of the century, Zavoiko, then in his twenties, managed to acquire a large personal fortune through some highly questionable real estate transactions while serving as a district marshal of the nobility in Poland. (Martynov, Kornilov, pp. 20-21.) After the 1905 revolution he became active in oil industry management and in high industrial finance. He was also involved in political journalism; during World War I he served as copublisher of an extreme right newspaper, Russkaia volia, and in April 1917, prior to his departure for the front, he was editor and publisher of Freedom in Struggle.
P. N. Miliukov, Istoriia vtoroi russkoi revoliutsii, 2 vols. (Sofia, 1921-1924), vol. 1, part 2, p. 60.
Martynov, Kornilov, p. 20.
W. S. Woytinsky, Stormy Passage (New York, 1961), p. 3 3 3.
See above pp. 22-23.
See Rabochaia gazeta, July 29, p. 3; N. Bukhbinder, "Na fronte v predoktiabr'skie dni," KL, 1923, no. 6, pp. 32-34.
Bukhbinder, "Na fronte v predoktiabr'skie dni," p. 34.
Rosenberg, Liberals in the Russian Revolution, p. 207.
Martynov, Kornilov, p. 25.
Ibid., p. 29.
General Nikolai Ruzsky was commander of the northern front at the time of the February revolution, a post which he held until April. General Mikhail Alekseev was commander-in-chief of the Russian army from early March until May 21, 1917. At the time of the Stavka conference, both officers were still awaiting reassignment.
Bukhbinder, "Na fronte v predoktiabr'skie dni," p. 39. This source contains full protocols of the July 16 Stavka conference, excerpts of which have been translated into English in R. P. Browder and A. F. Kerensky, eds., The Russian Provisional Government 1917, 3 vols. (Stanford, 1961), vol. 2, pp. 989-1010.
Bukhbinder, "Na fronte v predoktiabr'skie dni," pp. 21-27. The Declaration of Soldiers' Rights was a statement of democratic rights initially published by the Petrograd Soviet on March 15 and issued in revised form by War Minister Kerensky on May 11.
D. V. Lehovich, White against Red: The Life of General Anton Denikin (New York, 1974), p. 104.
M. V. Alekseev, "Iz dnevnika generala Alekseeva," Russkii istoricheskii arkhiv, vol. 1 (Prague, 1929), p. 41.
Martynov, Kornilov, pp. 32-33; Bukhbinder, "Na fronte v predoktiabr'skie dni," p. 31.
A. I. Denikin, Ocherki russkoi smuty, vol. 1, part 2 (Paris, 1921), p. 188.
Bukhbinder, "Na fronte v predoktiabr'skie dni," p. 31; see also Ivanov, Kornilovshchina i ее razgrom, p. 39.
Miatezh Kornilova: Iz belykh memuarov (Leningrad, 1928), p. 202. See also B. Savinkov, "General Kornilov: Iz vospominanii," Byloe, 1925, no. 3 (31), pp. 188-90.
A. F. Kerensky, The Catastrophe (New York, 1927), p. 114.
A. F. Kerensky, Prelude to Bolshevism: The Kornilov Rising (New York, 1919), pp. xiii, 13-14.
On this point, see White, "The Kornilov Affair," pp. 196-97.
Ivanov, Kornilovshchina i ее razgrom, p. 41.
Soviet historians have speculated with good reason that this was less because of reservations about Cheremisov's abilities as a military leader than because of his reputation for "leftism" and concern about him as a potential political rival. For example, see Martynov, Kornilov, p. 40.
V. Vladimirova, Kontr-revoliutsiia v 1917 g. (Kornilovshchina) (Moscow, 1924), p. 48.
General Denikin was now appointed commander of the southwestern front.
Martynov, Kornilov, p. 45; Ivanov, Kornilovshchina i ее razgrom, p. 53.
Martynov, Kornilov, p. 48.
For example, set Izvestiia, August 5, p. 3.
Novaia zhizn\ August 8, p. 3; see above, pp. 90-91.
Izvestiia, August 4, p. 4; see also Novaia zhizn\ August 4, p. 3.
See below, pp. 110-15.
Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, p. 360; for an illuminating analysis of Kadet behavior at the conference, see Rosenberg, Liberals in the Russian Revolution, pp. 210-18.
M. F., "K istorii Kornilovshchiny," KL, 1924, no. 1 (10), pp. 207-17, contains the full text of this revised proposal. See also Ivanov, Kornilovshchina i ее razgrom, pp. 57-58, and Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 4, pp. 36-37.
This occurred between August 10 and 17.
Vladimirova, Kontr-revoliutsiia v 1917 g., p. 61.
A. F. Kerenskii, Delo Kornilova (Moscow, 1918), pp. 52-53.
White, "The Kornilov Affair," p. 200.
Ivanov, Kornilwshchina i ее razgrom, pp. 59-60. At the insistence of the Kadets the cabinet considered the military aspects of the program on August 11, approving them in principle but requesting further discussion.
Martynov, Kornilov, p. 48.
On this point, see Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol 2, p. 133.
Martynov, Kornilov, p. 56.
A. S. Lukomskii, Vospominaniia, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1922), vol. 1, p. 227.
On this point, see White, "The Kornilov Affair," pp. 197-99.
Lukomskii, Vospominaniia, vol. 1, p. 227.
7 • Kornilov versus Kerensky
Ariadna Tyrkova-Williams, From Library to Brest Litovsk: The First Year of the Russian Revolution (London, 1919), p. 167.
Gosudarstvennoe soveshchanie, ed. M. N. Pokrovskii and Ia. A. Iakovlev (Moscow and Leningrad. 1930), p. 508.
Izvestiia, August 13, p. 2.
Protokoly TsentraVnogo komiteta, pp. 6-7.
Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 4, p. 35.
Martynov, Kornilov, p. 64.
A. F. Rasstrigin, "Revoliutsionnye komitety avgustskogo krizisa 1917 g." (Candidate dissertation, Leningrad State University, Leningrad, 1969), p. 90.
Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, pp. 20, 379-80.
Ibid., p. 392.
N. Sukhanov, Zapiski 0 revoliutsii, 1 vols. (Berlin, Petersburg, and Moscow, 1922-1923), vol. 5, pp. 155-56; Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 4, p. 45.
Sukhanov, Zapiski 0 revoliutsii, vol. 5, p. 156.
Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 4, p. 45.
Gosudarstvennoe soveshchanie, p. 133.
Ibid., pp. 74-76.
Ibid., pp. 112-17.
Subsequently this platform was referred to as the "August 14 Program."
See Vladimirova, Kontr-revoliutsiia v 1911 g., p. 88, for differences between the Provisional Government's declaration of July 8 and the more conservative August 14 program.
Gosudarstvennoe soveshchanie, p. 4.
Miliukov, Istoriia vtoroi russkoi revoliutsii, vol. 1, part 2, pp. 127-28.
Novoe vremia, August 13, p. 1.
Vladimirova, Kontr-revoliutsiia v 1911 g., p. 84.
A. I. Verkhovskii, Rossiia na Golgofe (Petrograd, 1918), p. 107.
Miliukov, Istoriia vtoroi russkoi revoliutsii, vol. 1, part 2, pp. 174, 183.
Posledniia novosti, January 20, 1937, p. 2; Laverychev, "Russkie monopolisty," p. 40.
White, "The Kornilov Affair," p. 200.
Z. Gippius, Siniaia kniga: Peterburgskii dnevnik, 1914-1918 gg. (Belgrade, 1929), p. 174.
In the Russian press, the disaster at Riga quickly became the source of great controversy, in part because it came without much warning. The generals, at once echoed by liberal and conservative opinion, insisted that the defeat was further evidence of the chaos reigning in the armed forces. At the time this appears to have been Kerensky's view. To the left, on the other hand, it seemed that the General Staff had intentionally failed to provide properly for Riga's defense in order to buttress their demands for repressive measures.
Martynov, Kornilov, pp. 74-75. Savinkov, in turn, delegated the actual preparation of these decrees to an ad hoc commission in the War Ministry under General Apushkin.
The Tenth Cavalry Division, technically part of the Third Corps, remained at its regular station.
Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, pp. 131-32; Marty no v, Kornilov, pp. 56-59; Ivanov, Kornilovshchina i ее razgrom, pp. 78-83. Included in the Savage Division (Kavkazskaia Tuzemnaia Divisiia) were the Kabardinsky, Dagestansky, Tatarsky, Cherkessky, and Ingushsky Cavalry regiments, the Osetinsky Foot Brigade, and the Eighth Don Cossack Artillery Division.
Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, pp. 439,
629.
Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, p. 132.
Martynov, Kornilov, pp. 77-78.
Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, pp. 420, 452-53.
Radkey, The Agrarian Foes of Bolshevism, pp. 386-87.
Ibid., and A. F. Kerensky, Russia and History's Turning Point (New York, 1965), pp. 341-42.
Savinkov's reconstruction of the first of these talks is contained'm Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, pp. 421-43. Lukomsky, General I. P. Romanovsky, Colonel V. L. Baranovsky, and Filonenko sat in on parts of the second discussion on the evening of July 23. Vladimirova, Kontr-revoliutsiia v 1911 g., pp. 206-9, contains a summary of this part of the talks signed by Kornilov, Lukomsky, and Romanovsky.
Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, pp. 421-23; see also Savinkov's statement to the press in Birzhevye vedomosti, September 12, p. 1, and Martynov, Kornilov, pp. 80-82.
Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, p. 432.
Ibid., p. 421.
Martynov, Kornilov, p. 80; O. Chaadaeva, Kornilovshchina (Moscow and Leningrad, 1930), pp. 90-91.
Martynov, Kornilov, p. 78.
Kerensky, Delo Kornilov a, p. 82.
Kerensky, Prelude to Bolshevism, pp. 214-15.
Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, pp. 432,
629.
Ibid., pp. 433-34; see also Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, pp. 133-34.
Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, pp. 434-35; 439-40.
Kerensky, Russia and History's Turning Point, p. 342.
Browder and Kerensky, The Russian Provisional Government, vol. 3, pp. 1561-62.
Martynov, Kornilov, p. 84; see also Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, p. 444, and Kerensky, Delo Kornilova, pp. 100-3.
Significantly, in testimony to government investigators at the time, Lvov did not mention any offer by Kerensky to resign. See Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, pp. 425-28.
This was the strong impression received by the progressive General Ver- khovsky, who was in Mogilev on August 24 and spoke with Kornilov soon after Lvov's visit. In his diary, Verkhovsky recorded that Kornilov appeared to attach great importance to acting in concert with the government and that he had just received assurance from Lvov that this would be the case. Verkhovskii, Rossiia na Golgofe, p. 110.
Browder and Kerensky, The Russian Provisional Government, vol. 3, pp. 1564-65; Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, pp. 428, 450; Martynov, Kornilov, pp. 87-88.
Martynov, Kornilov, p. 88.
Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, pp. 441-42; Kerensky, Delo Kornilova, pp. 105-106; Martynov, Kornilov, pp. 96-97.
Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, p. 443; Kerensky, Delo Kornilova, pp. 108-9; Browder and Kerensky, The Russian Provisional Government, vol. 3, p. 1571.
F. F. Kokoshkin and N. M. Kishkin, reports to the Kadet City Committee in Moscow, August 31, 1917 (a copy of which is in the Nicolaevsky Archive, Hoover Institution, Stanford, California), pp. 8-10\ Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, p. 444; Miliukov, Istoriia vtoroi russkoi revoliutsii, vol. 1, part 2, pp. 218-20; Rosenberg, Liberals in the Russian Revolution, pp. 229-30.
Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, p. 448.
Ibid., pp. 448-52.
Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 4, p. 101.
Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, p. 445.
Gippius, Siniaia kniga, p. 179.
Browder and Kerensky, The Russian Provisional Government, vol. 3, p. 1573.
Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, p. 137.
Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 4, p. 104; see also Lehovich, White against Red, p. 124.
Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 4, p. 110.
Browder and Kerensky, The Russian Provisional Government, vol. 3, pp. 1573-74.
Woytinsky, Stormy Passage, pp. 350-51.
Sukhanov, Zapiski 0 revoliutsii, vol. 5, p. 217.
8 * The Bolsheviks and Kornilov's Defeat
In September Smolny became the meeting-place for the Bolshevik Central Committee, and by the time of the October revolution it w as the hub of Bolshevik Party activity in Petrograd.
Novaia zhizn\ August 29, p. 2; Rasstrigin, "Revoliutsionnye komitety av- gustskogo krizisa," p. 130; Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, pp. 476-77.
Izvestiia, August 28, p. 3; August 29, p. 1; Novaia zhizn\ August 29, pp. \-2\ Rabochaia gazeta, August 29, pp. 2-3.
Izvestiia, August 29, pp. 1-2; Sukhanov, Zapiski 0 revoliutsii, vol. 5, p. 293.
Sukhanov, Zapiski 0 revoliutsii, vol. 5, pp. 291-92.
Lenin, PSS, vol. 34, pp. 119-21.
Shestoi s" ezd, pp. 255-57; 169-70.
Lenin, PSS, vol. 34, pp. 73-78. Although they were not published at the time, these materials had made the rounds of the top party leaders in Petrograd by August 27.
See above, pp. 111-12.
The only Soviet historian who has candidly discussed Lenin's misjudg- ments in regard to the threat of a rightist coup in August 1917 is V. I. Startsev. See his "V. I. Lenin v avguste 1917 godu," Voprosy istorii, 1967, no. 8, pp. 124-27.
Protokoly Tsentrarnogo komiteta, p. 32; V. V. Anikeev, DeiateVnosf TsK RSDRP(b) v 1917 godu: Khronika sobytii (Moscow, 1969), p. 267.
Two separate protocols of this meeting appear, side by side, in the volume of Petersburg Committee documents published in 1927 (Pervyi legaPnyi Peterburgskii komitet, pp. 237-54). Both variants are cryptic and incomplete, no doubt most of all a reflection of the prevailing tension. For the most part they supplement and reinforce each other; hence I have drawn upon both versions in attempting to reconstruct the discussion.
