Thunder At Twilight: Vienna 1913/1914

To M. C. M.

To my two dearest viennese: my parents, Frank and Rose Morton

and to Elisabeth and Lester Coleman, for so much

In july 1916, Fritz Mandelbaum, a junior officer in Austria's Seventh Army on the Russian front, near the river Dnjestr, was shot in the abdomen and died shortly thereafter. Twenty-four years later the name suffered erasure again. This time it was borne by a refugee boy arriving in New York in 1940. His father changed the family's name. Fritz Mandelbaum became Frederic Morton.

In a way this book is a memorial to the first Fritz Mandelbaum-my uncle-and to the more than ten million who died with him in the Great War. But since much of this book is set in Vienna, it is also an exploration of history backstage. The baroque died in Vienna with flamboyant afterquivers while at the same time some peculiar force here generated energies that would shake the new century. Here were streets uniquely charged with both nostalgia and prophecy. Three of my recent books have tried to penetrate the phenomenon.

My novel The Forever Street centered on a family of Jewish manufacturers in Austria, from fin de siecle to Anschluss; it is based on the real-life Mandelbaum factory whose machines stamped out Habsburg military decorations, then political badges for the successor republic; then, suddenly and just as smoothly, Wehrmacht medals after the Nazis took it over in 1938.

My nonfiction work A Nervous Splendor: Vienna 1888/1889 is an account of the months before and after the suicide of Crown Prince Rudolf. The story ends on the Saturday of the Easter weekend of 1889, when Rudolf's sarcophagus was consecrated at the hour of Adolf Hitler's birth.

The present book deals with the events, ideas, unpredictabilities and inevitabilities surrounding the death of the next Crown Prince, Archduke Franz Ferdinand. The bullet that tore into his jugular sounded the initial shot in the most devastating slaughter mankind had known so far. It set off the dynamics leading to World War II. In other words, it galvanized a Zeitgeist whose consequences live today in the international news, on the street corner, in encounter sessions, on the canvases of Soho galleries. Many of the threads of the scene all around us were first spun along the Danube in the year and a half preceding the thrust of that pistol at the Archduke's head.

Imperial Austria has become a byword for melodious decay. It also stoked-crucially-the ferment that is the idiom of modernity. Why did that happen just then and just there? And how? In what twists of the labyrinth did the world of the first Fritz Mandelbaum fragment into the world of the second? Is there a pattern to the maze? The pages that follow attempt an answer.

— F.M.

On the evening of January 13, 1913, Vienna's Bank employees' Club gave a Bankruptcy Ball. It was the height of pre-Lenten carnival-in mid-winter at its meanest. Ice floes shivered down the Danube, galas sparkled inside baroque portals, and the bankruptcy gambol really warmed the Viennese imagination.

A number of ladies appeared as balance sheets, displaying voluptuous debits curving from slender credits. Others came as collateral. Their assets, ready to be garnisheed, were accented sometimes with a decolletage, sometimes with a bustle. Thin men were costumed as deposits, fat men as withdrawals. Sooner or later everybody ended up at Debtors' Prison-the restaurant of the Blumensaal where the festivity was held. Here mortgage certificates served as doilies for Sachertortes. Ornamented with the bailiff's seal, eviction notices made colorful centerpieces; each was topped by a bowl of whipped cream. If you wrote your waiter an I.O.U., he would pour you a goblet of champagne.

The merriment increased steadily until 5 A.M. when the orchestra leader stopped his men, suddenly, in the middle of the Emperor Waltz. To great laughter he announced that since the musicians still hadn't been paid, there would be no more music.

The next day parliament voted on the flotation of a bond issue; its proceeds would subsidize the installation of plumbing into apartments that had none. In working class districts like Hernals and Favoriten most families must use outside toilets and corridor sinks. The bill was killed. Such news would anger the toiling poor when they read about it later. It did not affect their carnival routine. Many trudged to work with their ball clothes in a paper bag. Changing at home would have meant an extra streetcar ride beyond their means. Therefore they went directly from wee-hours waltz to morning shift. Before the lunch bell sounded, soot had grayed the confetti in their hair.

That week glacial winds punished the streets. But-rare for Vienna in the winter-the sun shone. In the center of town the Ringstrasse, a palatial wreath of a boulevard, glowed like a mirage. The snow capping its hundreds of rooftop statues looked more marmoreal than the imitation marble of the figures. During carnival everything Viennese seemed to revel in being what it was not.

On the night of January 18, for example, Prince Auersperg gave a "Bucolic Lark" at his palais. The Duke of Teck made an entrance in the homespun of a shepherd. Prince zu Win- dischgratz honed his sickle with a weariness as peasant-y as his leather-shorts. Princess Festetics and Countess Potocka, milkmaids, in dirndls authentic down to the grease stains on their bodices, swung pails.

The greengrocer Mataschek, on the other hand, threw a Fancy House Ball in his basement store. Turnips and potatoes had been cleared away to make a dance floor. Produce crates impersonated tables and chairs. For the price of a beer, Mataschek's uncle, though blind at eight-two, had agreed to scrape some three-quarter time out of a violin borrowed from the pawn shop around the corner. He struck up the first bars of the Fledermaus overture when-behold! — Alois, the cobbler's apprentice, sauntered over to Nandl, the chambermaid. A blue-blooded lieutenant of the hussars could not have improved his bow. She curtsied almost as impeccably. Together they swept into the waltz.

In the Vienna of January 1913, illusion and reality embraced elegantly, seamlessly. The smoothness of their mingling affected even the publisher of The Truth. He was a firebrand from Russia, in charge of a Vienna-based monthly that became a fortnightly whenever he could scrounge enough funds. He called his paper Pravda-that is, The Truth as seen by his cause, the revolution. Vienna was not an ideal place of exile, as he would write later in his autobiography: He would have preferred Berlin, but the police were more lethargic by the Danube.

Still, under that January's arctic sun, he entered wholeheartedly into the Viennese spirit of intimate contradiction. With his wife and his two blond boys he began the day by freezing in style. During winter the family occupied a villa in the fashionable suburb of Huetteldorf-at a very low rent. It was not winterized. When it became too cold, he left the house to warm up the Viennese way, in a coffeehouse. On the street, this professional insurgent, nemesis of the upper classes, showed a touch of the lordly flaneur. His clothes were simple but well cut; his black hair handsomely combed. Even the pince-nez on his nose managed a certain dash. Under his arm he carried the latest French novel. He read it on the tram ride to the center of town.

A ceremonious welcome awaited him at the Cafe Central. "Oh, a very good morning, Herr Doktor Trotsky," the headwaiter said. "My compliments. Compliments also from Herr Doktor Adler who much regrets he will not be available for chess today as he has a psychoanalytic emergency. A mocha as usual? And the London Times? The Berlin Vorwdrts?"

Dr. Trotsky nodded. He sipped his steaming mocha. His scrutiny of newspapers in various languages produced political jottings in his notebook. But he also played litterateur among the literati; argued rather charmingly with a neighbor about Stefan Zweig's feuilleton in the Neue Freie Presse; exchanged repartee here, kissed a hand there-in short, practiced the Viennese brand of courtliness, that is, the art of maintaining an entirely pleasant mask over a psyche of usually mixed emotions.

It was a courtliness he would preach nine years later from the Kremlin as co-ruler with Lenin over the Soviet Union. "Civility and politeness," his booklet Problems of Life would instruct the proletariat, "Civility and politeness and cultured speech are a necessary lubricant in daily relationships." In 1913 he was just a hand-to-mouth expatriate, but he lived in a city lavish with civilities (if short on a few other things), and he was a quick study. He read his French novel during the ride home, where he proceeded to edit a Pravda article (on the new strikes in Moscow) in his unheated mansion, freezing in style.

A rather different Russian revolutionary arrived in Vienna during that glacial January week. He was thirty-four, exactly the same age as Trotsky, and when he stepped out of the train from Cracow at the North Terminal, not even the most Viennese of headwaiters would have been tempted to call him "Herr Doktor Stalin."

In fact, the name "Stalin" had barely begun to exist. Only that week it had made its debut as a brand-new pseudonym in The Social Democrat, a legal Socialist periodical published in Russia. In its pages K. Stalin[1] attacked the editor of the Vienna Pravda as "Trotsky, a noisy champion with fake muscles, a man of beautiful uselessness…"

And indeed K. Stalin was not good at noising clever words or beautiful phrases like Trotsky. Felicity of attire, elegance of limb did not distinguish him. In Cracow (then capital of the Austrian province of Galicia) he had just spent some weeks with Vladimir Lenin, chief of Russian Socialists abroad. Lenin had tutored him in the politics of exile; but he had also tried to teach him biking. The result was a bruised knee. And now, as K. Stalin walked from the North Terminal toward his first Viennese tram ride, he still limped a bit in his peasant boots. The sleeve of his coarse overcoat hung over his somewhat withered left hand. In his good right hand he carried a wooden box with a handle-a peasant suitcase. A thick peasant mus tache covered much of his face, but not enough to hide the pockmarks.

Of the five weeks he lived in Vienna (much more time than he would ever spend in any other city outside Russia), K. Stalin did not waste one hour in any of the town's intellectual coffeehouses. Yet he might have been a sensation at the Cafe Central because he would have beaten both Dr. Trotsky and Dr. Adler at chess. In Cracow he had trounced Lenin seven times in a row, and Lenin had not been a bit surprised. It was probably one of the reasons why he had dispatched "our wonderful Georgian" to the Austrian capital.

The fact was that carnival-minded Vienna and this limping yokel shared a trait: a talent for disguise, for the cunning feint. Stalin's real name was Joseph Dzhugashvili. His passport read Stavros Papadopoulos. He had learned to give his Georgian gutturals a vaguely Greek cast. The tram he boarded by the North Terminal did not take him to any slum in which one might expect a Socialist to go undercover. No, K. Stalin rode toward the aristocratic district of Hietzing. He got off at Schonbrunner Schlossstrasse and walked toward No. 20. One of the most important missions of his prerevolutionary career began as he, his crude boots, and his wooden suitcase disappeared into a facade splendid with stucco garlands.

Just a few hundred yards away from Stalin's hide-out in the Schonbrunner Schlossstrasse loomed Schloss Schonbrunn, the vast Habsburg summer palace whose seclusion the Emperor Franz Joseph had begun to favor even in winter, now that he was eighty-three. Here a meeting took place the week of Stalin's arrival that also fit the carnival season. It was a sort of masquerade. But it was a masquerade that had gone on for years. The very opposite of merry make-believe, it involved the bitter summit level of political reality.

Its protagonist sat in a motorcar, as huge as it was hurried, which barely slowed for the opening of the palace gates. Abruptly, it crunched to a halt. Peremptorily, the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, Crown Prince of the realm, debarked. He scowled past the salutes of guards. To the clinking of the sabers of his entourage, to the blunt drumming of boots against parquet, he marched toward the emperor's study. His eyes were pale blue and glared. His black mustache was the fiercest south of Kaiser Wilhelm. His bruiser's shoulders, his wrestler's chest swelled the uniform of a general of the Imperial and Royal Army.

When he met Franz Joseph, the archduke's face glowered forward and swooped down as if to bite his sovereign's hand. Of course he only kissed it. But he kissed it unsmiling. Then he stood at grim attention, waiting for the Emperor's invitation to sit. It came. He sat. Instantly he hammered away at the Serbian Question.

A prickly matter; for Serbia, the feisty little kingdom, had become a thorn in the Empire's southeastern flank. Serbia was challenging Austria's predominance east of the Adriatic. Serbia subverted fellow-Slavs in the adjacent Habsburg province of Bosnia-Hercegovina; Serb-inspired radicals there smeared walls with slogans, threw stink bombs, plotted the assassination of Austrian governors. Most disturbing, only last year Serbia had destabilized the whole area in the Balkan War of 1912. With Bulgaria and Greece it had fought Turkey for the Sultan's European possessions. After victory, Serbia claimed much of Albania, hitherto under Ottoman rule but presently a strategic prize the Serbs could use against Habsburg. No wonder Serbia vexed Vienna even during Mardi Gras. Between toasts and tangos the question kept coming up: How severely must Serbia be disciplined? Or should it be utterly destroyed?

Serbia, then, was the inevitable subject of the All-Highest meeting at Schloss Schonbrunn. ("All-Highest" was Habsburg parlance for the Emperor.) The Crown Prince fulminated. But all the trappings of a fierceling-the booming basso, the vehement gestures, the trembling of medals on his chest-were deceptive. They disguised a fact to which very few were privy. The Crown Prince was a dove. A dove all the more ferocious because there was hardly any other in the Empire's highest council.

He utterly condemned, he said now, the thought behind the Chief of Staff's memorandum to the Emperor, the one dated January 20, a copy of which had just reached his chancellery. He loathed the lunacy of a preventive war against the Serbs. He detested all those trigger-happy fools who didn't realize that such rashness must provoke Russia as Serbia's great Slav protector. He couldn't emphasize too strongly to His Majesty that war between Russia and Austria would be a catastrophe for Habsburg and Romanov alike. Therefore, in view of recent tensions he must urge His Majesty to send a special emissary to St. Petersburg with a personal note for the Tsar stating Austria's peaceful intentions. Furthermore…

His Majesty listened. Franz Joseph had been on the throne for sixty-five years, but he still sat ramrod straight. His white sideburns, long become emblems of his empire, were just slightly turned away from all those "furthermore's." Not that he necessarily disagreed with them. But the man who thumped them out was so disagreeable. Franz Joseph followed the dictum of his forebear Franz I: A just ruler distributes discontent evenly. And this spouting nephew of his would never achieve any kind of evenness. Franz Ferdinand had a bully's temperament, and Franz Joseph did not like being subjected to it for one second longer than protocol demanded.

He rose. So did his nephew. With his low, supreme voice the Emperor said: "I'll have it thought about." Silence. Franz Ferdinand's mustache quivered as the Archduke swooped down for the hand kiss. His heels thundered away, down the parquet. Behind him, the sabers of his retinue clinked. To fight frostbite, the guards outside presented arms with extra energy. The liveried chauffeur cranked the motor of the mountainous Graf & Stift. The automobile roared through the palace gates, and His Imperial and Royal Highness, the heir apparent, was gone.

Most Viennese who saw the swerve of that automobile guessed who was riding in it. The darkness of the man's mood expressed itself in the brute speed of his driver. Onlookers shook their heads. The older ones remembered the Crown Prince before this one, the Archduke Rudolf. He, too, had been notorious for his rush, though his vehicle had been the twohorse fiacre. And where had these horses gotten him, too fast? To the hunting lodge in Mayerling where he had put a bullet through his temple. Now there was this newfangled motorborne Prince with his booming golden-spiked chariot. What impatience, what sullenness powered his thrust? Toward what end was he receding?

Let others worry. Josip Broz did not. If, on his holidays in Vienna, he watched Franz Ferdinand sweep past, he was not one to frown at the Habsburg prince. The archducal car was much too enthralling. A twenty-year-old mechanic, Broz came from Croatia, another Slav province the Serbs were subverting against Austria. In his mind, though, automobiles outranked ideologies. He worked at the Daimler auto plant at Wiener Neustadt, very close to the capital. There, as he was to confess later, he got his first "whiff of glamor… from the big powerful cars with their heavy brasswork, rubber-bulb horns and outside handbrakes." The best thing about his job was the thrill of test-driving exciting new models. Decades later he would glide in even longer limousines, his chest aglitter with more medals than an archduke's. But in 1913 Josip Broz was not yet Marshal Tito. He didn't see the world as primarily a political arena. For him Vienna was a seductive metropolis where he spent much of his wages on dancing and fencing lessons and on any pretty girl whose eye he might catch from an adjoining cafe table. Many of his best young weekends were Viennese. Saturday night and all day Sunday he was a playboy by the Danube.

The Emperor received the Crown Prince on January 24, a Friday. Just on that Friday, Broz might have been in town. He had an excellent reason for coming to Vienna a day early, as soon as the factory let out, even if he had to take the milktrain back to Wiener Neustadt for the Saturday morning shift. He and other young bucks of his particular craft had a motive for taking some extra trouble: On the night of Friday, January 24, the Sophiensaal in Vienna gave an Automobile Mechanics Ball.

In Vienna almost every walk of life generated its own carnival festivity. Even the Insane Asylum at Steinhof held a Lunatics' Gala. But 'there was no fete for psychiatrists. Sig mund Freud, fifty-seven years old and becoming globally controversial as arch-analyst and founder of the psychoanalytic faith, stooped alone over his desk at Berggasse 19. He was filling page after page of a big lined notebook. Outside the windows of his study, the city was transmogrified into a masked ball. Inside, the master explored the origins of the mask-the primeval mask, the totem. In January 1913 he was finishing an essay called Totem and Taboo. It turned out to be a subject eerie not only in theme but in timing. For all carnival celebrations crest toward Lent; they all say "carne vale" good-bye to the flesh-as penance for the death of the Lord. Freud's essay deduced from the anthropology of primitive man that the totem was an animal symbol of greatness slain, of the father-leader killed by his sons and followers. After his murder they donned a mask representing the sacred corpse. As their victim's worshippers, they banded together under his symbol in order to bear their guilt better in unison. They ate his flesh or assumed his face to partake of his power, to obtain his forgiveness.

Here was not only the dynamic of primeval myth. Here was the drama of the Eucharist and the plot of Easter, explored by a pen in the Berggasse, scratching on into the night. The ambivalence of carnival/Lent-so opulently celebrated in Viennapulsed around the once and future murder of the prince.

The brooder in the Berggasse was not the only man to stay aloof from the city's revels while being inwardly attuned to its darker currents. About nine tramway stops northeast of Freud's study, a twenty-three-year-old artist subsisted at Mel- demannstrasse 25. This was the address of the Mannerheim, in a desolate corner of the district of Brigittenau.

The municipal government had established this barrack to keep failures from becoming beggars. The Mannerheim" Home for Men"-gave shelter to the black-sheep baron who had drunk away his last remittance, the evicted peddler, the bit-actor too long between engagements, the free-lancer down on his luck, the day laborer always missing out on a steady job, the confused farm boy from the Alps, the flotsam from the Empire's Balkan fringes. They were men without anchor, without family, without sustaining women. All of them were lost in the merciless glitter of the metropolis. For three kronen a week[2] the Mannerheim gave them a last chance. That small sum provided a clean cubicle with a bed, a communal kitchen, a library with penny dreadfuls, a writing room for composing letters of application unlikely to be answered.

Six years earlier, in 1907, the young artist had arrived in Vienna to hunt, like thousands of other ambitious provincials, for the greatness that must be waiting for him somewhere in the great city. Since 1910 he had done his vain striving at the Mannerheim. Twice he had tried to pass the entrance examination at the Academy of Fine Arts. Twice he had been rejected. He had carried to every important architect's office in town his portfolio of architectural drawings; not even the lowliest assistant's job had been offered to him as a result. His watercolors-unusually conventional renderings of Biedermeier scenes-failed to draw the interest of any gallery. He painted watercolors of famous Vienna sights such as Parliament or City Hall. These, when hawked on street corners by a friend, did yield some occasional cash.

Actually he did not need to earn a penny. By 1913 his mother and his aunt had left him two fair-size legacies. He kept both secret. Nobody in the Mannerheim suspected him of an income that could have easily paid for quarters at a comfortable hotel.

But he felt more at ease with fellow losers. Here, among his Mannerheim peers, he enjoyed a special niche. He quite literally occupied it. At the end of a long oaken table near the window of the Writing Room was "the Hitler Chair." It had the best light for painting postcards. Nobody but Adolf dared sit there. Everybody honored his obsession with the chair, partly out of gratitude: If a Mannerheim tenant fell short of his week's rent, Hitler was amazingly fast in organizing a collection. Respect also played a role in obeying the man's wish: He was one of the very few in the house never to splurge or debauch. When the Court Opera played Siegfried he would indulge himself in a standing-room ticket. Once a week he might drop into a pastry shop for a chocolate square. But he always practiced sobriety.

And he was a worker. He would daub away with his brush even on carnival nights such as those in 1913 when the gas light outside gleamed on domino masks and decolletages. It didn't seem to bother him that he was excluded from a season so festive for the more fortunate.

Most of the others in the Mannerheim were restless. Even the cheapest ball glittered at them from an impossible distance. They could only afford to drop by a local pub, hoist a lager, ogle prostitutes, leer about sending them to a Serbian bordello. They'd return home for the 11 P.M. curfew, not ready to be shut into their cubicles. So they lingered in the Writing Room to jaw about politics or to reminisce about hot women. And then, without warning or preamble, it would happen.

Hitler would straighten up in his chair. He had been working all along, hunched over. Now the brush would drop from his hand. He would push the palette aside. He would rise to his feet.

He began to speak, to shout, to orate. With hissing consonants and hall-filling vowels he launched into a harangue on morality, racial purity, the German mission and Slav treachery, on Jews, Jesuits, and Freemasons. His forelock would toss, his color-stained hands shred the air, his voice rise to an operatic pitch. Then, just as suddenly as he had started, he would stop. He would gather his things together with an imperious clatter, stalk off to his cubicle.