An invaluable analysis of the behavior of Moscow Bolsheviks in 1917 and of differences in outlook between younger Bolsheviks strongly represented in the Moscow Regional Bureau and more moderate, senior party officials concentrated in the municipal Moscow Committee is contained in Stephen F. Cohen's extraordinarily valuable biography of Bukharin, Bukharin and the Bolshevik Revolution (New York, 1973), pp. 45-53.
See below, pp. 216-17.
On Bubnov's "leftism" at this time, see Komissarenko, "Deiatel'nost' partii bol'shevikov," pp. 185-86.
The extra edition is dated Tuesday, August 28, clearly a slip. August 28 was a Monday, and internal evidence indicates that this issue could not have been published before the early morning of August 20. Soldat did not normally appear on Monday, and, in contrast to Rabochii, there was no Soldat extra on Monday, August 28. Thus the regular issue and extra of Soldat on August 29 w ere the Military Organization's first press responses to the Kornilov affair.
Soldaty August 29, p. 4.
Significantly, apart from some leaflets produced wholly or in part by the Military Organization, Drezen, BoFshevizatsiia petrogradskogo garnizona, and the more recent Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, contain only two items relating to the organization's activity between August 27 and 30: the text of the resolution passed at the meeting of Military Organization representatives on August 28 (BoFshevizatsiia petrogradskogo garnizona, pp. 242-43; Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, pp. 482-83) and the responses of the Moscow-Narva District Bolshevik Committee to a Military Organization questionnaire about the state of the local Red Guard (Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, pp. 510-11).
Perepiska sekretariata TsK RSDRP{b)s mestnymi partinymi organizatsiiami, vol. 1, p. 31.
Rasstrigin, "Revoliutsionnye komitety avgustskogo krizisa," p. 112.
See below, p. 153.
The Military Section has been referred to variously in the literature as the Provisional Military Committee, the Operations Section, the Military Committee, and even the Military Revolutionary Committee; it should not be confused with the
Provisional Revolutionary Committee originally formed by the Executive Committees to investigate the July uprising or the more radical Military Section of the Petrograd Soviet.
2 3. Kornilovskie dni: Biulleteni vremennago voennago komiteta pri TsIK s 28 avgusta po 4 sentiabria 1917 g. (Petrograd, 1917); A. Anskii, ed., Protokoly Petrogradskogo soveta professional'nykh soiuzov za 1917 g. (Leningrad, 1927), p. 70.
See above, p. 77.
Raionnye sovety Petrograda, vol. 3, p. 292; Protokoly Petrogradskogo soveta professional'nykh soiuzov, p. 58.
Raionnye sovety Petrograda, vol. 3, pp. 292-93.
Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, pp. 498-99.
See Iu. S. Tokarev, Narodnoepravotvorchestvo nakanune velikoi oktiabr'skoi so- tsialisticheskoi revoliutsii (jmart-oktiabr' 1917 g.) (Moscow and Leningrad, 1965), pp.
46, and B. D. Galperina, "Raionnye sovety Petrograda v 1917 godu" (Candidate dissertation, Institute of History, USSR Academy of Sciences, Leningrad, 1968), pp. 228-38, for discussions of the important role of the Interdistrict Conference and district soviets in preparations to fight Kornilov.
This committee was composed of three representatives elected from the Peterhof Soviet; one representative each from five party organizations; one representative from each of the three commissariats in the district; and one representative each from the Putilov factory committee, the Putilov docks, the district board, the company of soldiers stationed at the Putilov factory, the district trade union bureau, and small enterprises in the district.
Raionnye sovety Petrograda, vol. 2, pp. 251-53; Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, p. 496; Tokarev, Narodnoe pravotvorchestvo, pp.
46.
Formed in March 1917, the Petrograd Trade Union Soviet was at this time made up of elected delegates from nearly fifty trade unions in the capital. It was headed by an executive commission. For a valuable account of the Petrograd Trade Union Soviet's activities in 1917, see A. Anskii, "Petrogradskii sovet professional'nykh soiuzov v 1917 g.," in Professional'noe dvizhenie v Petrograde v 1917 g., ed. A. Anskii (Leningrad, 1928), pp. 45-77.
Izvestiia, August 29, p. 6.
This commission was evidently later absorbed by the Committee for Struggle Against the Counterrevolution.
Protokoly Petrogradskogo soveta professional'nykh soiuzov, pp. 57-72; Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, pp. 500-1; Anskii, "Petrogradskii sovet professional'nykh soiuzov v 1917 g.," p. 53.
Vladimirova, Kontr-revoliutsiia v 1917 g., p. 167; Z. V. Stepanov, Rabochie Petrograda v period podgotovki i provedeniia oktiabr'skogo vooruzhennogo vosstaniia (Moscow and Leningrad, 1965), p. 173. See also A. G. Egorova, Partiia i profsoiuzy v oktiabr'skoi revoliutsii (Moscow, 1970), p. 160.
At this time Vikzhel was made up of forty members—fourteen SRs, seven Mensheviks, three Popular Socialists, two Interdistrict Committee representatives, two Bolsheviks, one Bolshevik sympathizer, and eleven nonparty individuals, many of whom supported the Kadets.
A. P. Taniaev, Ocherki po istorii dvizheniia zheleznodorozhnikov v revoliutsii 1917 goda (fevral'-oktiabr') (Moscow and Leningrad, 1925), p. 95; Vladimirova, Kontr-revoliutsiia v 1917 g., pp. 161-62; Kerenskii, Delo Kornilmja, pp. 153-54, 156.
V. I. Startsev, the most knowledgeable specialist on the development of armed workers' militias in revolutionary Petrograd, estimates conservatively that thirteen thousand to fifteen thousand workers now became organized for military action. V. I. Startsev, Ocherki po istorii Petrogradskoi krasnoi gvardii i rabochei militsii (Moscow and Leningrad, 1965), p. 164.
The Petrograd Soviet had two main sections, the Workers' and Soldiers' sections, composed of factory and garrison representatives respectively. Headed by a large executive commission, the Soldiers' Section concerned itself with problems of special interests to military troops.
Ivanov, Kornilovshchina i ее razgrom, pp. 156-57; Drezen, BoVshevizatsiia pet- rogradskogo garnizona, pp. 253-64; Kochakov, "Bol'shevizatsiia petrogradskogo gar- nizona v 1917 godu," pp. 174-77.
Izvestiia Kronshtadtskogo soveta, September 6, p. 1; September 8, p. 1; Akademiia nauk SSSR, Institut istorii, et al., Baltiiskie moriaki v podgotovke i prove- denii velikoi oktiabr skoi sotsialisticheskoi revoliutsii, ed. P. N. Mordvinov (Moscow and Leningrad, 1957), pp. 186-89; Akademiia nauk SSSR, Institut istorii, et al., Protokoly ipostanovleniia TsentraVnogo komiteta Baltiiskogo flota, ed. D. A. Chugaev (Moscow and Leningrad, 1963), pp. 150-58; V. V. Petrash, Moriaki Baltiiskogo flota v bor'be za pobedu oktiabria (Moscow and Leningrad, 1966), pp. 200-16; Ivanov, Kornilovshchina i ее razgrom, pp. 156-57; A. K. Drezen, uBaltiiskii flot ot iiulia к oktia- briu 1917 g.," KL, 1929, no. 5 (32), pp. 191-99.
Razlozhenie armii v 1911 g., ed. M. N. Pokrovskii and Ia. A. Iakovlev (Moscow and Leningrad, 1925), p. 116; Protokoly i postanovleniia TsentraTnogo komiteta Baltiiskogo flota, pp. 167-72; Ivanov, Kornilovshchina i ее razgrom, p. 63.
Interview with Finisov by Nicholas Vakar in Posledniia novosti, March 6, 1937, p. 3.
For conflicting recollections of this episode and the reasons for the inaction of Petrograd rightist groups, see G. Vinberg, V plenu и obez'ian (Kiev, 1918), pp. 104-8; interviews with A. I. Putilov and P. N. Finisov by Nicholas Vakar m Posledniia novosti, January 24, 1937, p. 5, and March 6, 1937, p. 3; L. P. Desimeter, "Zagovor Kornilova: Pis'mo v redaktsiiu," Posledniia novosti, May 28, 1937; Kerensky, Russia and History's Turning Point, p. 381; Denikin, Ocherki russkoi smuty, vol. 2, pp. 64-65; and Miliukov, Vtoraia russkaia revoliutsiia, vol. 1, part 2, pp. 258-59.
The fullest account of these developments, based largely on unpublished materials in Soviet archives, is contained in Ivanov, Kornilovshchina i ее razgrom, pp. 174—79. See also BoVshevizatsiia petrogradskogo garnizona, p. 257; Martynov, Kornilov, pp. 142-46; Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 4, pp. 107-45, 241-49; Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, p. 53 1-32, 633.
Ivanov, Kornilovshchina i ее razgrom, pp. 180-81; Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 4, pp. 134, 349; Martynov, Kornilov, pp. 147-49; Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, p. 535.
Ivanov, Kornilovshchina i ее razgrom, pp. 170-74; Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 4, pp. 343-50; Martynov, Kornilov, pp. 135-42.
Alekseev was replaced, in turn, by Dukhonin on September 10.
Martynov, Kornilov, pp. 155-71; Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 4, pp. 124—32.
Browder and Kerensky, The Russian Provisional Government, vol. 3, pp. 1586-89. The text of Krymov's message to Kornilov is unknown.
9 • The Question of a New Government
See above, p. 131.
Rosenberg, Liberals in the Russian Revolution, pp. 230-32, provides a persuasive reconstruction of the Kadet role in this episode. See also Kokoshkin report, pp. 11-12, 15; Miliukov, Istoriia vtoroi russkoi revoliutsii, vol. 1, part 2, pp. 249-54; Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 4, p. 138.
Kerensky, Delo Kornilova, p. 174.
Ivanov, Kornilovshchina i ее razgrom, p. 207.
Kornilovskie dni, p. 152.
Protokoly Petrogradskogo soveta professional"nykh soiuzov, p. 76.
Il'in-Zhenevskii, "Bol'sheviki v tiur'me Kerenskogo," pp. 59-62; Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 4, p. 162; Institut istorii partii pri Leningradskom obkome KPSS, Filial Instituta marksizma-leninizma pri TsK KPSS, Bol'sheviki Petrograda v 1917 godu: Khronika sobytii (Leningrad, 1957), p. 478.
Golos soldata, September 5, p. 1.
N. Ruban, Oktiabrskaia revoliutsiia i krakh menshevizma (Moscow, 1968), p. 272, quoting from an unpublished protocol of this meeting in the Soviet archives.
Often such calls for transfer of power to the Soviet were initiated by Bolsheviks—a clear sign of the degree to which the decisions of the Sixth Congress regarding slogans failed to influence the behavior of local party representatives at the time of the Kornilov crisis. See, for example, Skrypnik's comments at the joint meeting of the Trade Union Soviet and the Central Soviet of Factory-Shop Committees on August 29 (Protokoly Petrogradskogo soveta professional'nykh soiuzov, p. 70). On September 4 a meeting of eight hundred pipe factory workers, including representatives of all twenty thousand plant employees, reaffirmed this position, demanding the creation of a "Provisional Revolutionary Government" made up of representatives of the proletariat and peasantry and responsible only to revolutionary organs.
Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, pp. 487, 489, 501, 541-42. This source contains numerous other examples of such resolutions. They can be found in most socialist papers of the time, although they appeared most prominently in the Bolshevik papers Rabochii, Rabochii put', and Soldat, and the Left SR daily Znamia truda. Incomplete lists of factories passing such resolutions were published periodically in Rabochii put'.
Drezen, Bol'shevizatsiia petrogradskogo garnizona, pp. 256-57.
Ibid., pp. 251-57, 265-68. This source, as well as all issues of Soldat during the last days of August and the first half of September, contain large collections of such resolutions. Virtually all key elements of the garrison seem to be represented. See also A. K. Drezen, "Petrogradskii garnizon v oktiabre," KL, 1927, no. 2 (23), pp. 106-7.
Baltiiskie moriaki, pp. 203, 207-8.
Baltiiskie moriaki, pp. 210-11; Protokoly ipostanavleniia Tsentral'nogo komiteta Baltisskogo flota, pp. 192, 445-46; Drezen, "Baltiiskii flot," pp. 200-1. The flags were lowered several days later in deference to the Democratic State Conference.
Izvestiia Kronshtadtskogo soveta, August 29, pp. 2-3.
Ibid., August 30, p. 1.
Protokoly Tsentral'nogo komiteta, pp. 37-38. The fullest accounts of this meeting are contained in Delo naroda, September 1, p. 2, and September 3, pp. 2-3;
and in Izvestiia, September 1, p. 2; September 2, p. 4; September 3, p. 7. See also Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 4, pp. 140-42, and 149-50, and Oktiabrskoe voo- ruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, pp. 171-81.
In this connection, it is interesting that at a late-evening meeting on August 31 the Bolshevik Central Committee, by itself, voted to make another discussion of "the current moment'1 the first item of business at a Central Committee plenum scheduled for September 3, evidently to further air differing assessments of the proper course to be followed in the prevailing situation. Stalin, for the left, and Kamenev, for the right, were specifically assigned the task of presenting opposing arguments. There is no information on whether or not such a meeting actually took place. Protokoly TsentraFnogo komiteta, pp. 39-40, 72.
Izvestiia, September 1, p. 2; Delo naroda, September 1, p. 2.
For accounts of this meeting, sttRech\ September 1, p. 4; September 2, p. 3; Delo naroda, September 2, p. 2; Birzhevye vedomosti, September 1, morning edition, pp. 3-4; see also Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 4, pp. 138-39.
See above, p. 90.
M. N. Potekhin, Pervyi sovetproletarskoi diktatury (Leningrad, 1966), p. 23.
The fullest accounts of this portion of the discussion are contained in Izvestiia, September 2, pp. 3-4; September 3, pp. 5-7; Delo naroda, September 3, pp. 2-3; Birzhevye vedomosti, September 3, morning edition, p. 3; Rech\ September 2, p. 3, and September 3, p. 3. See also Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 4, pp. 149-50.
Izvestiia, September 3, p. 7.
Rosenberg, Liberals in the Russian Revolution, pp. 236-39.