And the others would just stare after him. They had come to accept his fits along with his "chair." He was, after all, a good man otherwise. And he did give his Mannerheim audience a good show, producing so dramatically the gesticulations of a clown and the screeching of a demon. In January 1913, it was the Mannerheim's way of experiencing the Vienna carnival.

Chronologically the carnival of 1913 conformed with other years. It began shortly after New Year to end on Shrove Tuesday. This was the Merry Season as defined by the calendar. But carnival in the sense of opulent, ingenious, finely organized Viennese make-believe knew no such limit. In this city it had flourished continuously for over half a millennium.

Here the fairy tale of Habsburg splendor, with orb, scepter, and throne, with pomp of blazons and gonfalons, with the choreography of homage and precedence, of raised trumpets, white stallions, and bowed heads… here it had been enacted and re-enacted every day through endless generations.

The solemn, perpetual ball that was the Imperial court encompassed the entire town. London was other things be sides the King's residence. Even in Bourbon days, Paris had been much more than a royal encampment. But Vienna meant Habsburg. Habsburg meant Vienna. Vienna and Habsburg kept inventing each other into a crowned, turreted, sunset-hued fable that floated above ordinary earth. Compared to other urban centers in Europe, Vienna had little commerce, less industry, and hardly any of the workaday grayness of common sense. Fact-ridden pursuits could not leave much of an imprint on a city busy with the embroidery of Christendom's foremost escutcheon. Factory and counting house were dwarfed by the magnificent shadow of the Palace. Century after century the Viennese devoted themselves to the housing and feeding and staging of their suzerains' legend.

Of course that legend needed a legal character through which the Habsburgs could exercise their dominion. From the fifteenth to the nineteenth century they were Holy Roman Emperors. They wore that dignity like a preternatural carnival mask-a mask whose illusion was obvious to all yet whose charisma no one could escape. This peculiarity has been a commonplace among historians: the Holy Roman Empire was hardly Roman. It was not holy (being a cauldron of profane ambitions). It was not an empire (being a mess of brawling princes beyond the emperor's control). The Habsburgs practical power issued from the patchwork of their own huge possessions. As executive instrument, the title of Holy Roman Emperor was vapor. As mask of Christ's paladin it wielded incalculable force.

Napoleon appreciated its resonance. In 1806 he forced the House of Austria to abandon it. Habsburg put the Viennese imagination to work. Other constitutional fictions were devised. By 1913 the latest of these had been in force for nearly fifty years. It was called the Empire of Austria-Hungary, and it was decked out in a legal framework as fanciful as any of its predecessors.

This creation combined quite marvelously the heraldic with the schizoid. Here was a monarchy ruled by one monarch whose subjects passed an official border as they traveled from Hungary, where Franz Joseph was King, to Austria, where his title became Emperor. The realm had two Prime Ministers who were really less premiers than governors of their respective imperial or royal sub-realms. On the other rather dizzying hand, there was only one Foreign Minister; in a number of ways his power and prestige exceeded that of the Prime Ministers because he formed the chief link between the monarch and the twin cabinets. A further incongruity distinguished him above all other panjandrums. In addition to the conduct of Exterior Affairs he was also charged with "participating in family celebrations of His Majesty's household," as if these duties were complementary.

Constitutional wonders did not end there. The two premiers shared between them one common Minister of Finance and one common Minister of War who commanded the common armed forces. The two men headed these departments as Imperial Excellencies in Vienna, as Royal Excellencies in Budapest. To endow Hungary with the dignity of being a separate country, all other, less essential, ministries were separately headed and staffed; so were the judiciaries and the civil services on both sides of the Austro-Hungarian hyphen.

As for the legislatures, their doubleness came with an extra dollop of paradox. In Budapest, the Parliament of the Kingdom of Hungary convened. But in Vienna there was no such thing as an Austrian Parliament. Officially speaking, there was no such thing as "Austria." Yes, Habsburg was known as the House of Austria. Yes, the world knew Franz Joseph as the Austrian Emperor. Yet nowhere in the constitution of his empire did an entity named "Austria" appear. "Austria" seemed to be a grandiose ghost whose radiance must not be bounded by definition. The non-Hungarian portion of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was not called Austria. The constitution referred to it obliquely and indirectly as "the lands and provinces represented in the Imperial Council."

The Imperial Council was the Parliament sitting in Vienna. And the Parliament in Vienna was at least in part another feat of illusion. It was not very parliamentary. Electoral districting and balloting procedures gave Austria's German-speaking citizens proportionally more representation than Slav voters. What's more, one stroke of the Imperial pen could dissolve the Imperial Council at any time. Until the next elections (whose date the Emperor determined), the Emperor could rule and legislate by decree. Usually he refrained. The option always loomed. The Vienna parliament was a masterpiece of that famous Austrian speciality, latent absolutism.

In physical terms, too, it was an interesting deception. On a Ringstrasse rampant with architectural heroics, Parliament looked like a temple of calm. Its granite ramps, huge but gently angled, led up to the serenity of a colonnade. It was guarded by the monumental poise of a statue of Pallas Athene. The facade breathed neoclassic serenity.

Inside seethed a witches' sabbath of nationalisms. Here the ethnic groups of the Empire's non-Hungarian part went at each other through their representatives. Six million Czechs attacked ten million Germans for under-financing Czech schools in Bohemia and Moravia. Five million Galician Poles banged desks to demand greater administrative independence. Three and a half million Ukrainians stamped feet for a Russian-language university to counteract the Poles' cultural domination. Deputies from the South Slav area contributed to the multinational brawl. Through their representatives' throats, over a million Slovenes and three-quarters of a million Serbo-Croats shouted their grievances. German-speaking deputies split bitterly into Socialist and Conservative movements, the latter divided still further into the anti-Semitic Christian Socialist and pan-German parties. Such schisms inspired similar front lines within other ethnic factions. Occasionally all groups joined to excoriate Hungarian politics as practiced by the sister parliament in Budapest.

It was less a legislature than a cacophony. But since it was a Viennese cacophony it shrilled and jangled with a certain flair. Polemics were delivered through clenched teeth. Yet the vitriol came with whipped-cream rhetoric: "If Your Ministerial Excellency would finally condescend to reason!" Friction ran red hot without becoming altogether raw. Instead of exploding the Empire, nationalist fury spent itself in theater. Representatives bristled so histrionically against each other that often they had little energy left to use against the Emperor's Double Eagle under whose wings they were allowed to stage their confrontation.

Vladimir Lenin, resident in the Austrian province of Galicia, followed parliamentary performances in Vienna through the Cracow papers. The way Habsburg survived the ethnic imbroglio impressed him. In an article he sent to the St. Petersburg Pravda he declared that "Austria handles the national problem far better than the Tsar."

As a matter of fact, Lenin admitted that he himself, as the leader of a revolutionary movement composed of different Slavic as well as non-Slavic elements, had things to learn about handling the ethnic problem. "As to nationalism," he wrote Maxim Gorki in February 1913, "I am fully in agreement that it is necessary to pay more serious attention to it. We have here a wonderful Georgian who is writing a long article for Prosveshchenye, for which he has gathered all the Austrian and other material."

The "wonderful Georgian"-Stalin-had been entrusted with a task in Vienna that was vital to the Party. To Stalin himself it was a breakthrough opportunity. True, by 1913 he had already become something of a Bolshevist journalist through his contributions to the legally published Pravda in St. Petersburg. But his initial and still primary reputation among comrades was quite different. He had made his mark as a rough-and-ready activist, a fomenter of strikes, an organizer of bank robberies on behalf of the party's treasury-in brief, a red buccaneer who did not shrink from gun or bomb. His challenge in Vienna involved much subtler aspects of the cause. Socialism was international and supra-national by its very motto: "Workers of All Countries, Unite!" Yet in 1913 Europe's workers were subject to divisive nationalisms. Even the proletariat longed for national identity. How could that need be fulfilled without setting the oppressed of one land against the oppressed of another? This was the question worrying Lenin. During his Austrian mission, Stalin was to answer it by way of an essay in Prosveshchenye, the Party's sociological journal.

The Wonderful Georgian had to address a complex issue in a foreign city under unfamiliar circumstances. Especially unfamiliar were Stalin's hosts in Vienna. They didn't resemble the underground comrades he had known in Georgia or the tough pamphleteers of St. Petersburg or the better educated but blunt and hard-eyed pragmatists around Lenin in Cracow. The Troyanovskys who took in Stalin at Schonbrunner Schlossstrasse 20 were elegants. Alexander Troyanovsky, a son of a high Tsarist officer, graduate of Voronezh Cadet School, destined to be Soviet Ambassador to Washington, spoke an aristocratic Russian and played a brilliant game of bridge when partnered with his wife Elena, who was a lawyer born of a noble family. "They have money," Lenin said in a letter describing the couple. Of course they also had impeccable party credentials including some years in Siberia, a region not known for its bridge tournaments. At any rate, the Troyanovskys were the most comme it faut comrades in Vienna. Quite possibly Lenin sent the Wonderful Georgian to them as to a finishing school. They were to polish this diamond in the rough.

It proved unpolishable. The Troyanovskys failed to civilize their guest. He ignored Vienna's cafes, its suavities, frivolities, balls-even those given by trade unions. With a surly, even pace he kept tramping through the city's gayest month in pursuit of nothing but his mission.

"I was in conversation over tea with a comrade," Trotsky would recall of a very cold day in Vienna, "when suddenly, without knocking at the door, there entered from another room a man of middle height, haggard, with a swarthy grayish face showing marks of smallpox. The stranger, as if surprised by my presence, stopped a moment at the door and gave a guttural grunt which might have been taken for a greeting. Then, with an empty glass in his hand, he went to the samovar, filled his glass with tea, and went out without saying a word."

Not that Stalin meant to be rude to Trotsky specifically. The two men had clashed in print before; within ten years they would begin the world-famous duel destined to split Communism on all continents. But on that January afternoon of 1913, when they first came face to face in Vienna, each did not know who the other one was. Stalin took in that dainty comrade with the French novel under his arm and proceeded to behave-like Stalin.

Frills or manners were not for him. Nor did he bother with pleasantries when talking about his own work. "Greetings, friend," he said early in February 1913 in a letter to a fellow Bolshevik in St. Petersburg, "I am still sitting in Vienna and writing all sorts of rubbish."

"Rubbish" turned out to be a strategic milestone. In Vienna, Stalin was researching and composing a treatise calculated to enrich his party image. His Marxism and the National Question examined (for its relevance to Russia) the position of prominent Austrian Socialist thinkers like Karl Renner and Otto Bauer. They favored cultural autonomy for minorities under a federalist charter. But Stalin marshalled evidence to conclude that a Socialist commonwealth must go further-far enough to grant nationalities the right to secession.