Delo naroda, September 5, pp. 3-4. For Dan's recollections of his views at this time, see F. Dan, "K istorii poslednikh dnei Vremennogo pravitel'stva," Letopis' revoliutsii, book 1, 1923, pp. 163-75. Interestingly, a meeting of the Menshevik Central Committee on September 5 was evenly divided between proponents and opponents of coalition. (Oktiabr''skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, p. 186, citing an unpublished protocol in Soviet archives.)
See, for example, an account of a meeting of the SR Soviet fractions on September 6 in Delo naroda, September 7, p. 3. On internal SR Party factions at this time, see Radkey, The Agrarian Foes of Bolsehvism, pp. 402-8.
Delo naroda, September 12, p. 2\Znamia truda, September 12, pp. 1-2.
See Znamia truda, September 12, p. 1, and all immediately succeeding issues.
Radkey, The Agrarian Foes of Bolshevism, p. 403.
A. L. Khokhriakov, "Iz zhizni petrogradskogo garnizona," KL, 1926, no. 2 (17), pp. 36-37.
See Drezen, BoVshevizatsiia petrogradskogo garnizona, pp. 258-63, for protocols of garrison meetings during which such purges were conducted. For an interesting discussion of the Kornilov affair's impact on the average soldier, see S. E. Rabinovich, Bor'ba za armiiu v 1911 g. (Leningrad, 1930), p. 44.
Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Razgrom kornilovskogo miatezha, pp. 470-71.
Akademiia nauk SSSR, Institut istorii, et al., Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v sentiabre 1911 g.: ObshchenatsionaTnyi krizis, ed. D. A. Chugaev, et al. (Moscow, 1961), pp. 148-49, 553.
V. Voitinskii, "Gody pobed i porazhenii, 1917 god," pp. 295-99.
10 • "AU Power to the Soviets/"
G. S. Rovio, "Как Lenin skryvalsia 11 gel'singforsskogo 'politsmeistera,' " in Institut marksizma-leninizma pri TsK KPSS, Lenin v 1917 godu, vospominaniia (Moscow, 1967), pp. 148-56; Startsev, "V. I. Lenin v avguste 1917 goda," pp. 121-30; Startsev, "O nekotorykh rabotakh V. I. Lenina pervoi poloviny sentiabria 1917 g.," in A. L. Fraiman, ed., V. /. Lenin v oktiabre i vpervyegody sovetskoi vlasti (Leningrad, 1970), pp. 30-31; Kh. M. Astrakhan, et al., Lenin i revoliutsiia 1917 g. (Leningrad, 1970), pp. 277-84; Norman E. Saul, "Lenin's Decision to Seize Power: The Influence of Events in Finland," Soviet Studies, April 1973, pp. 491-505; M. M. Koronin, "V. I. Lenin i finskie revoliutsionery," Voprosy istorii, 1967, no. 10, pp. 11-17.
Lenin, PSS, vol. 34, pp. 119-21.
Ibid., pp. 133-39.
Western historians have ignored these writings almost entirely. Among historians in the Soviet Union, who have sought to elucidate the evolution of Lenin's views with minute accuracy, they have been the subject of great confusion and, on occasion, bitter dispute. This is partly a result of the fact that candid discussions of Lenin's professed interest in a peaceful development of the revolution in September 1917 and of the relationship between Lenin's views in this respect and those of the party leadership in Petrograd have been considered taboo. It is also in part because of the time lag between the writing of these essays and their publication; apparently only very recently was a careful attempt made to ascertain the precise date of their preparation. For differing points of view, see A. M. Sovokin, "O vozmozhnosti mirnogo razvitiia revoliutsii posle razgroma kornilovshchiny," Voprosy istorii KPSS, 1960, no. 3, pp. 50-64; В. I. Sandin, "Lenin о sootnoshenii mirnogo i vooruzhen- nogo putei razvitiia revoliutsii posle razgroma kornilovshchiny," Uchenye zapiski Leningradskogo gosudarstvennogo pedagogicheskogo instituta, vol. 195, vyp. 2 (1958), pp. 213-32; S. N. Frumkin, "V. I. Lenin о vozmozhnosti mirnogo razvitiia revoliutsii," Uchenye zapiski Riazanskogo gosudarstvennogo pedinstituta, vol. 19 (1958), pp. 29-51; Startsev, "O nekotorykh rabotakh V. I. Lenina pervoi poloviny sentiabria 1917 g.," pp. 28-38; N. Ia. Ivanov, "Nekotorye voprosy krizisa 'praviashchikh verkhov' i tak- tika bol'shevikov nakanune oktiabr'skogo vooruzhennogo vosstaniia," in I. I. Mints, Lenin i oktiabrskoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde: Materialy Vsesoiuznoi nauchnoi sessii sostoiavsheisia 13-16 noiabria 1962 g. v Leningrade (Moscow, 1964), pp. 202-14. In all but the most recent edition of Lenin's collected works, these essays were included in the order of their publication date, that is, between September 14 and 27. A definitive analysis of internal evidence has led V. I. Startsev to conclude that all three passages were written much earlier than was generally believed (i.e., between September 6 and 9).
Lenin, PSS, vol. 34, pp. 229-38.
Ibid., pp. 200-7.
Ibid., pp. 214-28.
Sokol'nikov, "Как podkhodit' к istorii oktiabria," p. 165; Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, p. 188.
See Perepiska sekretariata TsK RSDRP(b) s mestnymi partiinymi organizatsiiami, vol. 1, pp. 186-87.
Protocols of this meeting are contained in Pervyi legal'nyi Peterburgskii komitet, pp. 259-70.
Slutsky presented an Executive Commission resolution which has not been published, evidently embodying this position.
On this point see Trotskii, Socbineniia, vol. 3, part 1, pp. 435-36.
The vote was 519 for the Bolshevik plan to 414 for the moderate socialist resolution, with 67 abstentions.
Every unit in the Petrograd garrison, regardless of size, was permitted at least one representative to the Petrograd Soviet, while factory workers were allowed representation in the Soviet according to a norm of one deputy per thousand workers. In practice, this resulted in a great imbalance in representation between soldiers, among whom the SRs had been relatively strong, and workers, among whom the Bolsheviks had particularly great influence. Beginning in August, the Bolsheviks had sought unsuccessfully to eliminate this disadvantage by providing for the election of one representative for every thousand soldiers, as in the case of workers.
Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 4, p. 269.
Perepiska sekretariata TsK RSDRP(b) s mestnymipartiinymi organizatsiiami, vol. 1, p. 35; Komissarenko, "Deiatel'nost' partii bol'shevikov," p. 300.
Protokoly TsentraVnogo komiteta, p. 49.
On this point, see V. I. Startsev, "Iz istorii priniatiia resheniia ob or- ganizatsii vooruzhennogo vosstaniia," in Lenin i oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde, p. 472.
Protokoly TsentraVnogo komiteta, pp. 49-54; Trotskii, Socbineniia, vol. 3, part 1, pp. 293-98; 351-57; see also Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, pp. 196 and 206.
On this point see Reiman, Russkaia revoliutsiia, vol. 2, p. 271.
Izvestiia, September 17, p. 7.
Soldat, September 17, p. 3.
Rabochii put', September 13, pp. 1-2.
A. A. Burishkin was a Moscow industrialist and Kishkin was the Moscow Kadet; at this time both participated in conversations with Kerensky about a future government.
Press accounts of Kamenev's speech differ considerably. Sее Rabochii put', September 17, pp. 2-3; Izvestiia, September 15, p. 5; Novaia zhizn', September 15,
P. 5.
Izvestiia, September 16, p. 5.
Lenin, PSS, vol. 34, pp. 239-41.
Ibid., pp. 242-47.
N. I. Bukharin, "Iz rechi tov. Bukharina na vechere vospominanii v 1921 g.,"P/?, 1922, no. 10, p. 319.
E. D. Stasova, "Pis'mo Lenina v TsK partii," in Vospominaniia о V. I. Lenine, 5 vols. (Moscow, 1969), vol. 2, p. 454.
Protokoly TsentraVnogo komiteta, p. 55.
Bukharin, "Iz rechi tov. Bukharina na vechere vospominanii," p. 319.
G. Lomov, "V dni buri i natiska,"PR, 1927, no. 10 (69), p. 166.
Novaia zhizn', September 19, p. 5.
Oktiabrskoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, pp. 208-9.
A. Shotman, "Lenin nakanune oktiabria," in 0 Lenine, 4 vols. (Moscow and Leningrad, 1925), vol. 1, p. 116.
N. Krupskaia, "Lenin v 1917 godu," in 0 Vladimire Il'iche Lenine: Vos- pominaniia 1900-1922 (Moscow, 1963), p. 208; К. T. Sverdlova, Iakov Mikhailovich Sverdlov (Moscow, 1960), p. 283.
Izvestiia, September 20, p. 6; Soldat, September 20, p. 3.
Izvestiia, September 20, p. 7.
I.e., the platform coupling reform with firm government that was worked out by the All-Russian Executive Committees and presented to the Moscow State Conference on August 14. See above, pp. 112-13.
Izvestiia, September 21, p. 2.
Delo naroda, September 21, p. 2; Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 4, pp. 245-46.
Izvestiia, September 21, pp. 2-4.
Delo naroda, September 24, p. 2, and September 26, p. 2\Rech', September 23, pp. 3-4, and September 24, pp. 3-4; Izvestiia, September 24, p. 2.
Protokoly Tsentral'nogo komiteta, p. 68; Vladimirova, Khronika sobytii, vol. 5, pp. 263-64, 275.
Protokoly Tsentral'nogo komiteta, p. 65. In a speech in 1920 Stalin declared that after the October revolution Lenin acknowledged that the party leadership in Petrograd had been right in rejecting his tactics at this time. See Leon Trotsky, The Stalin School of Falsification, translated by John G. Wright (New York, 1962), pp. 200-1.
Protokoly Tsentral'nogo komiteta, pp. 65, 261-62. Trotskii, Sochineniia, vol. 3, part 1, pp. 301-2, 359, 441-42; Komissarenko, "Deiatel'nost' partii bol'shevikov," pp. 332-33.
Rabochii put", September 29, p. 3; Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v sentiabre: Obshchenatsionalnyi krizis, pp. 74—75.
Izvestiia, September 26, p. 5; Rabochii put', September 27, p. 3.
Ibid.; also Trotskii, Sochineniia, vol. 3, part 1, pp. 317-18.
Rabochii put', September 26, pp. 1-2.
Rabochii put', September 30, p. 1. On September 23 right Bolshevik strength in the Central Committee was augmented by the addition of Zinoviev, who became a regular participant in Central Committee meetings. At the same time, for nearly a week beginning September 28, Trotsky, chief spokesman for the party left, did not participate in the work of the Central Committee or the Petrograd Soviet because of illness. Protokoly Tsentral'nogo komiteta, pp. 67-75; Reiman, Russkaia revoliutsiia, vol. 2, p. 287.
11 • Lenin's Campaign for an Insurrection
1. Among historians and memoirists in the Soviet Union, there is no unanimity about the exact date of Lenin's return to Petrograd from Vyborg. While the officially accepted date is October 7, some writers indicate that Lenin returned to the Russian capital on October 20. Others claim that the date was significantly earlier—September 22 according to some, September 29 according to others. Confusion over the correct date is the result of the deception and secrecy that naturally surrounded Lenin's movements in the fall of 1917, extensive tampering with historical sources that occurred in Stalin's time, and present-day political and ideological requirements.
The late P. N. Mikhrin contended that Lenin returned to Petrograd on a Friday in late September, most probably September 29. His case for this date is based on careful analysis of memoirs by Krupskaia, Margarita Fofanova (in whose apartment Lenin stayed after his return), and Alexander Shotman and Eino Rakhia (who were in close contact with Lenin during these days); the personal testimony of Elena Stasova (the chief Central Committee secretary in September and October); Lenin's writings of this period; and archival documents unavailable to me. Having sifted through the available literature on this issue, I find Mikhrin's case in support of a date in late September very convincing. Mikhrin's arguments appear in I. I. Mints, ed., Lenin i oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde, pp. 11924.
Here Lenin referred to Zinoviev's essay "Chto ne delat' " (JRabochii, August 30, p. 2), written during the Kornilov crisis. Zinoviev had warned that a workers' uprising in Petrograd would end in defeat, as in Paris in 1871.
Lenin, PSS, vol. 34, pp. 248-56.
Ibid., pp. 257-63.
Ibid., pp. 264—68.
Ibid., pp. 280-83.
Ibid., pp. 340-41. In view of what was to come, it is worth noting that towards the end of this letter Lenin suggested that in the prevailing circumstances "it might be that power could be seized without an armed uprising." Moreover, he asserted, there was no reason that action against the government could not be initiated in Moscow. In what subsequently proved to be a particularly blatant mis- judgment he added: "In Moscow our victory is assured and there is nobody to fight."
Lenin, PSS, vol. 34, pp. 284-86.
Protokoly TsentraVnogo komiteta, p. 74.
M. Ia. Latsis, "Rol' Petrogradskogo komiteta v oktiabre," Petrogradskaia pravda, November 5, 1922, p. 2.
M. Ia. Latsis, "Nakanune oktiabr'skikh dnei," Izvestiia, November 6, 1918.
P. 2.
Ibid. See also M. Ia. Latsis, "Iz oktiabr'skikh vospominanii," Bakinskii rabochii, Nobember 1, 1927, p. 3.
Perepiska sekretariata TsK RSDRP(b) s mestnymi partiinymi organizatsiiami, vol. 1, p. 315.
Protokoly TsentraVnogo komiteta, pp. 75-76. It is worth noting that members of the Central Committee, such as Rykov, Zinoviev, and Nogin, who would have sided with Kamenev, were absent from the October 5 meeting. At this meeting the Central Committee took one other step which reflected the possibility that a major change in policy might be imminent. A Congress of Soviets of the Northern Region was scheduled to open in Petrograd on October 10, and at Stalin's behest the committee agreed to organize a conference of Central Committee members and party representatives from Petrograd and Moscow in conjunction with this congress, presumably for a thoroughgoing reassessment of goals and tactics. Protokoly TsentraVnogo komiteta, p. 76.
Ibid., p. 76.
Trotskii, Sochineniia, vol. 3, part 1, p. 456; Sukhanov, Zapiski 0 revoliutsii, vol. 6, pp. 247-48.
Latsis, Izvestiia, November 6, 1918, p. 2. The minutes of this meeting are contained in Pervyi legaVnyi Peterburgskii komitet, pp. 296-306.
Iukka Rakhia was the brother of Eino Rakhia, who served as a liaison between Lenin and the Central Committee.
Pervyi legaVnyi Peterburgskii komitet, p. 303. Komissarenko ("Deiatel'nost' partii bol'shevikov," p. 369) reaches the same conclusion.
Latsis, Вakinskii rabochii, November 1, 1927, p. 3.
Latsis, Izvestiia, November 6, 1918, p. 2; Latsis, Petrogradskaia pravda, November 5, 1922, p. 2.
Protokoly TsentraVnogo komiteta, p. 80.
Latsis, Petrogradskaia pravda, November 5, 1922, p. 2.
Rech\ October 8, p. 3; Miliukov, Vtoraia russkaia revoliutsiia, vol. 1, part 2, pp. 123-28; Sukhanov, Zapiski 0 revoliutsii, vol. 6, pp. 248-51.
Sukhanov, Zapiski 0 revoliutsii, vol. 7, p. 33; Iu. N. Flakserman, "10 oktiabria 1917 goda," in Petrograd v dni velikogo oktiabria: Vospominaniia uchastnikov revoliu- tsionnykh sobytii v Petrograde v 1911 godu (Leningrad, 1967), p. 266.
Protokoly TsentraVnogo komiteta, pp. 83-86. Iakovleva, who was responsible for taking notes, subsequently indicated she was instructed to be cryptic for security reasons.
Fortunately for the historian, Kamenev and Zinoviev prepared a detailed resume of their arguments for broad circulation immediately following the October 10 meeting (see below, pp. 212-13). The complete resume is contained in Protokoly TsentraVnogo komiteta, pp. 87-92.
Protokoly TsentraVnogo komiteta, pp. 83-92; G. Lomov, "V dni buri i natiska," Bakinskii rabochii, November 5, 1927, p. 4; V. Iakovleva, "Podgotovka oktiabr'skogo vosstaniia v moskovskoi oblasti," PR, 1922, no. 10 (22), pp. 305-6; A. Kollontai, "Ruka istorii," Krasnoarmeets, 1919, nos. 10-15, p. 69; Flakserman, "10 oktiabria," pp. 264-69.
12 • Obstacles to an Uprising
Latsis, Izvestiia, November 6, 1918, p. 2.
V. Breslav, Kanun oktiabria 1911 goda (Moscow , 1934), p. 17; a special delegation from Moscow also participated.
Rabochii puf, October 8, p. 2; Proletarskoe delo, October 10, p. 1; Breslav, Kanun oktiabria, p. 19.
See Rakhia's speech at the opening session in Vtoraia i Trefia petrogradskie obsbcbegorodskie konferentsii, p. 108.
Ibid., p. 132; Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, p. 132.
Lenin, PSS, vol. 34, pp. 385-90.
On this point see V. I. Startsev, "O vybore momenta dlia oktiabr'skogo vooruzhennogo vosstaniia," in Lenin i oktiabrskoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde, p. 71.
Breslav, Kanun oktiabria, pp. 18-22; see also Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, p. 250.
Breslav, Kanun oktiabria, pp. 21-22.
Ibid., pp. 31-32.
On this point see Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, p. 253.
See Podvoisky's observations in this regard in Vtoraia i Tret'ia petrogradskie obshchegorodskie konferentsii, p. 114.
V. I. Nevskii, "Dve vstrechi," KL, 1922, no. 4, pp. 142-43.
V. I. Nevskii, "Istoricheskoe zasedanie Peterburgskogo komiteta RSDRP (bol'shevikov) nakanune oktiabr'skogo vosstaniia," KL, 1922, nos. 2-3, p. 318.
Shotman writes: "I remember well that arguments at [these conferences] revolved around the central question: Should power be seized at once or put off until the convocation of the Second Congress of Soviets. . . . All three conferences came out for the seizure of power in the near future. Not a single voice was raised against this. A majority of speakers were against seizing power right away, whereupon majorities at the three conferences voted against the immediate seizure of power." Shotman, "Lenin nakanune oktiabria," p. 119.
Protokoly TsentraVnogo komiteta, pp. 86-92.
Thus, Raskolnikov, who rushed to the opening session of the congress after his release from jail the morning of the eleventh, learned of the party's decision regarding preparation of an armed uprising and was handed a copy of the Kamenev-Zinoviev memorandum immediately upon arrival at Smolny. Moments later, he was taken aside by Kamenev, who explained his reservations regarding the party's tactics and his reasons for feeling that an uprising would be an unmitigated disaster. F. F. Raskol'nikov, Kronshtadt i Piter v 1911 godu (Moscow and Leningrad,
, pp. 203-4. Similarly, Ilin-Zhenevsky of the Military Organization recalls riding with Kamenev to a political meeting on October 12; during the drive, Kamenev carefully outlined his point of view, arguing that, apart from anything else, the Military Organization itself was a long way from ready for immediate battle. Il'in-Zhenevskii, "Nakanune oktiabria," p. 25.
See Breslav's complaints about this in the Kronstadt Soviet as recorded in Izvestiia Kronshtadtskogo soveta, October 26, pp. 3-4.
Beginning October 3, Znamia truda's editors, in response to accusations that the congress was intended to circumvent the Constituent Assembly, added the phrase, "Prepare for the Constituent Assembly."
From a speech delivered by Kamkov at the First All-Russian Congress of Left SRs in late November 1917; see Protokoly pervago s"ezda partii levykh sotsialistov-revoliutsionerov (internatsionalistov) (Moscow, 1918), pp. 38-39.
Breslav, Kanun oktiabria, pp. 68-69.
V. A. Antonov-Ovseenko, "Baltflot v dni kerenshchiny i krasnogo oktiabria," PR, 1922, no. 10, p. 122.
On this point see Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, p. 253.
K. Riabinskii, Revoliutsiia 1911 goda: Khronib sobytii, vol. 5 (Moscow,
, pp. 88-89Izvestiia, October 15, p. 3.
P. V. Volobuev, "Iz istorii bor'by Vremennogo pravitel'stva s revoliutsiei," Istoricheskii arkhiv, 1960, no. 5, pp. 83-85.
Ibid., p. 84. For follow-up directives from Polkovnikov's staff to military units in and around Petrograd, see Akademiia nauk SSSR, Institut istorii, et al., Velikaia oktiabr'skaia sotsialisticheskaia revoliutsiia: Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde: Dokumenty i materialy, ed. G. N. Golikov, et al. (Moscow, 1957), pp. 263-74.
Birzhevye vedomosti, October 14, evening edition, p. 2.
Pervyi legal" nyi Peterburgskii komitet, pp. 307-19; Protokoly TsentraTnogo komiteta, pp. 93-105.
These are Nevsky's figures; they do not seem exaggerated. Nevskii, "Is- toricheskoe zasedanie Peterburgskogo komiteta RSDRP (bol'shevikov) nakanune oktiabr'skogo vosstaniia," p. 38.
Sverdlova, Iakov Mikhailovich Sverdlov, p. 287.
Shotman, "Lenin nakanune oktiabria," p. 121.
E. A. Alekseeva, "Na vsiu zhizn'," in Petrograd v dni velikogo oktiabria, pp. 270-82.
Protokoly TsentraTnogo komiteta, p. 94; Shotman, "Lenin nakanune oktiabria," p. 122.
Shotman, "Lenin nakanune oktiabria," p. 122.
On this point, see the comments of A. L. Sidorov in Lenin i oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Retrograde, pp. 109-10.
Protokoly Tsentral'nogo komiteta, p. 105.
See Lenin's letters in this regard to the party at large and to the Central Committee, dated October 18 and 19 respectively. Lenin, PSS, vol. 34, pp. 419-27.
Protokoly Tsentral'nogo komiteta, pp. 106-7.
S. I. Avvakumov, "Bor'ba Petrogradskikh bol'shevikov za osushchestvlenie leninskogo plana oktiabr'skogo vosstaniia," in Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Pet- rograde, pp. 54-56; Sverdlova, Iakov Mikhailovich Sverdlov, pp. 289-91.
13 • The Garrison Crisis and the Military Revolutionary Committee
The Military Organization's tactical orientation is reflected clearly in issues of Soldat at this time.
For Trotsky's later assessment of the crucial significance of not seizing power independently of the Petrograd Soviet and of timing an uprising to coincide with the deliberations of the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets, see L. D. Trotsky, Lenin (New York, 1971), pp. 92-93.
For a detailed analysis of this novel and complex operation, see Fon Chishvits, Zakhvat baltiiskikh ostrov germaniei v 1911 g. (Moscow, 1937).
S. S. Khesin, Oktiabr'skaia revoliusiia i flot (Moscow, 1971), pp. 414-15.
Izvestiia, October 1, p. 1.
Khesin, Oktiabr'skaia revoliutsiia i flot, pp. 411-12.
Soldat, October 15, p. 1.
Riabinskii, Khronika sobytii, vol. 5, p. 67; Gazeta kopeika, October 12, p. 1; October 13, p. 2.
Voitinskii, "Gody pobed i porazhenii, 1917 god," pp. 319-22.
Ibid.; Woytinsky, Stormy Passage, p. 367.
O. N. Chaadaeva, "Soldatskie massy petrogradskogo garnizona v pod- gotovke i provedenii oktiabr'skogo vooruzhennogo vosstaniia," Istoricheskie zapiski 1955, no. 51, p. 14.
Riabinskii, Khronika sobytii, vol. 5, p. 111.
Soldat, October 14, p. 4. For similar resolutions, see Riabinskii, Khronika sobytii, vol. 5, pp. 53-73 passim; Drezen, Bol'shevizatsiia petrogradskogo garnizona, pp.
297-302; Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde: Dokumenty i materialy, pp. 155-68, 217-19.
A protocol of this meeting is contained in A. K. Drezen, Baltiiskii flot v oktiabr'skoi revoliutsii igrazhdanskoi voine (Moscow and Leningrad, 1932), pp. 6-8.
Riabinskii, Khronika sobytii, vol. 5, p. 90; "Vospominaniia ob oktiabr'skom perevorote,"PR, 1922, no. 10, pp. 44-93.
Golos soldata, October 19, p. 1.
Voitinskii, "Gody pobed i porazhenii," pp. 320-21, 324.
Izvestiia, October 18, p. 4.
Ibid., October 17, pp. 5-6. The delegation was to consist of twenty-five representatives of the new Soviet majority and fifteen garrison representatives.
Voitinskii, "Gody pobed i porazhenii," pp. 322-24; Rabochii i soldat, October 22, pp. 2-3.
On this point see E. D. Orekhova, "K izucheniiu istochnikov о sozdanii Petrogradskogo voenno-revoliutsionnogo komiteta," in D. A. Chugaev, ed., Istoch- nikovedenie istorii sovetskogo obshchestva, vypusk 2 (Moscow, 1968), p. 15. The text of Broido's resolution is contained in Riabinskii, Khronika sobytii, vol. 5, pp. 237-38.
According to some writers, the full text of this resolution has not been found. Judging by press accounts of the October 9 Petrograd Soviet Executive Committee meeting, it was probably nearly identical to a Bolshevik resolution presented later the same day to a plenary session of the Petrograd Soviet. The complete text of the latter is contained in Riabinskii, Khronika sobytii, vol. 5, p. 238.
Birzhevye vedomosti, October 10, morning edition, p. 4. The fullest analysis of the creation of the Military Revolutionary Committee and of the relevant primary sources is Orekhova, "K izucheniiu istochnikov о sozdanni Petrogradskogo voenno- revoliutsionnogo komiteta."
See, for example, History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks): Short Course (New York, 1939), pp. 205-6.
Akademiia nauk SSSR, Institut istorii, et al., Petrogradskii voenno- revoliutsionnyi komitet: Dokumenty i materialy, ed. D. A. Chugaev, et al., 3 vols. (Moscow, 1966). See in particular the editors' introduction to vol. 1, pp. 5-6.
This is acknowledged by some present-day historians in the Soviet Union; see for example the statement of Iu. S. Tokarev in Lenin i oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, p. 168. After recounting accurately the Military Revolutionary Committee's evolution, Tokarev adds: "All these facts were certainly well known earlier, but in the conditions prevailing during the cult of personality, historians could not criticize any of the Short Course's interpretations and were forced to follow them."
Petrogradskii voenno-revoliutsionnyi komitet, vol. 1, pp. 40-41.
Pervyi legal'nyi Peterburgskii komitet, p. 318.
Protokoly TsentraVnogo komiteta, p. 104.
Ibid., pp. 106-8. On this point, see Orekhova, "K izucheniiu istochnikov о sozdanii Petrogradskogo voenno-revoliutsionnogo komiteta," pp. 25-26.
Protokoly TsentraVnogo komiteta, p. 108.
The exact date of this meeting has not been established. The conflicting evidence and differing points of view on this matter are analyzed by E. D. Orekhova and A. S. Pokrovskii, "O datirovke vstrech V. I. Lenina s rukovo- diteliami Voennoi organizatsii bol'shevikov i Petrogradskogo VRK v oktiabre 1917 g.," in D. A. Chugaev, ed., Istochnikovedenie istorii sovetskogo obshchestva, vypusk 2 (Moscow, 1968), pp. 56-78. Having studied the available published evidence, I believe that this meeting could not have occurred prior to October 20, and that it probably took place between the latter date and the twenty-third.
N. I. Podvoiskii, "O voennoi deiatel'nosti V. I. Lenina," Kommunist, 1957, no. 1, p. 37.
V. I. Nevskii, "Voennaia organizatsiia i oktiabr'skaia revoliutsiia," Krasnoarmeets, 1919, nos. 10-15, pp. 42-43.
Antonov-Ovseenko, "Revoliutsiia pobedila," Krasnaia gazeta, November 7, 1923, p. 3.
Podvoiskii, "O voennoi deiatel'nosti V. I. Lenina," p. 35.
N. I. Podvoiskii, "Voennaia organizatsiia TsK RSDRP(b) i voenno- revoliutsionnyi komitet 1917 g.," KL, 1923, no. 8, p. 16.