This argument had to please Lenin because it suited an imperative he'd often discussed with his disciples: the need to entice more non-Slavic Socialists within the Tsarist empire into the Bolshevist camp, that is, into Lenin's wing of the Party. Stalin's essay thus further increased the wonderfulness of the Georgian (non-Slavic himself) in the eyes of the master.

And the Vienna essay did more. It established Stalin as a theoretician eligible to participate in ideological leadership. Four years later it helped catapult him to the top echelon of the Soviet revolutionary government as Commissar of Nationalities. (In fact, Stalin's Vienna experience had still further, rather ironic, consequences. When he seized supreme power after Lenin's death, he resorted to the "Austrian" solution after all. In other words, he dealt with the nationalities problem by giving them only cultural-not political-independence.)

All in all, Stalin had a great deal of fine-tuning work to do during the Vienna carnival of 1913. He managed impressively, considering his lack of German. Though some comrades helped him with interviews and library sleuthing, he mastered most difficulties himself. At the same time he expedited other chores in the teeth of a pleasure-mad season of a city strange to him. He set up a better coordination system between various international Bolshevist centers, using Vienna as the hub. He devised a mail-forwarding mechanism from Cracow to Vienna and from Vienna to Paris. He located a cheap, serviceable print shop for putting out Party pamphlets and circulars.

And that done, with the first draft of his essay locked into his wooden suitcase, still impervious to the city's charm and the Troyanovskys' chic, he tramped in his boots to Vienna's Northwest Railroad Terminal on February 16th. In a third-class carriage he rolled away from the Vienna carnival, a grim virtuoso wearing the mask of a clod.

On the morning of February 11, 1913, Franz Schuhmeier arrived in Vienna at the same station by which Stalin would leave it five days later. Schuhmeier was returning from a brief overnight trip to the suburbs, but before he could walk out into the streets he must submit to a ritual unknown in any other modem capital. At the Northwest Terminal, as at every principal entrance point, Vienna exacted a consumer's tax on goods purchased outside the city-a levy going back to the Middle Ages.

Schuhmeier let a green-capped customs official search his briefcase. He was waved on. A moment later a slight figure in a torn raincoat stepped behind him. "My revenge!" said the little man, drew a Browning from his pocket, and fired a bullet through the back of Schuhmeier's skull.

It was no ordinary homicide. Every newspaper roared out the news. Both slayer and slain bore front-page names. Schuhmeier had been a very prominent and vastly popular deputy of the Social Democratic Party. Paul Kunschak, his killer, turned out to be the brother of Leopold Kunschak, one of the most dynamic leaders of the opposing conservative party, the Christian Socialists.

Police interrogation established Paul Kunschak as a mumbling paranoiac convinced that Schuhmeier had been persecuting him personally. He had planned the killing without his brother's knowledge.

The significance of the tragedy lay less in its politics than in its timing. The shot in the Northwest Terminal rang out six days after Ash Wednesday, one week after the end of Fasching, Vienna's carnival. It brought home to a reluctant Vienna that the levity and therapy of Fasching make-believe were over. The Viennese could no longer play-act actuality away. They were stuck with the thing. It stung Paul Kunschak into murder. But it also aggravated many stabler citizens.

Among the victims of the process may have been Arnold Schonberg. Early in February the avant-garde composer had had his first success by the Danube with a performance of his Gurrelieder in the Golden Hall of the Musikverein. But that had been during Mardis Gras. A few weeks later, Schonberg found himself facing something of a lynch mob in the same Golden Hall. This time he conducted his Chamber Symphony as well as Anton von Webern's Orchestral Pieces Op. 6 and Alban Berg's "Songs with Orchestra after Picture Postcard Texts by Peter Altenberg." Berg and Webern were atonalistsmusical heretics. Peter Altenberg wrote novel fragments somehow powered by their very incompletion; he also wore sandals in snow storms. While in its carnival mood, the city tolerated such modernists as piquant harlequins. However, Schonberg's second Musikverein appearance took place in the depths of Lent. In more sober air, Schonberg and Company neither titillated nor amused.

"Nihilism!" the shouts went up. "Anarchists!" Catcalls multiplied. The concert stopped, but not the commotion. Program booklets became missiles. Hands became fists. Oscar Straus, the famous composer of the operetta Waltz Dream, punched the president of the avant-garde Society for Literature and Music. A physician who had witnessed the imbroglio testified that the effect of the music had been "for a certain segment of the public so nerve-racking and therefore so harmful to the nervous system that many present… showed obvious signs of severe neurosis.

During Lent the very sound or sight of otherness had become taxing. Yet Vienna teemed with "other" people. The police blotter of the University Precinct suddenly filled up with incidents of beer steins flung in student kellers, usually at "individuals of Hebrew descent" whom the flingers accused of "staring."

Some of the "others" offended by doing even less. On February 28 a Negro with a top hat strolled down the Prater- strasse. He was attacked by a man in a dinner jacket who shouted "Impostor!" before snatching the black's headgear, throwing it to the pavement, stamping on it.

At the subsequent court case, the Negro identified himself as Benson Harrington Adams, a professor of English from Baltimore, Maryland. The dinner jacket, a waiter, said that he "had just felt like having some fun before going to work." He was sentenced to making a one-sentence apology to the professor.

The point, of course, was that outside of carnival, a Negro in a top hat was not fun. Nor was excessively original music nor Hebrews in student kellers. They were "nerve-racking." The city, never a haven of tranquillity, had increasing trouble with its nerves. Its traditional trick had begun to fail. No longer could it so easily turn the stress of life into baroque caprice. Not that Vienna's talent was fading. No, the problem lay with life. Life had become too beset by reality. Fin de siecle Vienna had managed to cover the bleakness of workaday life with scrollwork and grace note. But by 1913 life seemed to tolerate less and less of anything but the rawly real.

Franz Schuhmeier's final journey signaled a change. The funeral of the murdered Socialist was the biggest in Vienna's history, bigger even than Karl Lueger's, all-time favorite among Viennese mayors, three years earlier.

Now over a quarter of a million men and women accompanied the coffin to the grave. Housemaids by the many hundreds swelled the procession. The law entitled them to only seven hours off every other Sunday; yet they gave up this Sunday to escort Schuhmeier on his way. Workers, shut in their factories eleven hours daily during the week, sacrificed their weekend rest as they trudged in the cortege. Slowly it moved along the Ottakringerstrasse; whole families streamed out of tenements to join the flow.

Ottakring constituted the largest workers' district. It was the district Schuhmeier had represented in Parliament and whose wretched statistics he had often shouted from the rostrum. Why? he had demanded. Why did only 5 percent of all people in Ottakring have a room of their own? Why were nearly half the houses in this borough-wide slum without running water? Why, more than a third of the staircases without gas light, let alone electricity? Why was the mortality rate of Ottakring more than twice as high as that of the upper class Inner City district? Why, in the name of the Twentieth Century?

And why, somebody else had to ask now, was Franz Schuhmeier dead? Why had he not even reached the age of fifty? Why must good men die too soon and by such senseless violence?

An old bafflement. Yet at the same time Franz Schuhmeier's funeral produced something new; something not seen before in the demeanor of mourning crowds. That Sunday they broke with Vienna's tradition of the "Schone Leiche"-the Beautiful Corpse. For generations, death by the Danube had been cultivated as a good show. A funeral aimed to be like a Singspiel, from the aria of the eulogy to the mobile stage of the hearse, to the chorusing of the wine-happy wake at the end. A funeral was often the only opera a proletarian could afford. While alive he displayed connoisseurship as spectator or as member of its supporting cast. When dead, he was its star.

The Schuhmeier burial broke with all that. There was no pomp festooned in sable; no black-ribboned horses, no opulence of wreaths, no black-clad band that trumpeted a majestic succession of dirges. Here there was a simple hearse and the oceanlike crowd tiding behind it under frayed caps and wrinkled babushkas, tiding and tiding, sometimes pushing prams, sometimes thumping along on crutches, tiding slowly, tiding in silence, tiding and tiding with the awesome, ominous, unrelenting rhythm of great waves.

In the late winter of 1913 Vienna woke up to discover that perhaps its poor were not what they used to be.

Nor were the rich-even the paradigmatic rich: the Austrian aristocrats. No elite in Europe had a more venerable pedigree. Supremacy came to its members as naturally and casually as yawning. They looked (as Consuelo Vanderbilt put it) "…like greyhounds, with their long lean bodies and small heads." They could impress even a starspangled bucko like Teddy Roosevelt. When asked what type of person had appealed to him the most in all his European travels he said unhesitatingly, "The Austrian gentleman." In 1913 the Austrian aristocrat could still ring superlatives from the most hard-eyed Americans by simply being himself.

There were some two thousand of him, grouped into eighty families. Not one had been founded by a hard-working, clever nineteenth-century tycoon whose son was only the second generation to sport a baronial escutcheon in his Ringstrasse palais. For Austria's "First Society " the Ringstrasse was parvenu; Baron was a title denoting a Jew. The princes and counts constituting major nobility usually had as their Vienna seats mansions of dusty rococo raised centuries ago on the cobbles of the Inner City.

A number of the founders of these clans-the Schwarzen- bergs, the Auerspergs, the Wilczeks, the Palffys, et al.-had been medieval bullies of the first water. Sometimes Habsburg had recruited their prowess by bettering their blazons with a lion rampant or two, sometimes by investing them with a fief that would make them zu as well as von.

Many of their descendants ignored the twentieth century. They kept on leading lives exquisitely detached from middleclass reason. Their elegance seemed heedless, spontaneous, barbaric, anachronistic, enviable. During sojourns in their country castles, they would often still use the chaise percee; a small portable neo-Gothic cathedral, it would be borne into the bedroom by footmen whenever the need arose. Highness would enter it as if to make a sacrament of nature's call. Highness would emerge again; footmen would bear away the temple of digestion.

It was all still a normal part of country life. In the capital it seemed almost as normal that the First Society would claim as their inalienable estates the twenty-six Parquet Circle boxes of the Court Theater and the Court Opera. Nary a diva dared complain if a blue-blooded latecomer scraped back a chair during a performance. Since the noise came from one of their boxes, it expressed not rudeness but a world that wafted a marvelous distance away from irritabilities lower down.

On the other hand, Austrian aristocrats were most sensitively subject to what the outside eye did not even recognize as the done thing. They knew it wouldn't do to dance a left-turn waltz with an archduchess; that it was gauche to take the reins of a one-horse coach; that it was all right to order caviar for a ballet girl at the Sacher bar or to treat her to a chocolate eclair at Demel's-establishments devoted to princes and their peccadilloes; that it was not all right to do the same at restaurants like the Bristol Hotel's, designed for the gawking monocle of the arriviste. They knew what worn lederhosen to don for the chase and what game to hunt when: the stag in the fall; the black chamois in the winter; the woodcock, heathcock, and capercaillie in the spring; the red roebuck in the summer. They knew how to greet each other the right way by the right name. They didn't say: "Guten Tag, Nicholas." They said: "Serous, Niki." It was Niki and Kari and Koni and Turli-a code of rarefied diminutives.