Nevskii, "Voennaia organizatsiia i oktiabr'skaia revoliutsiia," p. 43; Antonov-Ovseenko, "Baltflot v dni kerenshchiny i krasnogo oktiabria," pp. 122-25. In this connection Nevsky was now hurriedly dispatched to Helsingfors to help coordinate the mobilization of revolutionary forces there.
Rabochii put', October 20, p. 2.
Delo naroda, October 20, p. 4; Novaia zhizn1, October 20, p. 3; Golos soldata, October 20, p. 5.
While information relating to the functioning of the committee is fragmentary, there appears to have been no definite operating procedure prior to the October revolution.
I have made this error myself. See Rabinowitch, "The Petrograd Garrison and the Bolshevik Seizure of Power," in Revolution and Politics in Russia, p. 188.
In this regard, see Ia. P. Birzhal, "Krestnyi khod," in Petrograd v dni veli- kogo oktiabria, pp. 287-89.
Petrogradskii voenno-revoliutsionnyi komitet, vol. 1, pp. 55-56.
Golos soldata, October 21, p. 3; Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde: Dokumenty i materialy, pp. 169-70; Trotskii, Socbineniia, vol. 3, part 2, pp. 36-37.
"Vospominaniia ob oktiabr'skom perevorote," PR, 1922, no. 10, p. 87; K. A. Mekhonoshin, "Shtab oktiabr'skoi revoliutsii (beseda s tov. Mekhonoshinym)," Agit-Rosta, October 26, 1919, p. 1.
E. F. Erykalov, Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde (Leningrad, 1966), p. 298; see also Golos soldata, October 24, p. 3.
Mekhonoshin, Agit-Rosta, October 26, 1919, p. 1; S. Piontkovskii, "Voenno-revoliutsionnyi komitet v oktiabr'skie dni,"/^, 1927, no. 10, pp. 114—15.
Petrogradskii voenno-revoliutsionnyi komitet, vol. 1, p. 63.
"Vospominaniia ob oktiabr'skom perevorote," p. 53.
Reiman, Russkaia revoliutsiia, vol. 2, p. 385.
Rech', October 24, p. 5.
Ibid.
Sukhanov, Zapiski 0 revoliutsii, vol. 7, pp. 90-91.
Golos soldata, October 24, p. 3;Rech\ October 24, p. 3.
Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde: Dokumenty i materialy, p. 277.
Riabinskii, Khronika sobytii, vol. 5, pp. 151-52.
Petrogradskii voenno-revoliutsionnyi komitet, vol. 1, pp. 67-68.
Antonov-Ovseenko, Krasnaiagazeta, November 7, 1923, p. 3.
Antonov-Ovseenko, V semnadtsatom godu (Moscow, 1933), p. 133.
Rech\, October 24, p. 3.
M. Lashevich, "Pervyi voenno-revoliutsionnyi komitet," Krasnaia gazeta, November 7, 1920, p. 4.
M. Lashevich, "Oktiabr'skie dni v Petrograde," Politrabotnik Sibiri, 1922, no. 11, p. 5.
See, for example, Kamkov's impassioned arguments against an uprising at the First All-Russian Conference of Factory-Shop Committees, which took place in Petrograd October 17-22 {Rabochii i soldat, October 22, p. 5). Following debate on "the current moment," the conference adopted a relatively innocuously worded Bolshevik statement, which affirmed that the survival of the revolution and the achievement of the goals of the laboring classes lay in transfer of power to the soviets, but which remained silent about how and when such a transfer would come about. See Komissiia po izucheniiu istorii professional'nogo dvizheniia v SSSR, Oktiabr'skaia revoliutsiia i fabzavkomy: Materialy po istorii fabrichno-zavodskikh komitetw, 2 vols. (Moscow, 1927), vol. 2, p. 167.
Rabinowitch, Prelude to Revolution, pp. 76-77.
Petrogradskii voenno-revoliutsionnyi komitet, vol. 1, p. 74.
Riabinskii, Khronika sobytii, vol. 5, p. 160.
Erykalov, Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde, p. 312.
Antonov-Ovseenko, "Oktiabr'skaia buria "Pervyi narodnyi kalendar' na 1919 g. (Petrograd, 1919), p. 102. On continuing Left SR threats to leave the committee, see Mekhonoshin, Agit-Rosta, October 26, 1919, p. 1.
Izvestiia, October 25, p. 7; Riabinskii, Khronika sobytii, vol. 5, p. 161.
Oktiabrskoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde: Dokumenty i materialy, pp. 281-82.
14 • On the Eve
G. Lomov, "V dni buri i natiska," Izvestiia, November 6, 1918, p. 4; G. Lomov, "V dni buri i natiska," PR, 1927, no. 10 (69), pp. 169-70.
Petrogradskii voenno-revoliutsionnyi komitet, vol. 1, p. 86; M. Lashevich, "Vosstanie," Petrogradskaia pravda, November 5, 1922, p. 8; Antonov-Ovseenko, "Oktiabr'skaia buria," Izvestiia, November 6, 1918, pp. 3-4.
Izvestiia, October 25, p. 7; Izvestiia Kronshtadtskogo soveta, November 5, pp.
3-4.
Petrogradskii voenno-revoliutsionnyi komitet, vol. 1, p. 85; Trotskii, Sochineniia, vol. 3, part 2, p. 51.
Protokoly TsentraVnogo komiteta, pp. 119-21.
B. Elov, "PK nakanune 25-go oktiabria," Petrogradskaia pravda, November 5, 1922, p. 2. Oktiabrskoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde: Dokumenty i materialy, p. 287.
"Vospominaniia ob oktiabr'skom perevorote," PR, 1922, no. 10, p. 92.
Den\ October 25, p. 1.
"Vospominaniia ob oktiabr'skom perevorote," PR, 1922, no. 10, p. 90.
Izvestiia, October 25, p. 7.
Novaia zbizn\ October 25, p. 3.
Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde: Dokumenty i materialy, pp. 327-28.
Polenov, "Vystrel s Avrory,' " Leningradskaiapravda, November 6-7, 1927, p. 6; Riabinskii, Khronika sobytii, vol. 5, pp. 166-67.
The most precise and accurate count of loyalist forces is contained in Erykalov, Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde, p. 435.
Ibid., p. 318.
Sukhanov, Zapiski 0 revoliutsii, vol. 7, p. 131 Izvestiia, October 25, pp. 2-3.
Izvestiia, October 25, pp. 2-3; Rech', October 25, p. 2; a translation of Kerensky's speech appears in Browder and Kerensky, The Russian Provisional Government, vol. 3, pp. 1772-78.
Kerensky, Russia and History's Turning Point, p. 435.
Protokoly pervago s"ezda partii levykh sotsialistov-revoliutsionerov (internatsionalistov), p. 40.
Izvestiia, October 25, pp. 3-4.
See F. Dan, "K istorii poslednikh dnei Vremennogo pravitel'stva," Letopis' revoliutsii, vol. 1 (1923), pp. 163-75.
Izvestiia, October 25, p. 4; see also N. F. Slavin, "Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie i predparlament," in Lenin i oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, pp. 224-28.
Dan, "K istorii poslednikh dnei Vremennogo pravitel'stva," pp. 172-75.
Rabochaia gazeta, October 26, p. 2.
Italics mine. In some published versions of this resolution, the adjective "friendly" is substituted for "firm." The version cited appeared in Rabochaia gazeta, October 25, p. 2.
Novaia zhizn', October 26, p. 2.
S. Mstislavskii, Piat' dnei (Berlin, 1922), p. 122-23; Vtoroi vserossiiskii s"ezd sovetov R. i S. D., ed. M. N. Pokrovskii and Ia. A. Iakovlev (Moscow and Leningrad, 1928), p. 162. Mstislavskii recalls sadly that by the time he reached Smolny the evening of October 25, the SRs and Left SRs "were already sitting in different rooms."
Izvestiia, October 25, p. 7.
Il'in-Zhenevskii, "Oktiabr'skaia revoliutsiia," KL, 1926, no. 5 (20), p. 37.
Ibid.
Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, pp. 303-4; Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde: Dokumenty i materialy, p. 332.
S. Pestkovskii, "Ob oktiabr'skikh dniakh v Pitere," PR, 1922, no. 10, pp. 95-96; Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, p. 308.
A. M. Liubovich, "Revoliutsionnoe zaniatie petrogradskogo telegrafa," Pochtovotelegrafnyi zhurnal, 1918, no. 9-12, pp. 3 5-41.
Rech', October 26, p. 2.
Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde: Dokumenty i materialy, p. 338.
P. E. Dybenko, "Baltflot v oktiabr'skie dni," in Velikaia oktiabr'skaia sotsialis- ticheskaia revolutiutsiia: Sbornik vospominanii uchastnikov revoliutsii v Petrograde i Moskve (Moscow, 1957), p. 305; Petrash, Moriaki Baltiiskogo flota v bor'be za pobedu oktiabria, p. 251.
A. G. Pronin, "Podgotovka к zakhvatu vlasti," Bakinskii rabochii, November 7, 1927, p. 4.
Dybenko, "Baltflot v oktiabr'skie dni," p. 305.
Lenin, PSS, vol. 34, p. 434.
M. V. Fofanova, "Il'ich pered oktiabrem 1917 goda," in Vospominaniia 0 Vladimire Il'icbe Lenine, vol. 2, p. 448.
M. V. Fofanova, "Poslednee podopol'e," in Ob IViche: Vospominaniia piter tsev (Leningrad, 1970), p. 348.
During the Stalin period this letter was ignored, evidently because it reflected continuing differences between the Central Committee and Lenin in regard to the development of the' revolution. The letter does not contain an addressee, and headings in the post-Stalin fourth and fifth editions of Lenin's writings indicate that it was directed to the Central Committee. As a few contemporary scholars in the Soviet Union have acknowledged, however, from the content of the letter it is obvious that it was directed to lower levels of the party and was intended to stimulate them to apply pressure on the top party leadership and the Military Revolutionary Committee to arrest the members of the Provisional Government before the opening of the Congress of Soviets. On this point, see the comments of E. N. Gorodetskii and S. I. Shul'ga in Lenin i oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Retrograde, pp. 189, 478-82.
Lenin, PSS, vol. 34, pp. 435-36.
Fofanova, "Poslednee podpol'e," p. 349; E. Rakh'ia, "Poslednee podpol'e Vladimira Il'icha ," KL, 1934, no. 58, pp. 89-90; E. A. Rakh'ia, "Moi vospominaniia о Vladimire Il'iche," in Vospominaniia 0 Vladimire IViche Lenine, vol. 2, p. 434.
E. Rakh'ia, "Moi predoktiabr'skie i posleoktiabr'skie vstrechi s Leninym," Novyi mir, 1934, no. 1, pp. 35-36.
On this point, see Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, pp. 292-307. There is some indication that the Military Revolutionary Committee took control of the telephone and electrical stations only after people at Smolny began experiencing difficulties with phones and lights. The one Military Revolutionary Committee action that does not quite fit this pattern was the taking of the telegraph facilities.
Latsis, Petrogradskaia pravda, November 5, 1922, p. 2.
See, for example, Kamkov's comments in Protokoly pervago s"ezda partii levykh sotsialistov-revoliutsionerov, pp. 40-41.
O. P. Dzenis, "Как my brali 25 okt. zimnii dvorets,"Pravda, November 6-7, 1921, p. 7; O. P. Dzenis, "Pod zimnim dvortsom," in Velikaia oktiabr'skaia sotsialis- ticheskaia revoliutsiia: Sbornik vospominanii, p. 270.
A. Ignat'ev, "V noch' na 25 oktiabria 1917 goda," KL, 1923, no. 6, p. 314.
Baltiiskie moriaki v podgotovke i provedenii velikoi oktiabr'skoi sotsialisticheskoi revoliutsii, p. 259; P. Kurkov, "Kreiser 'Avrora,' " KL, 1923, no. 6, p. 360.
Ibid.
Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, pp. 324-35.
Riabinskii, Khronika sobytii, vol. 5, p. 175.
Ibid., pp. 175-76.
Izvestiia, October 26, p. 3; some two hundred cossacks of the Fourteenth Cossack Regiment reported to the Winter Palace; however, this token detachment was not enough to alter the government's situation.
Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Retrograde: Dokumenty i materialy, p. 340.
A. V. Liverovskii, "Poslednie chasy Vremennogo pravitel'stva: Dnevnik ministra Liverovskogo," Istoricheskii arkhiv, 1960, no. 6, p. 41.
59. V. Miliutin, 0 Lenine (Leningrad, 1924), pp. 4-5; Rakh'ia, "Moi predoktiabr'skie i posleoktiabr'skie vstrechi s Leninym," p. 36; see also Reiman, Russkaia revoliutsiia, vol. 2, p. 332.
15 • The Bolsheviks Come to Power
Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde: Dokumenty i materialy, pp. 348-50; "Baltflot v dni kerenshchiny i krasnogo oktiabria," pp. 123-24.
I. P. Flerovskii, "Kronshtadt v oktiabr'skoi revoliutsii," PR, 1922, no. 10, pp. 136-37.
Baltiiskie moriaki, p. 270.
Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, p. 330; K. Eremeev, "Osada zimnego," Bakinskii rabochii, November 7, 1927, p. 9. See also Dzenis, "Как my brali 25 okt. zimnii dvorets," p. 7, and G. I. Blagonravov, "Oktiabr'skie dni v pet- ropavlovskoi kreposti," PR, 1922, no. 4, p. 33.
Lenin, PSS, vol. 35, p. 1.
V. I. Startsev, "Begstvo Kerenskogo," Voprosy istorii, 1966, no. 11, pp. 204—5; for Kerensky's version of this episode, see Russia and History's Turning Point, pp. 437-39.
Rech', October 26, p. 2; Novaia zhizn', October 26, p. 2; Izvestiia, October 26, pp. 3-4.
Riabinskii, Khronika sobytii, vol. 5, p. 177.
I. Pavlov, "Avral'naia rabota 25-go oktiabria 1917 goda," Krasnyi Jlot, 1926, nos. 10-11, p. 25.
Flerovskii, "Kronshtadt v oktiabr'skoi revoliutsii," p. 139.
Ibid., pp. 139-40; Pavlov, "Avral'naia rabota 25-go oktiabria 1917 goda," P- 25.