In the late winter of 1913 the Nikis and Konis still met and joked and kissed hands (more often ironically than ardently) at the right At Homes at the right times of the week. On Sundays at the Princess Croy. Mondays at the Countess Haugwitz. Tuesdays at the Countess von Berchtold in the Ballhausplatz Palais, the office of her husband, the Foreign Minister. Wednesdays at the Countess Buquoy… and so on to the Saturdays of Countess Ferenczy, lady-in-waiting to the late Empress Elizabeth.

But there was a "but." By 1913 most such gatherings had become afternoon receptions, grayed by the winter sun. Where was the dash of nightly galas that once continued into spring? What had happened to the post-Lent soirees of yesteryear?

Money was blamed: Soirees demanded extra footmen, who nowadays demanded higher pay; so did midnight musicians. Therefore one made do with one's in-house staff serving Doboschtorte at 4 P.M. The mobility of modern times was blamed: Vienna emptied after the carnival; too many of the Nikis and Konis suspected that they might be missing something at St. Moritz, at Biarritz, or on the Riviera. Do-Somethingness was blamed: gossiping over champagne was no longer enough; one had to do something like join the bridge tournaments at Countess Larisch's or the weekend ski outings to the Semmering Alp organized by Countess Sternberg.

But all this compulsive busyness smelled of a wholesale grocer sweating his way toward a bankruptcy. It did not become a Niki or a Koni. The top was still the top-but did it still have its instinct for the au fait?

Many thought that the First Society needed, urgently, one paramount and centering social leader. Once upon a time, of course, the Emperor had played that role. Now he had become too old, too reclusive. Pauline Princess Metternich, daughterin-law of the great chancellor, was almost as ancient and still quite robust. But though her parties enjoyed a good press, they were so full of waltzing Jewish bankers that she had acquired the title of Notre Dame de Zion.

Who else could be the center? Crown Prince Rudolf with his ingratiating wit, his fascinating quirks, had shot himself a quarter of a century ago in the Vienna Woods. The new lodestar should have been his successor, the Archduke Franz Ferdinand. His Imperial and Royal Highness, however, displayed none of the grace of Rudolf; none of the bonhomie of Edward, Queen Victoria's Prince of Wales, whose visits had set aglow so many Viennese salons. By contrast, Vienna's own heir apparent did nothing but disquiet the town-with his absences, for one thing.

Of course his principal seat was here, the magnificent Belvedere. Not one but two palaces defined this domain within the city; they were joined by a French garden splashing with fountains, perfumed by rose beds, mazed with yew. Franz Ferdinand's shadow cabinet worked on both sides of the maze, ready to take over a moment after the old Emperor's last heartbeat.

As for the Crown Prince himself, he seldom stayed at his official residence-less than ever as the icicled March of 1913 thawed reluctantly toward Easter. The weeks were raw and squall-wracked. The rumors were evil. They whispered that Franz Ferdinand was quarantined in his Bohemian castle at Konopiste. His fits had passed beyond sanity. Sober observers like Wickford Steed, correspondent of the London Times, heard alarming reports: The Crown Prince lay all day on the floor of his children's playroom at Konopiste, busy with their toys; anybody entering was commanded to lie down, too, to help hookup electric trains. Other accounts had the Archduke using his clock collection as a pistol range where any moving second hand became his target. One persistent story claimed that half the lackeys in Konopiste were really psychiatrists dressed in footmen's breeches.

And, in truth, Franz Ferdinand was mad. But he was mad at a number of things. Apart from many lesser angers, he had two major ones. Both tended to keep him away from Vienna during the frosty pre-Easter weeks of 1913.

Anger animated his war with Alfred Prince Montenuovo, First Lord Chamberlain of his Majesty. A vintage feud, it went back thirteen years to 1900 when the Archduke had proposed marriage to Sophie von Chotek. The Chotek escutcheon brimmed with the full sixteen quarterings of major nobility but still fell far short of prerequisites for a Habsburg bride. The woman lacked royal blood. She was "only" a countess, as Montenuovo kept reminding the monarch who had to rule on the permissibility of the match; Franz Ferdinand had met her in the household of his cousin where she served as lady-inwaiting to the Archduchess Isabella.

Montenuovo himself descended from a lopsided union, namely the marriage of the Archduchess Marie Louise, Napoleon's widow, to "only" an officer of her guard, Major Adam Neipperg (German for New Mountain, or Montenuovo, in Italian). Perhaps for that reason he orchestrated an all the more insidious anti-Chotek campaign. At thirty-four, the Countess was four years younger than the Archduke; but Montenuovo thought nothing of circulating a photograph of her to which retouched wrinkles had been added. It was the portrait of an aging wanton who had seduced the Crown Prince into a scandal.

Out of sheer spite-at which the Crown Prince was very good-the very scandal seduced the Crown Prince all the more. His anger incandesced his ardor. He let everybody know, from the Emperor down: It was Sophie Chotek or no one; it was Sophie, or he would remain a bachelor foreverunthinkable for a Habsburg heir.

The Emperor had to give in. But he gave in with a crushing proviso, formulated by Montenuovo. Franz Ferdinand must perform a permanent and irrevocable renunciation for his wife as well as for any children issuing from their marriage of all rights to succession as well as all archducal privileges. This solemn humbling took place in the Imperial Palace before the Emperor, the Cardinal, the principal ministers of His Majesty's Government, and every adult male Habsburg, on June 28, 1900. Neither the Emperor nor the Cardinal nor any minister nor any archduke (not even Franz Ferdinand's two brothers) attended the Crown Prince's wedding three days later at Reichstadt, an out-of-the-way castle in Bohemia. A common parish priest officiated.

The couple spent their honeymoon at the groom's estate in Konopiste. Here he bitterly named their favorite garden walk "Oberer Kreuzweg"-the Upper Stations of the Cross. It was to remind them that the road to fulfillment had been paved with sufferings.

But the sufferings continued into an otherwise happy marriage. By way of a wedding gift, Franz Joseph had raised Sophie from Countess Chotek to Princess Hohenberg (Hohenberg being one of the seventy-two ancillary Habsburg titles). But she was still an abysmally morganatic wife, unable to share the perquisites and precedence not just of her husband but of a number of his inferiors. At all court functions the Crown Prince entered immediately after the Emperorwifeless, alone. The Princess Hohenberg must lead the backstairs existence of a nonperson while her husband, who doted on her doubly, must nurse his fury amidst pomp.

The fury did not dissipate with time. Years later, after the last of three Hohenberg children had been born, Franz Joseph advanced Sophie's rank to Duchess of Hohenberg. No longer merely "Your Princely Grace," she was addressed henceforth as "Your Most Serene Highness." Yet the limitations imposed on her even now, in 1913, must have taxed anybody's serenity, high or low. Sophie's husband still entered events of state alone, immediately after the Emperor; other members of the Imperial family followed. At last, behind the most junior archduchess, the wife of the Crown Prince was permitted to set foot on the parquet of the Court.

Nor was that all. Prince Montenuovo's jealous, zealous eye saw to it that Sophie continued to suffer other indignities of protocol. She could not sit with her husband in the Habsburg boxes at the Court Opera and the Court Theater. When riding by herself in Vienna, she must not use any of the Court carriages with their gold-threaded spokes. If she stayed in Franz Ferdinand's Vienna residence after he had left, all sentries were promptly withdrawn as if nobody worth guarding were left behind. And whenever Franz Ferdinand entertained a visiting sovereign there, she must remain invisible; Prince Montenuovo, the First Lord Chamberlain, decreed that on such occasions the existence of a hostess could be acknowledged-as a ghost: An extra place setting would be laid which would remain unoccupied.

The Crown Prince's first major anger, then, burned at the inflictor of high-altitude humiliations, far above the common ruck. His second major anger, however, involved an issue so down to earth that it would bloody fields across the continent.

The issue, of course, was Serbia. And the target of the Archduke's second major anger, the great foe of all Serbians, occupied the enormous desk of the Chief of Staff in Vienna's Ministry of War. General Franz Conrad von Hotzendorf stood out in the Austrian officer corps as its ablest military technician, unmatched in his flair for organizing and deploying army units. Franz Ferdinand stood out as the keenest mind by far among archdukes. An affinity linked the two men, cordial at first, livid in the end.

The Crown Prince had quickly discerned the General's talent. As early as 1906 he had persuaded the Emperor to leapfrog Baron Conrad beyond the seniority of other generals. That year His Majesty appointed Conrad head of the General Staff at the relatively tender age of fifty-three. Slim, blond, strikingly mustached, he had a facial tic flavoring his handsomeness. He also had a personality as hard-edged as Franz Ferdinand's. In 1911 a clash with the then Foreign Minister led to his dismissal. Again the Crown Prince championed him. After the advent of the new Foreign Minister, Count von Berchtold, the Crown Prince had Conrad reappointed. Almost simultaneously, toward the end of 1912, friendship changed to conflict. To the degree that the Archduke had once supported the General, the General now vexed, disturbed, outraged the Archduke.

The General kept writing position paper after position paper about Serb aggression against Albania and Serb agitators in Habsburg Bosnia. Every other day he urged a massive preventive strike at Serbia as the one way of restoring Austrian security in the Balkans. The Archduke, on the other hand, knew that only conciliation would serve the Empire in the end.

The General lobbied for war at the ultimate level of decision through his audiences with Franz Joseph in Vienna's Imperial Palace. It was a venue uncongenial to the Archduke. He did not like the capital because he did not like seeing his wife humbled there; furthermore he could not trust his temper even in an All-Highest confrontation. Therefore much of his peacepleading was done by letters to Franz Joseph.

By the start of 1913 the contest appeared to tilt in the General's favor. Conrad produced new intelligence of Serb infiltrations into Albanian territory. Though the Emperor still refused to unleash his divisions, he did authorize the strengthening of garrisons along Russian as well as Serb borders with reservists called up for that purpose. Russia, Serbia's protector, countered in kind. Mobilization seemed to replace diplomacy. In early February Franz Ferdinand determined that he'd better go to Vienna after all.