Riabinskii, Khronika sobytii, vol. 5, pp. 179-80\ Izvestiia, October 26, p. 7; October 27, pp. 4-5.
Ibid.
P. V. Dashkevich, "Oktiabr'skie dni," Leningradskaia pravda, November 7, 1924, p. 11.
"Vospominaniia ob oktiabr'skom perevorote,"PR, 1922, no. 10, pp. 84—85.
A. Tarasov-Rodionov, "Pervaia operatsiia," Voennyi vestnik, 1924, no. 42, p. 12; "Vospominaniia ob oktiabr'skom perevorote," PR, 1922, no. 10, pp. 78-79.
V. A. Antonov-Ovseenko, "Baltflot v dni kerenshchiny i krasnogo oktiabria," pp. 124-29; Antonov-Ovseenko, "Revoliutsiia pobedila," Krasnaia gazeta, November 7, 1923, p. 3.
Kostiukov, "Как my opozdali ко vziatiu zimnego dvortsa," Krasnyi balteets, 1920, no. 6, p. 36.
Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, p. 346.
Blagonravov, "The Fortress of Peter and Paul, October 1917," in Petrograd October 1911 (Moscow, 1957), p. 206.
"Vospominaniia ob oktiabr'skom perevorote," PR, 1922, no. 10, p. 79.
John Reed, Ten Days That Shook the World (New York, 1960), p. 116.
G. Chudnovskii, "V zimnem dvortse pered sdachei," Pravda, November 21, 1917, p. 2; P. V. Dashkevich, "Oktiabr'skie dni," Leningradskaia pravda, November 7, p. 11.
See, in particular, Liverovskii, "Poslednie chasy Vremmenogo pravitel'stva"; P. N. Maliantovich, "V zimnem dvortse 25-26 obtiabria 1917 goda," Byloe, 1918, no. 12, pp. 111-41; P. N. Pal'chinskii, "Dnevnik," Krasnyi arkhiv, 1933, no. 56, pp. 136-38; A. M. Nikitin, "Rasskaz A. M. Nikitina," Rabochaia gazeta, October 28, p. 2; "Как zaniali zimnii dvorets," Delo naroda, October 29, pp. 1-2; A. Sinegub, "Zashchita zimnego dvortsa," Arkhiv russkoi revoliutsii, 1922, no. 4, pp. 121-97. The most useful secondary source on the final hours of the Provisional Government is V. I. Startsev, "Poslednii den' Vremennogo pravitel'stva," in Iz istorii velikoi oktiabrskoi sotsialisticheskoi revoliutsii i sotsialisticheskogo stroitel'stva v SSSR (Leningrad, 1967), pp. 99-115.
Liverovskii, "Poslednie chasy Vremennogo pravitel'stva," pp. 42-43.
Startsev, "Poslednii den' Vremennogo pravitel'stva," p. 101.
The text of this ultimatum is contained in Liverovskii, "Poslednie chasy Vremennogo pravitel'stva," p. 45.
Edinstvo, October 27, p. 3.
Maliantovich, "V zimnem dvortse," p. 120.
Ibid., p. 121.
Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde: Dokumenty i materialy, pp. 407-8.
Edinstvo, October 27, p. 3.
Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, p. 343; Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde: Dokumenty i materialy, pp. 395-96, 407-8. For Cheremisov, this conversation was apparently the last straw, helping to confirm his conviction that the Provisional Government was totally bankrupt. Much more than most other top military leaders, Cheremisov had been sensitive and responsive to revolutionary sentiment in the army throughout 1917. Initially antagonized by Kerensky in late July at the time of Kornilov's appointment as chief of staff, during the first weeks of October Cheremisov gave only reluctant and half-hearted support to Kerensky's attempts to involve front-line forces in support of the Provisional Government. Now, on the night of October 25, learning firsthand of Kishkin's appointment, of the military shakeup in Petrograd, and of the occupation of General Staff headquarters, he issued an order immediately halting the movement of troops to Petrograd, significantly undercutting Kerensky's hopes of mobilizing help at the front.
Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde: Dokumenty i materialy, pp. 414—15.
Erykalov, Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde, pp. 314-17 and 444, drawing upon the journals of the Petrograd City Duma and the stenographic accounts of its proceedings, August 20, 1917, convocation; see also I. Milchik, "Pet- rogradskaia tsentral'naia gorodskaia duma v fevrale-oktiabre 1917 goda," KL, 1927, no. 2 (23), p. 201.
Flerovskii, "Kronshtadt v oktiabr'skoi revoliutsii," pp. 141-42.
Tarasov-Rodionov, "Pervaia operatsiia," p. 13.
Erykalov, Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde, pp. 445-46; V. M. Molotov, "Smolnyi i zimnii,"Pravda, November 7, 1924, p. 9.
Erykalov, Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde, pp. 450-51.
Rech', October 26, p. 3; Milchik, "Petrogradskaia tsentral'naia gorodskaia duma v fevrale-oktiabre 1917 goda," p. 202.
Bubnov, "Lenin v oktiabr'skie dni," Bakinskii rabochii, November 7, 1927,
P. 3.
"Vospominaniia ob oktiabr'skom perevorote," PR, 1922, no. 10, p. 79.
Vtoroi vserossiiskii s"ezd sovetov, p. 33.
Reed, Ten Days That Shook the World, p. 124.
Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, p. 353. Figures published in the press on the total size and composition of the congress vary somewhat; those cited here appeared in Pravda on October 29.
Vtoroi vserossiiskii s"ezd sovetov, pp. 144-53; A. F. Butenko and D. A. Chugaev, eds., Vtoroi vserossiiskii s"ezd sovetov rabochikh i soldatskikh deputatov: Sbornik dokumentov (Moscow, 1957), pp. 386-98.
Vtoroi vserossiiskii s"ezd sovetov, pp. 2-3, 33.
Ibid., pp. 4, 34-35; Sukhanov, Zapiski 0 revoliutsii, vol. 7, p. 199; Delo naroda, October 27, p. 2.
Vtoroi vserossiiskii s"ezd sovetov, pp. 34-35.
Ibid., pp. 37-38; Sukhanov, Zapiski 0 revoliutsii, vol. 7, p. 200.
Sukhanov, Zapiski 0 revoliutsii, vol. 7, pp. 219-20; on this point see Leonard Schapiro, Origins of the Communist Autocracy (New York, 1965), pp. 66-68.
Vtoroi vserossiiskii s"ezd sovetov, pp. 38-39.
Ibid., pp. 41-42.
Ibid., pp. 43-44.
Protokoly pervago s"ezda partii levykh sotsialistov-revoliutsionerov (inter- natsionalistov), pp. 41-43.
Delo naroda, October 27, p. 2.
Vtoroi vserossiiskii s"ezd sovetov, pp. 45-46.
Rech\ October 26, p. 3; see also Izvestiia, October 26, p. 6.
Reed, Ten Days That Shook the World, pp. 136-37; See also Sukhanov, Zapiski 0 revoliutsii, vol. 7, p. 208.
Maliantovich, "V zimnem dvortse," p. 129.
Antonov-Ovseenko, "Oktiabr'skaia buria," p. 104.
Erykalov, Oktiabrskoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie v Petrograde, p. 456.
Maliantovich, "V zimnem dvortse," pp. 129.
Ibid., p. 130.
"Rasskaz K. A. Gvozdeva ob ego areste," and "Rasskaz A. M. Kishkina," in Rabochaia gazeta, October 28, p. 2.
I. Kolbin, "Storming the Winter Palace," in Petrograd 1911, p. 321.
Antonov-Ovseenko, "Oktiabr'skaia buria," p. 104.
Vtoroi vserossiiskii s"ezd sovetov, pp. 47-50.
Ibid., p. 52.
Vtoroi vserossiiskii s"ezd sovetov, pp. 53-54; translation from Browder and Kerensky, The Russian Provisional Government, vol. 3, pp. 1797-98.
16 • Epilogue
A. L. Fraiman, Forpost sotsialisticheskoi revoliutsii (Leningrad, 1969), p. 19; I. S. Lutovinov, Likvidatsiia miatezha Kerenskogo-Krasnova (Moscow and Leningrad, 1965), p. 7.
Oktiabrskoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, p. 376.
The Left SRs were invited to joint the governmemt but refused, believing that by remaining outside they would be able to mediate between the Bolsheviks and their adversaries in the interest of forming a broad socialist government.
Izvestiia, October 28, p. 2. The elections took place as promised on November 12-14. The Bolsheviks, while triumphant in Petrograd, ran second to the SRs in the balloting throughout the country and even with the Left SRs did not have a majority. The Constituent Assembly opened in Petrograd on January 5, 1918, but the deputies refused to endorse the changes brought about by the October revolution and were forcibly dispersed after just one session.
Novaia zhizn', October 30, p. 3; Melgunov, The Bolshevik Seizure of Power, pp. 141-42.
I. N. Liubimov, Revoliutsiia 1911 goda: Khronika sobytii (Moscow, 1930), vol. 6, pp. 436-37; Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, p. 403.
Liubimov, Khronika sobytii, vol. 6, pp. 436-37; Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, pp. 403-5.
Daniels, Red October, p. 206.
Izvestiia, November 3, p. 5; for Kerensky's version of these events see Russia and History's Turning Point, pp. 443-46.
Oktiabr'skoe vooruzhennoe vosstanie, vol. 2, p. 406.
The moderate socialists demanded, among other things, that key ministerial posts be held by non-Bolsheviks, that no single party have a majority in the government, that ministers enter the government as individuals rather than as representatives of their respective parties, and that the government be responsible not to the Central Executive Committee but to a broader representative assembly constructed along the lines of the Democratic State Conference, in which the likelihood of a Bolshevik majority would be minimal.
Novaia zhizn', November 3, p. 2.
Protokoly Tsentral'nogo komiteta, p. 130.
The government's adoption of stricter press controls at this time strengthened the resolve of the moderates to continue the fight for a more broadly representative government. Such limitations of freedom appeared to them the inevitable consequence of rule by the Bolsheviks alone.
Protokoly Tsentral'nogo komiteta, pp. 133-34.
Gusev, Krakh partii levykh eserov, pp. 107-8.
See Cohen, Bukharin and the Bolshevik Revolution, pp. 66-106, for a valuable analysis of the impact of the civil war on Soviet politics and society.
Selected Bibliography
1 • Chronologies
Akhun, M. I., and Petrov, V. A. 1911 god v Petrograde: Khronika sobytii i bibliografiia. Leningrad: Lenpartizdat, 1933.
Anikeev, V. V. Deiatel'nost' TsK RSDRP(b) v 1911 godu: Khronib sobytii. Moscow: Mysl', 1969.
Avdeev, N. Revoliutsiia 1911 goda: Khronika sobytii. Vol. 1, lanvar-apreV. Vol. 2, Aprel'^mai. Moscow: Gosizdat, 1923.
Institut istorii partii pri Leningradskom obkome KPSS. Bol'sheviki Petrograda v 1911 godu: Khronika sobytii. Leningrad: Lenizdat, 1957.
Institut marksizma-leninizma pri TsK KPSS. Vladimir Il'ich Lenin: Biograficheskaia khronib, 1810-1924. Vol. 4, Mart-oktiabr' 1911, edited by G. N. Golikov, et al. Moscow: Politizdat, 1973.
. Lenin v 1911 godu: Daty zhizni i deiatel'nosti. Moscow: Politizdat, 1957.
Konstantinov, A. P. Bol'sheviki Petrograda v 1911 godu: Khronika sobytii. Leningrad: Lenizdat, 1957.
Liubimov, I. N. Revoliutsiia 1911 goda: Khronika sobytii. Vol. 6, Oktiabr'-dekabr'. Moscow: Gosizdat, 1930.
Riabinskii, K. Revoliutsiia 1911 goda: Khronika sobytii. Vol. 5, Oktiabr'. Moscow: Gosizdat, 1926.
Vladimirova, V. Revoliutsiia 1911 goda: Khronika sobytii. Vol. 3,Iiun'-iiul'. Moscow: Gosizdat, 1923. Vol. 4, Avgust-sentiabr'. Leningrad: Gosizdat, 1924.
2 * Documentary Materials
Akademiia nauk SSSR, Institut istorii, et al. Baltiiskie moriaki v podgotovke i prove- denii velikoi oktiabr'skoi sotsialisticheskoi revoliutsii. Edited by P. N. Mordvinov. Moscow and Leningrad: Izdatel'stvo Akademii nauk SSSR, 1957.
. Ekonomicheskoe polozhenie Rossii nakanune velikoi oktiabr'skoi sotsialisticheskoi
revoliutsii. Edited by A. L. Sidorov, et al. 2 vols. Moscow and Leningrad: Izdatel'stvo Akademii nauk SSSR, 1957.
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D. A. Chugaev. 3 vols. Moscow: Nauka, 1966.
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D. A. Chugaev. Moscow and Leningrad: Izdatel'stvo Akademii nauk SSSR, 1963.
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D. A. Chugaev, et al. Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Akademii nauk SSSR, 1957.
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L. S. Gaponenko, et al. Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Akademii nauk SSSR, 1958.
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Edited by D. A. Chugaev, et al. Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Akademii nauk SSSR, 1959.
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Akademiia nauk SSSR, Leningradskoe otdelenie instituta istorii. Raionnye sovety Petrograda v 1911 godu: Protokoly, rezoliutsii, postanovleniia obshchikh sobranii zasedanii ispolnitel'nykh komitetov. 3 vols. Moscow and Leningrad: Nauka, 1964—1966.
Anskii, A., ed. Protokoly Petrogradskogo soveta professional'nykh soiuzov za 1911 g. Leningrad: Izdatel'stvo Leningradskogo gubprofsoveta, 1927.
Belkov, A. K., and Verevkin, B. P., eds. Bol'shevistskaia pechat': Sbornik materialov. Vol. 4. Moscow: Vysshaia partiinaia shkola, 1960.
Browder, Robert P., and Kerensky, Alexander F., eds. The Russian Provisional Government 1911: Documents. 3 vols. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1961.
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Bunyan, J., and Fisher, H. H. The Bolshevik Revolution, 1911-1918. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1934.
Butenko, A. F., and Chugaev, D. A., eds. Vtoroi vserossiiskii s"ezd sovetov rabochikh i soldatskikh deputatov: Sbornik dokumentov. Moscow: Gospolitizdat, 1957.
Chaadaeva, O., ed. Soldatskiepis'ma 1911 goda. Moscow: Gosizdat, 1927.
Drezen, A. K., ed. Baltiiskii flot v oktiabr'skoi revoliutsii igrazhdanskoi voine. Moscow and Leningrad: Partizdat, 1932.
. Bol'shevizatsiia petrogradskogo garnizona: Sbornik materialov i dokumentov.
Leningrad: Lenoblizdat, 1932.
. Burzhuaziia i pomeshchiki v 1911 godu: Chastnye soveshchaniia chlenov Gosudar-
stvennoi dumy. Moscow and Leningrad: Partiinoe Izdatel'stvo, 1932.
Elov, В., ed. "Petrogradskaia organizatsiia RSDRP(b) nakanune iiul'skikh sobytii." In 3-5 iiulia 1911 g.y pp. 53-74. Petrograd, 1922. Incomplete protocols of pre-July days sessions of the Second Citywide Conference of Petrograd Bolsheviks.
. "Posle iiul'skikh sobytii." Krasnaia letopis\ 1923, no. 7, pp. 95-127. Incomplete protocols of the post-July days sessions of the Second Citywide Conference.
Gaponenko, L. S., ed. Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Russkoi armii. Moscow: Nauka, 1968.
Golder, Frank A., ed. Documents of Russian History, 1914-1911. New York: Century, 1927.
Institut Marksa-Engel'sa-Lenina-Stalina pri TsK KPSS. Kommunisticheskaia Partiia Sovetskogo Soiuza v rezoliutsiiakh i resheniiakh s"ezdov, konferentsii i plenumov TsK, 1898-1954. 4 vols. 7th ed. Moscow: Gospolitizdat, 1954.
Institut marksizma-leninizma pri TsK KPSS. Doneseniia komissarov Petrogradskogo voenno-revoliutsionnogo komiteta. Moscow: Gospolitizdat, 1957.
. Listovkipetrogradskikh boVshevikov. Vol. 3. Leningrad: Lenizdat, 1957.
. Perepiska sekretariata TsK RSDRP(b) s mestnymi partiinymi organizatsiiami: Sbor-
nik dokumentov. Vol. 1, Mart-oktiabr' 1911 g. Moscow: Gospolitizdat, 1957.
. Protokoly TsentraVnogo komiteta RSDRP(b): Avgust 1911-fevraV 1918. Moscow:
Gospolitizdat, 1958.
—. Sed'maia (ApreVskaia) Vserossiiskaia konferentsiia RSDRP (boVshevikov)-, Petrograd-
skaia obshchegorodskaia konferentsiia RSDRP (iboVshevikov), apreV 1911 goda: Protokoly. Moscow: Gospolitizdat, 1958.
. Shestoi s"ezd RSDRP (boVshevikov), avgust 1911 goda: Protokoly. Moscow: Gospolitizdat, 1958.
Institut marksizma-leninizma pri TsK KPSS, Institut istorii partii MK i MGK KPSS. Podgotovka i pobeda oktiabr skoi revoliutsii v Moskve. Moscow : Moskovskii rabochii, 1957.
Kerenskii, A. F. Delo Kornilova. Moscow: Zadruga, 1918. Edited stenogram of Kerensky's testimony to the official commission investigating the Kornilov conspiracy, with commentary by Kerensky.
Kerensky, A. F. Prelude to Bolshevism: The Kornilov Rising. New York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 1919. English translation of Delo Kornilova.
Kokoshkin, F. F., and Kishkin, N. M. uPo otchetu о zasedanii moskovskogo gorodskogo komiteta k.-d. partii, 31 avg. 1917 g." Typescript in Nicolaevsky archive, Hoover Institution, Stanford, California.
Komissiia po izucheniiu istorii professional'nogo dvizheniia v SSSR. Oktiabr'skaia revoliutsiia i fabzavkomy: Materialy po istorii fabrichno-zavodskikh komitetov. 2 vols. Moscow: Izdatel'stvo VTsSPS, 1927.
Kommunisticheskaia Partiia Sovetskogo Soiuza. Protokoly s"ezdov i konferentsii Vse- soiuznoi kommunisticheskoi partii (boVshevikov): Shestoi s"ezd, 8-16 avgusta 1911. Edited by A. S. Bubnov. Moscow: Gosizdat, 1927.
Kornilovskie dni: Biulleteni vremennogo voennogo komiteta pri TslK s 28 avgusta po 4 sen- tiabria 1911 g. Petrograd: Soiuz sotsialistov narodnoi armii, 1917.
Leningrad. Sovet deputatov trudiashchikhsia. Petrogradskii Swet rabochikh i soldatskikh deputatov: Protokoly zasedanii IspolniteVnogo komiteta i Biuro IspolniteVnogo komiteta. Moscow: Gosizdat, 1925.
Leninskii sbornik. Vol. 21. Edited by V. V. Adoratsky, et al. Moscow: Partiinoe Izdatel'stvo, 1933. Miscellaneous Lenin documents relating to the period between January 1917 and the end of 1918.
Liverovskii, A. V. "Poslednie chasy Vremennogo pravitel'stva: Dnevnik ministra Liverovskogo." Istoricheskii arkhiv, 1960, no. 6, pp. 38-48.
M. F. "K istorii kornilovshchiny." Krasnaia letopis1924, no. 1 (10), pp. 201—17. Contains the text of April 23 memorandum by Kornilov to War Minister Guchkov and the full text of Kornilov's August 10 proposal to Kerensky.
"Nakanune oktiabr'skogo perevorota: Vopros о voine i mire; ochety о sekretnykh zasedaniiakh komissii vremennogo soveta Rossiiskoi respubliki." Byloe, 1918, no. 6, pp. 3-41.
Nikolaevskii, В. I. "Men'sheviki v dni oktiabr'skogo perevorota." Inter-university project on the history of the Menshevik movement, paper no. 8. New York, 1952.
Okun, S. D., ed. Putilovets v trekh revoliutsiiakh: Sbornik materialovpo istorii Putilovskogo zavoda. Moscow and Leningrad: Ogiz, 1933.
Pal'chinskii, P. N. "Dnevnik." Агамгу* arkhiv, 1933, no. 56, pp. 136-38.
Pokrovskii, M. N., and Iakovlev, Ia. A., eds. Gosudarstvennoe soveshchanie. Moscow and Leningrad: Gosizdat, 1930.
. Pervyi vserossiiskii s"ezd sovetov rabochikh, soldatskikh i krest'ianskikh deputatov.
Moscow and Leningrad: Gosizdat, 1930.
. Rabochee dvizhenie v 1917 godu. Moscow and Leningrad: Gosizdat, 1926.
. Razlozhenie armii v 1911 g. Moscow and Leningrad: Gosizdat, 1925.
. Vtoroi vserossiiskii s"ezd sovetov R. i S. D. Moscow and Leningrad: Gosizdat,
1928.
Protokoly pervago s"ezda partii levykh sotsialistov-revoliutsionerov (internatsionalistov). Moscow: Revoliutsionnyi sotsializm, 1918.
Protokoly VI s"ezda RSDRP 0bol'shevikov) 26 iiulia-3 avgusta 1911 g. Moscow and Petrograd: Kommunist, 1919.
Russia. 1917 Provisional Government. Zhurnaly zasedanii Vremennogo pravitel'stva. Petrograd, 1917.
"Stavka 25-26 oktiabria 1917 g." Arkhiv russkoi revoliutsii, vol. 7 (1922), pp. 279-320. Transcripts of communications between officials of the Provisional Government in Petrograd and military leaders at the front during the October days.
Tobolin, I., ed. "Iiul'skie dni v Petrograde." Krasnyi arkhiv, 1927, no. 4 (23), pp. 1-63, and no. 5 (24), pp. 3-70. Valuable documents relating to the Provisional Government's investigation of the July uprising.
Velikii oktiabr': Aktivnye uchastniki i organizatsii, alb от. Compiled by P. F. Kudelli and P. I. Kuliabko. Moscow and Leningrad: Gosizdat, 1927.
Volobuev, P. V. "Iz istorii bor'by Vremennogo pravitel'stva s revoliutsiei." Istoriches- kii arkhiv, 1960, no. 6, pp. 83-85. Contains notes for a meeting of Kerensky's cabinet the evening of October 17.
Vsesoiuznaia Kommunisticheskaia partiia (bol'shevikov). Vtoraia i Tret'ia petrogradskie obsbcbegorodskie konferentsii bol'shevikov v iiule i oktiabre 1911 goda: Protokoly. Moscow and Leningrad: Gosizdat, 1927.
. Leningradskii istpart. Pervyi legal'nyi Peterburgskii komitet bol'shevikov v 1911
godu: Sbornik materials i protokolov zasedanii Peterburgskogo komiteta RSDRP(b) i ego Ispolnitel'noi komissii za 1911 g. Edited by P. F. Kudelli. Moscow and Leningrad: Gosizdat, 1927.
Zeman, Z. А. В., ed. Germany and the Revolution in Russia, 1915-1918: Documents from the Archives of the German Foreign Ministry. London: Oxford University Press, 1958.
3 • 1917 Newspapers
Bakinskii rabochii. Baku. Daily newspaper of the Baku Bolshevik Committee.
Birzhevye vedomosti. Petrograd. Nonparty liberal daily.
Delo naroda. Petrograd. Socialist-Revolutionary. Beginning July 1, organ of the SR Central Committee.
Den\ Petrograd. Right Menshevik paper edited by A. Potresov.
Edinstvo. Petrograd. Right socialist. Published by Edinstvo, G. V. Plekhanov's political organization.
Gazeta-kopeika. Petrograd. Popular "boulevard" daily.
Golospravdy. Kronstadt. Kronstadt Bolshevik organ published March 15 to July 13. Resumed publication October 28.
Golos soldata. Petrograd. Moderate socialist daily initiated by the Petrograd Soviet in May, primarily for military troops. Became main military organ of the Central Executive Committee in July.
Golos sotsial-demokrata. Kiev. Bolshevik daily.
Izvestiia Kronshtadtskogo Soveta rabochikh i soldatskikh deputatov. Kronstadt. Kronstadt Soviet organ.
Izvestiia Moskovskogo Soveta rabochikh deputatov. Moscow. Main paper of the Moscow Soviet of Workers' Deputies.
Izvestiia Petrogradskogo Soveta rabochikh i soldatskikh deputatov. Daily newspaper of the Petrograd Soviet and, beginning in late June, of the Central Executive Committee. On August 1 the paper was renamed Izvestiia TsentraVnogo IspolniteVnogo Komiteta i Petrogradskogo Soveta rabochikh i soldatskikh deputatov.
Listok pravdy. Petrograd. Bolshevik. Published on July 6 in place of Pravda.
Malenkaia gazeta. Petrograd. Right-wing daily.
New York Times.
Novaia zhizn . Petrograd. Left Menshevik daily edited by Maxim Gorky.
Novoe vremia. Petrograd. Important liberal daily.
Petrogradskaiagazeta. Petrograd. Popular nonparty daily.
Petrogradskii listok. Petrograd. Popular nonparty daily.
Pravda. Petrograd. Central Bolshevik Party newspaper. Published March 2 to July 5. Resumed publication October 27.
Proletarii. Petrograd. Bolshevik. Published August 14 to August 24 in place of Pravda.
Proletarskoe delo. Kronstadt. Published by Bolshevik fraction in the Kronstadt Soviet July 14 to October 27, in place of Golos pravdy.
Rabochaia gazeta. Petrograd. Central Menshevik Party newspaper.
Rabochii. Petrograd. Bolshevik. Published August 25 to September 2 in place of Pravda.
Rabochii i soldat. Petrograd. Bolshevik. Published by Bolshevik Military Organization July 2 3 to August 9 as replacement for Soldatskaia pravda.
Rabochiiput\ Petrograd. Bolshevik. Published September 3 to October 26 in place of Pravda.
Rabotnitsa. Petrograd. Magazine for women workers published by Bolshevik Central Committee two or three times a month beginning May 10, 1917. Ceased publication January 1918.
Rech\ Petrograd. Organ of the Constitutional Democratic Party.
Soldat. Petrograd. Published by the Bolshevik Military Organization between August 13 and October 26 as replacement for Soldatskaia pravda.
Soldatskaia pravda. Petrograd. Organ of the Bolshevik Military Organization. Published April 15 to July 5. Resumed publication October 27.
Sotsial-Demokrat. Moscow. Central organ of the Moscow Bolsheviks.
Vestnik Vremennogo praviterstva. Petrograd. Official daily organ of the Provisional Government.
Volia naroda. Petrograd. Organ of right SRs.
Volna. Helsingfors. Organ of the Helsingfors Bolshevik Committee.
Vpered. Petrograd. Interdistrict Committee newspaper.
Zhivoe slovo. Petrograd. Extreme rightist paper.
Znamia truda. Petrograd. Left SR daily. Published as official organ of the Left SR-controlled SR Petrograd Committee beginning August 23.
4 • Memoirs and Other Works by Bolsheviks
Alekseeva, E. A. "Na vsiu zhizn'." In Petrograd v dni velikogo oktiabria: Vospominaniia ucbastnikov revoliutsionnykb sobytii v Petrograde v 1917 godu, pp. 270-82. Leningrad: Lenizdat, 1967.
Alliluev, S. "Как skryvalis' tov. Lenin i tov. Zinov'ev v iiul'skie dni 1917 goda." In О Lenine: Vospominaniia, ed. I. L. Meshcheriakov, vol. 3, pp. 96-100. Moscow and Leningrad: Gosizdat, 1925.
Antonov-Ovseenko, V. A. "Baltflot v dni kerenshchiny i krasnogo oktiabria." Pro- letarskaia revoliutsiia, 1922, no. 10, pp. 118-29.
. "Oktiabr'skaia buria." Izvestiia, November 6, 1918, pp. 3-4.
. "Oktiabr'skaia buria." Pervyi narodnyi kalendar' na 1919 g. Petrograd:
Izdatel'stvo Soiuza kommunistov severnoi oblasti, 1919.