He went without his Sophie (so that the Court would not have the pleasure of punishing her with etiquette). He also refrained from requesting an audience (to circumvent a very possible, very personal collision with the Emperor). However, he did attend a dinner for his brother-in-law, Duke Albrecht of Wurtemberg. It was a gathering of the crested great during which the Crown Prince dashed the hopes of the haut monde again. At this rare appearance, too, he did not so much enliven Vienna socially as irritate it politically. At the height of the gala he raised his glass to his cause: "To peace! What would we get out of war with Serbia? We'd lose the lives of young men and we'd spend money better used elsewhere. And what would we gain, for heaven's sake? Some plum trees and goat pastures full of droppings, and a bunch of rebellious killers. Long live restraint!"

Dutiful applause around the table. A headshake on the part of the Emperor after he was informed of his nephew's exclamations. They coincided with news from the Chief of Staff of more misdeeds by Belgrade. Franz Joseph had to agree with his general: Restraint vis-a vis Serbia would look like weakness. Army reserves kept entraining for the borders.

Returned to Konopiste, Franz Ferdinand tried to sway his uncle via the Foreign Minister. In mid-February he wrote Count von Berchtold, "… God forbid that we annex Serbia. We'd spend millions on keeping these people down and would still have a horrendous insurgent movement. As for the irredentists within our frontiers, the ones to whom hotheads in our government are pointing-all that would stop the moment we give our Slavs something of a comfortable, just and good existence."

In his letter of reply the Foreign Minister bowed and scraped, and did nothing that might countervail Hothead No. 1, the Chief of Staff.

The third week of February began with snow and rumors of further mobilization, all swirling thickly. Franz Ferdinand dispatched the head of his Military Chancellery to General Conrad's office in Vienna. "His Imperial Highness," the aide said with the proper stiffness, "wishes Your Excellency to understand that neither he nor any Austrian patriot covets a square meter of Serbian ground. His Imperial Highness is convinced that if we march on Serbia, Russia will march on us. His Imperial Highness is further convinced that war between Austria and Russia would encourage revolution in both countries and thereby cause the Emperor and the Tsar to push each other off their thrones. For these reasons His Imperial Highness considers war lunacy. He considers preludes to war, like constant requests for mobilization, preludes to lunacy. His Imperial Highness trusts that Your Excellency will ponder these thoughts with the care they deserve."

The Chief of Staff, handsome blond mustache a-twitch, answered that he humbly and duly noted the Highest sentiments thus conveyed to him. Within twenty-four hours, at an All-Highest audience, he recommended calling more reserves to the colors.

***

Now Franz Ferdinand had no recourse but Franz Joseph's great ally, Germany's Kaiser Wilhelm II. It was a desperate move, and the Crown Prince executed it cunningly. What made it a bit easier was his habit of clothing anti-war arguments in vehement rhetoric. It suited his temperament, but in addressing the fustian Wilhelm it was also part of a strategy well calculated in advance. His message to Berlin resounded with carefully crafted bluster. The Crown Prince intoned the mightiness of great realms like Germany, Austria, and Russia; he hurled contempt at scummy little bandits like Serbia who tried to foment trouble between the giants; he vowed to wipe away the poison sprayed by these pygmies by insisting on troop reductions along the Russian-Austrian borders, and to continue insisting regardless of political risks but hopeful of the backing of his powerful great cousin and friend, the German suzerain….

Seldom has pacifism bristled with such militancy. Europe's foremost swaggerer was quite beguiled. "Dear Franzi," Kaiser Wilhelm answered, "Bravo! It can't be easy, that sort of thing. It takes stubbornness and stamina. But success will earn you the enormous credit to have freed Europe from such pressures. Millions of grateful hearts will remember you in their prayers… Even the Tsar will be grateful when he can order some of his divisions back from the border…"

Franz Ferdinand called the Chief of Staff to Konopiste, thrust at him Wilhelm's words, dismissed him in triumph. At the same time a copy of the Kaiser's letter reached Franz Joseph. It happened that shortly before, the special emissary to the Tsar, sent by Franz Joseph at the Crown Prince's request, returned with a message of "most friendly and fraternal feelings" from Nicholas II. Shortly afterward, Franz Joseph came to a decision. He instructed his diplomats to moderate their anti-Serb stance. And he ordered General Conrad to demobilize some reserves. Recent reinforcements along the Russian border were withdrawn again.

The problem didn't end there-but February did: a cold and difficult month in which the Crown Prince had done some good work. As March began he was ready to relax for a while in gentler climes.

His First Lord Chamberlain summoned his private train. With his wife, his daughter, and two sons, he traveled southward to Merano, in the semitropical foothills of the Dolomites, making a detour around Vienna, of course.

"Schani, trag den Garten ausse!"

It was a command often heard after winter's end in Vienna. Headwaiters shouted it at busboys: "Johnny, carry the garden outside!" All over town Johnnys carried onto the sidewalk foliage made of green-lacquered cloth leaves, then added tables and chairs to complete "the garden terrace." Spring had come to Vienna's restaurants as it did to the rest of this most theatrical of all cities: It came in the form of a stage set.

By April most props were in place. Only the mood music seemed still a bit wrong. Perhaps the weather had something to do with it. Not that the temperatures remained wintry; usually the sun drove away the night's chill. But there had been no rain for weeks, and the drought had delayed budding. Only restaurant gardens displayed some leafy green. It was fake and dusty. Dust, sooty, grainy proletarian dust, drifted from the proletarian districts in the West where the sanitation department did not trouble to send many brooms. Uncouth dust mottled the breasts of goddesses whose marmoreal charms supported balconies of the Imperial Palace. But dust could not stop Vienna from play-acting like Vienna. The city kept furbishing the decor and the costumes of Maytime.

Tailors cut and stitched deep into the night. Now was the moment for the city's fashionables to start fittings for their summer wardrobe, which this year featured slimmer singlebreasted suits. Fiacre drivers used their lunch hour to wield the paint brush; time to refresh the gray-black design of their carriages. On the gothic elegance of the menu card of Demel's, the ultimate patisserie, a herald of the warmer season appeared-iced coffee with a tiara of whipped cream.

Still, the trees in the Vienna Woods were less than verdant; so, underneath the busyness, was the feeling in town. Even on the day of the Resurrection, a sense of Ash Wednesday weighed on the roofs. Over the Easter weekend, Sunday, March 23 and Monday, March 24, twenty-three people tried to kill themselves, a majority of them in that unswept slum to the West; seventeen of these drank concentrated lye. It was the cheapest poison and therefore the most cost-effective means of suicide. Over six thousand crammed nightly into the municipal Wdrmestuben. These were "warming rooms" where the capital's homeless could sleep sitting up on wooden benches.

The somberness of Lent, stubborn past its season, extended to the upper reaches. True, the rich could afford to ease their spirit at chic new entertainments like the cinema. A film of Dante's Inferno was the dernier cri in the genre. You could see it at the Graben Kino, a theater with seats of plush and walls of silk and an orchestra of two pianos and three violins to make musical the shadows on the screen. No wonder that the jeunesse doree elected the Graben Kino as a favorite courtship rendez-vous. Perhaps it was no wonder, too, that in the early spring of 1913 one went a-Maying to the Inferno.

Dust thickened as the rains held off. Fires increased. Cinders sprinkled the time of rejuvenation. A touch of hell at the edge of heaven: that seemed to be the motto of the weather, of politics, and of the social scene as exemplified by the dinner party of Herr Hermann von Passavant, Consul General of the German Reich in Vienna.

On Monday, March 31, his table saw a cross-section of the powerful: Baron Conrad, the Chief of Staff; Hermann von Reininghaus, the beer magnate of the Habsburg Empire, with his lush, dusky-eyed wife; Baron Leo von Chlumetzky, influential publisher of the Oesterreichische Rundschau; and Joseph Redlich, a key member of Parliament as well as a political scientist and assiduous journal keeper who often recorded in detail his experiences as intellectual-in-residence of the Vienna establishment.

Delicious was the Tafelspitz that evening; delicate, the juxtaposition of personalities. Everyone in the know (and everyone here was) knew of the capital's foremost triangle: Herr von Reininghaus, Frau von Reininghaus, and the Chief of Staff. The last two were seated next to each other.

Alas, the piquancy could not be fully savored. Just as the General looked deeply into his neighbor's eyes, history interrupted him with a knock at the door. It was his adjutant with a bulletin concerning the latest Serb aggression. During the last few weeks the Serbs and their Montenegrin henchmen had reopened hostilities with Turkey, driving the Sultan's troops south on Albanian territory until they reached a critical zone, the town of Scutari, near the coast. Vienna had stated publicly that extension of Serb control into Scutari would jeopardize Austria's security and undermine all hope of Balkan stability. The news which had just reached the General indicated that Scutari might fall at any moment.

The General's facial tic had accelerated. His irritation dominated what was left of dinner. He should get up right now, he said, and walk to the telephone and call the Military Chancellery at the Imperial Palace and request permission through the Duty Officer to bring the Adriatic fleet into action. Before dawn he could dispatch a battleship and two cruisers with marines ready to land. They would make short work of Belgrade's provocations in that area. It would be the logical thing to do. But there was no point calling the Palace. Lately he was not allowed to apply logic when it came to Serbia. Never! Not once. Each time he tried, the Palace said No, pressured by the Crown Prince. It was always the bugbear of Russian intervention. Why, just recently His Majesty had said that war with Russia would be the end of His monarchy. Actually it would be the end of the Tsar. Conrad himself, with his own hands, had placed on the Emperor's desk intelligence that proved the illogic of any Russia-panic. This intelligence came from a source so high he could name its identity only to the Emperor (it was Count Sergius Witte, former Prime Minister at St. Petersburg), and the information proved that thirty million non-Russians would revolt against the Tsar-including Finland and Poland. The time to strike Serbia was now, before Russia could get organized. But that was out of the questionjust because it would be the logical thing!

An excellent chocolate mousse could not mellow the General's frustration. Nor did mocha end it. The dinner party was eventful, though not as personally piquant as one had hoped. Before the night was out, however, Frau von Reininghaus took our diarist, Herr Redlich, aside. It was so valorous of the General, she breathed in Redlich's ear, to press for action, since the General had three sons of military age; in fact, he had confided to her his premonition that his eldest, Herbert, would fall before the enemy….

As April ended, rain came to Vienna at last. Then the sun broke through, and the flowers burst forth. Suddenly spring swept through the streets like a galloping pageant. Suddenly the Vienna Woods interlaced so closely with the pavement that cobbles became fragrant. In the West and the South where the vineyards touched the sidewalks, they touched them with the pearly blossoms of the grapevine. The hills looming so closely above the roofs-those "house mountains" beloved of the Viennese like Kahlenberg, Cobenzl, Leo- poldsberg-turned into waves of vivid hue: crocuses, cyclamens, primroses, daisies, lilacs, all blessed with the songs of blackbird and thrush. Along the banks of the Danube cherry orchards flamed into color.