. "Podgotovka perevorota (beseda s tov. Antonovym-Ovseenko)."
Krasnoarmeets, 1920, nos. 28-30, pp. 24-29.
. "Revoliutsiia pobedila." Krasnaia gazeta, November 7, 1923, p. 3.
. StroiteVstvo Krasnoi Armii v revoliutsii. Moscow: Krasnaia nov', 1923.
. V semnadtsatom godu. Moscow: Gosizdat, 1933.
. V revoliutsii. Moscow: Gospolitizdat, 1957.
Ashkenazi, I. "Iz istorii iiul'skikh dnei." Izvestiia, November 6, 1918, p. 2.
Birzhal, Ia. P. "Krestnyi khod." In Petrograd v dni velikogo oktiabria: Vospominaniia ucbastnikov revoliutsionykh sobytii v Petrograde v 1917 godu, pp. 285-97. Leningrad: Lenizdat, 1967.
Blagonravov, G. I. "Oktiabr'skie dni v petropavlovskoi kreposti." Proletarskaia revoliutsiia, 1922, no. 4, pp. 24-52.
. "The Fortress of Peter and Paul, October 1917." In Petrograd October 1917,
pp. 189-227. Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1957.
. "Zimnii vziat i nashi tamГ Petrogradskaia pravda, November 5, 1922, p. 8.
Bonch-Bruevich, V. Na boevykh postakh fevraPskoi i oktiabr'skoi revoliutsii. Moscow: Federatsiia, 1931.
. "Ot iiulia к oktiabriu." Proletarskaia revoliutsiia, 1922, no. 10, pp. 105-10.
Breslav, V. "15 let tomu nazad." Katorga i ssylka, 1932, nos. 11-12 (96-97), pp. 46-59.
. Kanun oktiabria 1917 goda. Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Politkatorzhan, 1934.
Bubnov, A. "Lenin v oktiabr'skie dni." Bakinskii rabochii, November 7, 1927, p. 3. Bukharin, N. I. "Iz rechi tov. Bukharina na vechere vospominanii v 1921 g." Pro-
letarskaia revoliutsiia, 1922, no. 10, pp. 316-22. Chudnovskii, G. "V zimnim dvortse pered sdachei." Pravda, November 21, 1917, p. 2.
Dashkevich, P. V. "Oktiabr'skie dm" Leningradskaia pravda, November 7, 1924, p. 11.
. "TsO partii v oktiabr'skie dni." Krasnaia letopis', 1933, no. 1 (52), pp. 1015.
Dybenko, P. E. "Baltflot v oktiabr'skie dni." In Velikaia oktiabr'skaia sotsialisticheskaia revoliutsiia: Sbornik vospominanii uchastnikov revoliutsii v Petrograde i Moskve, pp. 302-10. Moscow: Gospolitizdat, 1957. . Iz nedr tsarskogo flota k velikomu oktiabriu: Iz vospominanii 0 revoliutsii. Moscow: Voennyi vestnik, 1928. Dzenis, О. P. "Как my brali 25 okt. zimnii dvorets." Pravda, November 6-7, 1921,
p- 7.
. "Pod zimnim dvortsom." In Velikaia oktiabr'skaia sotsialisticheskaia revoliutsiia:
Sbornik vospominanii uchastnikov revoliutsii v Petrograde i Moskve, pp. 268-73. Moscow: Gospolitizdat, 1957. Emel'ianov, N. A. "Tainstvennyi shalash." In О Lenine, edited by M. L.
Meshcheriakov, vol. 1, pp. 106-10. Moscow and Leningrad: Gosizdat, 1924. Eremeev, K. "Iiul'skii pogrom 1917 goda ."Pravda, July 17, 1927, p. 4.
. "Osada zimnego." Bakinskii rabochii, November 7, 1927, p. 9.
Flakserman, Iu. N. "10 oktiabria 1917 goda." In Petrograd v dni velikogo oktiabria: Vospominaniia uchastnikov revoliutsionnykh sobytii v Petrograde v 1917 godu, pp. 264-69. Leningrad: Lenizdat, 1967. Flerovskii, I. P. "Iiul'skii politicheskii urok." Proletarskaia revoliutsiia, 1926, no. 7 (54), pp. 57-90.
. "Kronshtadt v oktiabr'skoi revoliutsii." Proletarskaia revoliutsiia, 1922, no.
10, pp. 130-50.
. "Lenin i kronshtadtsy." In О Vladimire Il'iche Lenine, pp. 274—79. Moscow:
Gosizdat, 1963.
. "Na putiakh к oktiabriu." In Velikaia oktiabr'skaia sotsialisticheskaia revoliutsiia:
Sbornik vospominanii uchastnikov revoliutsii v Petrograde i Moskve, pp. 83-102. Moscow: Gospolitizdat, 1957. . V. Volodarskii. Moscow: Gosizdat, 1922.
Fofanova, M. V. "Il'ich pered oktiabrem 1917 goda." In Vospominaniia 0 Vladimire Il'iche Lenine, edited by G. N. Golikov, et al., vol. 2, pp. 445-48. Moscow: Politizdat, 1969.
. "Iz vospominanii о 1917 gody."Pravda, January 22, 1928, p. 3.
. "Poslednee podpol'e." In Ob Il'iche: Vospominaniia pitertsev, pp. 344—50.
Leningrad: Lenizdat, 1970.
. "Poslednee podpol'e V. I. Lenina." Istoricheskii arkhiv, 1956, no. 4, pp.
166-72.
Graf, Т. "V iiul'skie dni 1917 g." Krasnaia letopis, 1928, no. 2 (26), pp. 66-75. Iakovleva, V. "Podgotovka oktiabr'skogo vosstaniia v Moskovskoi oblasti." Proletarskaia revoliutsiia, 1922, no. 10 (22), pp. 302-6. Ignat'ev, A. "V noch' na 25 oktiabria 1917 goda." Krasnaia letopis', 1923, no. 6, pp. 313-14.
Il'in-Zhenevskii, A. F. "Bol'sheviki v tiur'me Kerenskogo." Krasnaia letopis\ 1928, no. 2 (26), pp. 43-65.
., ed. Кgodovshchine smerti V. I. Lenina, 1924-21 ianvaria 1925 g. Leningrad:
Gosizdat, 1925.
. "Nakanune oktiabria." Krasnaia letopis\ 1926, no. 4 (19), pp. 5-26.
. "Oktiabr'skaia revoliutsiia." Krasnaia letopis\ 1926, no. 5 (20), pp. 32-54.
. Ot fevralia k zakhvatu vlasti: Vospominaniia 0 1917 g. Leningrad: Priboi, 1927.
. "Voennaia organizatsiia RSDRP i Soldatskaia pravda." Krasnaia letopis\ 1926,
no. 1 (16), pp. 57-73. Institut marksizma-leninizma pri TsK KPSS. Lenin v 1917 godu: Vospominaniia.
Moscow. Politizdat, 1967. Itkina, A. M. "Oplot bol'shevizma." In Narvskaia zastava v 1917 godu v vos- pominaniiakh i dokumentakh, edited by M. I. Protopopov, et al., pp. 145-58. Leningrad: Lenizdat, 1960. Izmailov, N. F., and Pukhov, A. S. Tsentrobalt. Kaliningrad: Kaliningradskoe
knizhnoe izdatel'stvo, 1967. Kalinin, M. I. "Vladimir Il'ich о dvizhenii." Krasnaia gazeta, July 16, 1920, p. 2. Kaurov, V. "Oktiabr'skie ocherki." Proletarskaia revoliutsiia, 1925, no. 7 (42), pp. 134—55.
Kedrov, M. "Iz krasnoi tetradi ob Il'iche." In Vospominaniia 0 Vladimire ITiche Lenine, vol. 1, pp. 475-85. Moscow: Gosizdat, 1956.
. "Iz krasnoi tetradi ob Il'iche." Proletarskaia revoliutsiia, 1927, no. 1 (60), pp.
36-69.
Khaustov, F. "V oktiabre." Krasnaia letopis', 1933, no. 2 (53), pp. 188-95. Khokhriakov, A. (Bonner, S.) "Iz zhizni petrogradskogo garnizona v 1917 godu."
Krasnaia letopis', 1926, no. 2 (17), pp. 29-50. Khovrin, N. A. Baltiitsy idut na shturm. Moscow: Voennoe izdatel'stvo, 1968. Kolbin, I. N. "Kronshtadt organizuetsia, gotovitsia к boiu." In Oktiabr"skii shkval: Moriaki Baltiiskogo flota v 1917 g., edited by P. F. Kudelli and I. V. Egorov, pp. 23-50. Leningrad: Krasnaia gazeta, 1927.
. "Kronshtadt ot fevralia do kornilovskikh dnei "Krasnaia letopis\ 1927, no. 2
(23), pp. 134-61.
. "Storming the Winter Palace." In Petrograd 1917, pp. 318-21. Moscow:
Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1957. Kollontai, A. "Ruka istorii." Krasnoarmeets, 1919, nos. 10-15, pp. 61-71.
. "V tiur'me Kerenskogo." Katorga i ssylka, 1927, no. 7 (36), pp. 25-53.
Kostiukov. "Как my opozdali ко vziatiu zimnego dvortsa." Krasnyi balteets, 1920, no. 6, pp. 25-46.
Krupskaia, N. K. Lenin ipartiia. Moscow: Gospolitizdat, 1963.
. "Lenin v 1917 godu." In О Vladimire Il'iche Lenine: Vospominaniia 1900-1922,
pp. 203-1 1. Moscow: Gosizdat, 1963.
. "Vospominaniia о Lenine." In Institut marksizma-leninizma pri TsK
KPSS, Vospominaniia 0 Vladimire Il'iche Lenine, vol. 1, pp. 219-592. Moscow: Politizdat, 1968.
Kudelli, P. F., ed. Leningradskie rabochie v bor'be za vlast' sovetov 1917 g. Leningrad: Gosizdat, 1924.
Kurkov, P. "Kreiser Avrora.' " Krasnaia letopis', 1923, no. 6, pp. 359-61. Lashevich, M. "Oktiabr'skie dni v Petrograde." Politrabotnik Sibiri, 1922, no. 11,
P. 5.
Lashevich, M. "Pervyi voenno-revoliutsionnyi komitet." Krasnaia gazeta, November 7, 1920, p. 4.
. "Vosstanie." Petrogradskaia pravda, November 5, 1922, p. 8.
Latsis, M. Ia. "Iiul'skie dni v Petrograde: Iz dnevnika agitatora." Proletarskaia revoliutsiia, 1923, no. 5 (17), pp. 102-16.
. "Iz oktiabr'skikh vospominanii." Bakinskii rabochii, November 1, 1927, p. 3.
. "Nakanune oktiabr'skikh dnei." Izvestiia, November 6, 1918, p. 2.
. "Rol' Petrogradskogo komiteta v oktiabre." Petrogradskaia pravda, November
5, 1922, p. 2.
Leningradskie rabochie v ЬогЪе za vlasf sovetov: Sbornik statei, vospominanii i dokumentov. Leningrad: Gosizdat, 1924.
Lenin, V. I. Polnoe sobranie sochinenii. 55 vols. 5th ed. Moscow: Gospolitizdat, 1958-1965.
. Sochineniia. 3rd ed. 30 vols. Moscow: Gosizdat, 1928-1929.
Lenin v 1911 godu: Vospominaniia. Moscow: Politizdat, 1967.
Liubovich, A. M. "Revoliutsionnoe zaniatie petrogradskogo telegrafa." Pochtovotele- grafnyi zhurnal, 1918, nos. 9-12, pp. 35-41.
. "3-5 iiuliaУ Leningradskaiapravda, July 16, 1925, p. 3.
Lomov, G. "V dni buri i natiska." Bakinskii rabochii, November 5, 1927, p. 4.
. "V dni buri i natiska." Izvestiia, November 6, 1918, p. 4.
. "V dni buri i natiska." Proletarskaia revoliutsiia, 1927, no. 10 (69), pp.
166-82.
Lunacharsky, A. V. Revolutionary Silhouettes. Translated and edited by Michael Glenny. London: Allen Lane, The Penguin Press, 1967.
Mekhonoshin, K. A. "Shtab oktiabr'skoi revoliutsii (beseda s tov. Mekhono- shinym)." Agit-rosta, October 26, 1919, p. 1.
Miliutin, V. О Lenine. Leningrad: Gosizdat, 1924.
. "Как proizoshlo nazvanie Narodnyi Komissar." Izvestiia, November 6,
1918, p. 2.
Minchev, A. "Boevye dni." Krasnaia letopis\ 1924, no. 9, pp. 5-10.
Molotov, V. M. "Petrogradskaia organizatsiia RKP nakanune oktiabr'skoi revoliutsii." Petrogradskaia pravda, November 5, 1922, p. 2.
. "Smolnyi i zimnii." Pravda, November 7, 1924, p. 9.
Nevskii, V. I. "Dve vstrechi." Krasnaia letopis\ 1922, no. 4, pp. 142-46.
. Istoriia RKP{b): Kratkii ocherk. Leningrad: Priboi, 1926.
. "Istoricheskoe zasedanie Peterburgskogo komiteta RSDRP (bol'shevikov)
nakanune oktiabr'skogo vosstaniia." Krasnaia letopis\ 1922, nos. 2-3, pp. 316-32.
. "Narodnye massy v oktiabr'skoi revoliutsii." Rabotnik prosveshcheniia, 1922,
no. 8, pp. 20-22.
. "Organizatsiia mass." Krasnaia gazeta, July 16, 1922, p. 3.
. V bure deianii: Petrograd za piaf let sovetskoi raboty. Moscow and Petrograd:
Gosizdat, 1922.
. "V oktiabre." Katorga i ssylka, 1932, nos. 11-12 (96-97), pp. 27-45.
. "Voennaia organizatsiia i oktiabr'skaia revoliutsiia." Krasnoarmeets, 1919,
nos. 10-15, pp. 34-44.
Ob IViche: Sbornik statei, vospominanii, dokumentov, i materialov. Leningrad: Priboi, 1926.
Ob iriche: Vospominaniiapitertsev. Leningrad: Lenizdat, 1970.
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