In the city itself blossoms swamped bricks. Violet vendors surrounded the Opera and scented the piazzas. In parks like the Stadtpark and Volksgarten peacocks jaunted under festive trees. White roses garlanded the fiacres that brought children to their First Communion: the girls like buds unfolding in their snowy lace, the boys with white carnations glowing from their buttonholes.

Elsewhere in Europe spring happened to other cities as well. But here it burgeoned as a gala that was intimately Viennese. It affected someone so no-nonsense as Trotsky's wife. "From our windows we could see the mountains," she wrote. "One could get into the open country through a backgate without going to the street… In April the scent of violets filled our rooms from the open windows…"

In Vienna spring belonged to culture more than to nature. Here spring merged its green arts into the town's architecture, whose seasons bloomed from romanesque to rococo, sprouted as gargoyles, fountains, statues. With its vernal rose windows, its tendrilled friezes, its sculpted bowers and garden amorettos, the Maytime city conjured the poetry of the West. Now it exuberated in the same vein with leaf and petal. Vienna experienced spring as yet another urban fancy, opulent and stylish, moving through its dream of history.

Here, against this time and this place, against this backdrop, Leon Trotsky wrote some somber lines. In an essay for Kievan Thought he shuddered at the barrenness of his country's past. It seemed so tundra-dreary compared to the occidental succulence surrounding him in Vienna. "We are poor," he said of Russia, "with the accumulated poverty of over a thousand years… The Russian peoples were as oppressed by nobility or by the church as the peoples of the West. But that complex and rounded-off way of life, which on the basis of feudal rule grew up in Europe-that gothic lacework of feudalism-has not grown on our soil… A thousand years we have lived in a humble log cabin and stuffed its crevices with moss. Did it become us to dream of vaulting arcs and gothic spires?… How miserable was our gentry! Where were its castles? Where were its tournaments? Its crusades, its shield bearers, its minstrels and pages?… Its fetes and processions?… Its chivalrous love?"

Asking such questions in Vienna amid the prodigalities of an elegant tradition, Trotsky laments that its absence in Russia impoverished all classes, including Russia's radical intelligentsia of the new century, to which he himself belonged:

Russia was too far away"… from the sunlit zone of European ideology… We have been shaken by history into a severe environment and scattered thinly over a vast plain." And there, isolated from the very people it wanted to liberate, the intelligentsia". found itself in a terrible moral tension, in concentrated asceticism." Psychologically its members could maintain their strength only by a "fanaticism of ideas, ruthless self-limitation and self-demarcation, distrust and suspicion and vigilant watching over their own purity…"

Some twenty years later Trotsky's freedom from such paranoia and puritanism prepared his downfall, as did his Viennese sense of the uses and pleasures of style: felicities that earned him the anger of a ruder rival in the Kremlin; because of them he fell all the more easily victim to the superior "distrust and suspicion and vigilant watching" of the nonWestern Stalin.

This same Stalin was shipped in the spring of 1913 to one of the world's most un-Austrian regions-Siberia. After his stay in Vienna, and as if by way of a bizarre postscript to the Viennese carnival, he had been arrested wearing a woman's clothes, on February 23, in St. Petersburg. That evening the legally published Pravda held in the Russian capital a musical benefit which some "illegals" attended. When the police raided the show, one of them tried to escape in an actress's coat and wig. The police ripped away the disguise and identified the pockmarked insurrectionist. Before long Stalin was exiled to the village of Turkhansk in the Arctic Circle. For more than three years he lived in just the log cabin-its crevices stuffed with moss-where Trotsky, from his Austrian vantage point, had seen Russian backwardness linger for ten centuries.

***

Meanwhile Trotsky basked in "the sun-lit zone"-in the sumptuousness of the Viennese spring. Accompanied by his art-minded wife Natalya, he visited the great classic collections of the Kunsthistorisches Museum. But he did not neglect newer painters shown at the Sezession building or the avantgarde galleries scandalizing civic virtue with Kokoschka and Schiele. All these he included in the cultural chronicles he contributed along with his political reportage to Kievskaya Mysl (Kievan Thought), to the Berlin Vorwarts and Le Peuple in Brussels.

In Vienna he developed more fully his sensitivity to new esthetic directions. And with his smooth German (his children had already mastered Viennese dialect), his gift for pamphleteering not only with the pen but with the tongue, he savored the intellectual voltage of the coffeehouse, where repartee flashed from spoonful to spoonful of whipped cream.

Years later, from the perspective of a revolutionary leader, he would sniff at the smug, overly patriotic mocha-Marxists of Vienna and their weak-kneed reformism. Yet while in the city he remained a zestful partaker of the Viennese scene and of the cakes, cigars, conversation of its cafe life. Even the Socialist intellectuals with whose chauvinist ways he disagreed impressed him: "They were well-educated people, and their knowledge of various subjects was superior to mine. I listened to them with intense and, one might almost say, respectful interest in the Cafe Central."

To the Central Trotsky brought some fellow Russians, not least A. A. Joffe, chief contributor to his Vienna Pravda (later to be the Soviet Ambassador to Germany). It was at the Central that Trotsky wanted Joffe to chat and sip away the nervous tension that plagued his friend. It was here that Trotsky introduced Joffe to Alfred Adler. It was through this introduction that Joffe became Adler's patient. And it was Joffe's experience with Adlerian therapy that acquainted Trotsky (as he states in his autobiography) "with the problems of psychoanalysis, which fascinated me."

In 1913 the chief problem of psychoanalysis, and therefore of its founder, continued to be its own internal rifts. The one between Sigmund Freud and Alfred Adler kept Freud away from Adler's Cafe Central, and therefore Trotsky (himself predestined to become one of the century's great schismatics) never met Freud.

Yet the two had a good deal in common. Both Trotsky and Freud were full-blooded subverters of burgher pieties, both liked to play chess, and both relaxed by reading novels not in their mother tongue (Freud's English, as against Trotsky's French). Trotsky's love-hate relationship with Russia matched Freud's with Austria. Furthermore, the Trotsky of the year 1913 was no less than Freud an autocrat in command of an embattled sect, one that did not hesitate to lacerate its own allies. For example, Trotsky's Vienna Pravda often attacked the Pravda of St. Petersburg for its "disruptive 'egocentral- ism,' " which undercut all original and independent Socialist initiatives.

At the same time Freud started a purge within his own movement. Two years earlier he had gotten rid of Alfred Adler, until then one of his principal disciples among psychiatrists; Adler and his coterie had become un-Freudian by tracing neuroses not to sexual maladjustment but to general inferiority feelings. Now in 1914, a Swiss group of psychoanalysts led by Dr. Carl Jung was straying toward heresy; they no longer viewed the libido as Freud's erotically centered concept; to them it was the vehicle of a more multi-faceted psychic energy. In other words, they were undermining an article of faith.

On occasion the master of the Berggasse seemed capable of tolerating dissent. But this patience was a stratagem. His instinct was to show no mercy to antagonists in his fold-a trait he openly discussed. Only someone seeing so deeply into others could, when he wished, unmask himself so well. "I am by temperament nothing but a conquistador," he wrote to a friend, "… with all the inquisitiveness, daring and tenacity of such a man." And with just such a man's ruthlessness he referred to Adler as "a loathesome individual… that Jew-boy out of a Viennese backwater." This was contempt as stinging as any in Trotsky's polemics. Trotsky would have understood why Freud never patronized the Jew Boy's favorite establishment, the Cafe Central.

In 1913 Freud had his own favorite coffee house, the Cafe Landtmann, a fifteen-minute walk from his house. Though close to the University, it was of an upper bourgeois, not of a literary persuasion. The Landtmann featured softer upholstery, cleaner spittoons, more financial journals and fewer avant-garde magazines than the Central: a pleasant place for Freud, who had come to accept, almost with a gloat, his insulation from the city's mainstream intellectuals.

He visited the Landtmann most often on Wednesday nights, after the weekly meeting of his Psycho-Analytical Society (from which Alfred Adler had been forced to resign two years earlier in 1911). Here he would pick a table at the cafe's Ringstrasse terrace overlooking the Gothic tracery of City Hall and the Renaissance loggias of the Court Theater; he would order einen kleinen Braunen, light a cigar, exchange Jewish jokes with favorite followers, and exhale smoke rings into the mellowness of the evening air. In May of 1913 they were leisured hedonist's smoke rings: He had just finished Totem and Taboo. "When my work is over," he had confessed in a letter, "I live like a pleasure-loving philistine."

He took care to add that these pleasures were limited and that he was "vegetating harmlessly." However, his character was too robust, the Viennese ambiance too seductive, and the doctor's own view of human nature too libidinal to keep meaneyed observers from speculating. Just a few months earlier, in 1912, the American psychiatrist Moses Allen Starr had gone beyond speculation in remarks to the New York Academy of Medicine's Section on Neurology. "Vienna is not a particularly moral city," Dr. Starr had said, "and working side by side with Freud… I learned that he enjoyed Viennese life thoroughly. Freud is not a man who lives on a particularly high plane. He is not self-repressed. He is not an ascetic. I think his scientific theory is largely the result of his environment and the peculiar life he leads."

Later, faced with this charge, Freud would sigh a rather Freudian sigh: "If it were only true!" Jung insisted it was true on the basis of, to him, unmistakable clues. While still friendly (Jung told an interviewer) the two doctors had often analyzed each other's dreams, and Freud's had exhibited evidence of his carnal relationship with Minna Bernays, his wife's younger, very attractive sister, who lived with the Freuds in their Berggasse apartment. "If Freud had tried to understand consciously the triangle," Jung said, "he would have been much better off."

Of course that statement was made after Jung had broken with his mentor. And of course the picture of Freud as a Viennese libertine fits the polemic of an enemy, not authenticated fact. It is a picture that conflicts with Freud's digs at his city for combining the frivolous with the narrow-minded. But during the spring of 1913 all this didn't keep him from tasting the joys of the season with Viennese gusto.

Every Sunday, every holiday, Freud acted like any of the capital's countless hiking enthusiasts. His children were ordered to "get ready for the meadows!" This meant getting into the dirndls and gallused shorts of peasant lasses and lads. He himself threw on leather knickers, a green jacket, a loden cape, and a Tyrolean hat with chamois brush. Off they went all together, to the Vienna Woods or beyond-off on one of the mushroom hunts he delighted in leading. The zest he showed on such occasion was-to borrow from his self-descriptionalmost conquistadorial. He had an indomitable thirst for booty. It was always Papa Freud himself (his son Martin would recall) who spotted the prize specimen. "He would run to it and fling his hat over it before giving a piercing signal on the silver whistle he carried in his waist pocket to summon the platoon. We would all rush toward the sound of the whistle, and only when all of our concentration was complete, would father remove the hat and allow us to inspect and admire the spoil."

In the town itself, Freud led the 1913 spring outing of the Vienna Psycho-Analytical Society. The event took place after dark and involved the doctor's professional rather than personal family. Members of Freud's flock (some passing near Hitler's lodgings in the adjacent district) converged on the Prater. This was Vienna's favorite pleasance-a huge, exuberant park combined with a midway. Having met at the main entrance, the psychiatrists trooped in the twilight up the in cline of a jasmine-laced path to a terrace. A huge table, lavishly set, awaited them.

So did an ex-patient of Freud's; he paid homage to the master by presenting him with a figurine from ancient Egypt. A witness records that Freud placed the gift in front of his plate, at the head of the table, "as a totem." Then two dozen bearded soul-doctors began to feast the night away under the moon, the stars, and the multicolored glow of Chinese lanterns.

The restaurant providing the banquet was called "Con- stantinhugel" after the man-made hill ("hugel") whose top it occupied; and the hill received its name from Prince Constantine von Hohenlohe, late First Lord Chamberlain to His Majesty; under his aegis the hill had been created at the opening of the Vienna World Exhibition of 1873. Now, in 1913, the perfumes of real blossoms brimmed from an artificial slope and mingled with the bouquet of Gewurztraminer from the psychoanalysts' goblets.

The moon waned but not the doctors' gemutlichkeit. Their chief kept lifting his "totem" to their toasts. All along a ballet of fireflies danced through a vernal nocturne quintessentially Viennese: nature and culture in ceremonious fusion.

On a night like this, who would suspect civilization of discontent?

The Vienna psycho-analytical society was not the only group holding a spring fete. Much bigger and therefore more widely controversial was the workers' procession on May 1.

It played no part in the life of a nonpolitical man like Sigmund Freud-except as an impediment to his high-speed walks along the Ringstrasse after lunch. Yet this Socialist rite had been charted, of all places, at Berggasse 19, under the very roof where Freud had conceived psychoanalysis.

A quarter of a century earlier, Dr. Viktor Adler had lived here in the house then owned by his father. Viktor was no relation of Alfred Adler. But like Alfred, Viktor was a trained psychiatrist. Like Alfred, young Viktor developed Socialist sympathies. And with Viktor Adler, these sympathies became his life's engulfing mission. Very soon he abandoned medicine for politics to lead the new Social Democratic Party. In 1889, in the apartment soon to be Freud's, he initiated and choreographed what the world came to know as the May Day Parade.

And in 1913 the parade gave, as always, gorgeous hints of its Viennese lineage. May 1, the international proletarian festival, was a descendant of the society corso in the Prater. Every May 1 the Austrian aristocracy in full panoply of escutcheoned carriages, liveried drivers, passengers in princely capes and floral hats used to promenade through the Prater, followed by caparisoned parvenus.

Sic transit primavera. Since 1890 Viktor Adler had the working class celebrate spring with equal pride and comparable showmanship. On May 1 of 1913 the parade was particularly splendid. Every category of labor-from foundry stoker to papermill hand to shoemaker to tanner-assembled at a different inn or coffeehouse early in the morning. At 10 A.M. sharp they sallied forth, phalanx by phalanx, each group in the garb of its craft, be it apron or overalls or smock. But red carnations shone in all their buttonholes; they all wore black armbands to commemorate the recent murder of their deputy Schuhmeier; all their arms were linked into comradely chains. Chanting against war, chanting for livable wages, chanting for bearable housing, the groups merged on the Ringstrasse where the chants united into a hundred-thousand-throated boom. The weather chimed in with sunshine, crisp air, and just enough breeze to make the banners come alive. Chanting, marching, waving their banners in the same cadence, the mass moved toward the meeting ground in the Prater.

***

By 1913, May Day had become familiar. But it still exhilarated the proletarian soul. It still terrified the prosperous. In "better districts" like Hietzing or Doebling, maids were instructed to hoard food in advance of the critical weekend. Stefan Zweig recalls that well-to-do parents like his had the doors locked so that their children might not stray into the streets "on this day of terror which might see Vienna in flames."

The spectacle also shook up at least one man who was not a member of the upper classes, twenty-four-year-old Adolf Hitler.

In Mein Kampf he reports his awe

Spring is the visceral season, felt deep down. The man appalled by these "horrible depths" was puritan, celibate, and volcanic at once. Eventually he would forge an empire out of the ambivalence. Meanwhile he abhorred the elemental mire. Yet he also watched it "for almost two hours with bated breath." The money he'd inherited could have bought him shelter more elevated than the Mannerheim. Yet he lingered for years amidst its primitivities. He rejected the new elemental artists-Egon Schiele, Oskar Kokoschka-who had begun to excite Vienna with their expressionist eruptions; they were so different from the dainty banality of Hitler's own paintings; their "fleshly" work, he would sneer later in Mein Kampf, might as well have been "the smears of a tribe of Negroes." Yet his contempt for "fleshliness" was also engrossment: He accompanied a friend to the Spittelberggasse where prostitutes drew on black stockings in lit windows. Hitler never touched them-just lashed out at "the iniquity"-and came back to look and lash out again.

A similar revulsion-obsession made him shiver, at length, at the proletariat thrusting up from below. Since he could not deal with the primal physically or esthetically, he went at it politically-sniffed it, imagined it, fantasized it, developed a mania to tap it, manipulate it, tame it, control it. "At this time," he says in Mein Kampf of his Vienna years, "I formed a view of life which became the granite foundation of my actions."

His horror of May Day on the Ringstrasse became a permanent inspiration. The elemental obedience of so many thousands to their Socialist chiefs leads him to conclusions prophetically detailed in Mein Kampf:

The italics are Hitler's. An unitalicized sentence two pages later begins and ends with the word summarizing the central lesson he drew from May Day: "Terror in the workshop, in the factory, in the assembly hall, and on occasion in mass demonstrations, will always be accompanied by success as long as it is not met by an equally great force of terror."

But terror did not enforce the workers' May Day. It was a voluntary procession and, in the radiant weather, joyous. To Hitler, the sight was apocalyptic.

The apocalypse is the cataclysm through which death convulses into birth. Some day Hitler would summon apocalyptic emotions before a global audience. Meanwhile May of 1913 marked for him, on a modest scale, an end that introduced a beginning. This was the month in which he left Vienna for Germany, ". that country for which my heart had been secretly yearning since the days of my youth." And though he still lived in the Mannerheim during those final weeks, he spent most of his time at the other end of the city, in the streets and cafes close to the West Terminal: his original port of arrival whose precinct had been the haunts of his early years in Vienna from 1907 to 1909. He seemed to be revisiting the ambitions that had driven him to the city in the first place. They had been dashed; yet they were still fermenting, as fierce as ever. Now he would fulfill them in a worthier land. On Saturday, May 24, 1913, he rose for the last time from his seat in the Writing Room of the Mannerheim. He went to pack the few belongings that cluttered his cubicle. Then he took the streetcar to the West Terminal to board a Third Class compartment on the train to Munich.

May 1913 promised Hitler hope and change. It also brought him safety. His passport recorded his birth date: April 20, 1889. At twenty-four he had just passed the age of conscription, having failed to register for service since 1909. The man who turned into the century's most thunderous war lord no longer needed to fear that some border guard would hold him as a draft evader.

The Honorable Joseph Redlich, diary-keeper, centrist member of Parliament, and Christian convert born into the Jewish haute bourgeoisie, did not watch the May Day march of 1913. However, two days earlier, on April 29, 1913, he observed another movement on the Ringstrasse, a sight that on the surface seemed unremarkable. A gentleman, all by himself, gray-haired, dapper under a bowler, was sauntering in the balm of noon. He had come out of Ballhausplatz 1, the Foreign Minister's residence, and was heading for the Ministry of War. As Redlich's diary attests, the buoyancy of this single stroller turned out to be more momentous-in the short run-than the resolute tramp of a hundred thousand proletarians forty-eight hours later.

"Good morning, Excellency," Redlich greeted Alexander Baron Krobatin. "How are you today?"

"I am well," said the Minister of War of Austria-Hungary. "Very well. Very well-at last."

From one knowledgeable insider to another, no more needed to be said. It was a bad day for pacifists like Crown Prince Franz Ferdinand. It was a fine day, at last, for hardnosed patriots like General Conrad, the Chief of Staff, or like the two men now smiling at each other on the Ringstrasse: His Majesty had just authorized the drafting of an ultimatum. It was to be sent off today, Tuesday, and it gave the bandit government of the kingdom of Montenegro-ally of the bandit government of Serbia-until Thursday to pull its troops out of the Albanian town of Scutari. Failure to respond would prompt instant Austrian military moves to restore stability in the Balkans-regardless of Serbian or even Russian repercussions.

The ultimatum delivered this message in more diplomatic but no less unequivocal language. The two gentlemen could bask in its forcefulness as they sauntered together along the sunny boulevard. At last the Emperor had made a stand that would re-establish Austria's credibility as a major power.

By the morning of May Day, Thursday, Montenegro had not budged. But that afternoon its King wired Franz Joseph that he "was reviewing the situation." On Sunday, May 4, Montenegrin troops began to withdraw. Happy rumors began to animate coffeehouses like the Landtmann. Monday morning, May 5, hours before the news was officially announced, the Vienna stock market rose as it hadn't risen in years. For the first time in a long time (thought Krobatin, Redlich, Conrad, et al.), the old monarchy had taken a firm young step. Neither Serbia nor Russia did more than a bit of diplomatic mumbling.

Even Crown Prince Franz Ferdinand, who had cautioned in vain against the ultimatum, could not deny its success. It had improved the international standing of the realm that was his inheritance. Yet at the same time he kept advising against any further bravura displays, and he assiduously documented his admonitions. From Austria's most brilliant intelligence specialist, Colonel Alfred Redl, the Archduke had obtained an assessment of the Montenegrin army; it showed how potent that small force was and, therefore, how costly a potential showdown. Also from Redl came an analysis of a growing undercover movement in Bohemia directed against Habsburg. Franz Ferdinand used it all in his long-distance exclamations to the Imperial Palace. He was still staying in the Empire's South, at Fiume on the Adriatic shore. From there he worked the Imperial Courier Service and burned the telephone wire to the Emperor's chancellery. He still avoided audiences whenever possible. He was still afraid his temper might overpower his manners. But in messages he could drape the vehemence of his alarm in formulas of deference: those reckless, short-sighted circles that wanted to push the Empire into exterior adventures before the interior was pacifiedwould His Majesty graciously deign to bring them to reason?

His uncle's responses from the Palace were immovably noncommittal. They were also unfailingly courteous. Furthermore, "reason," or an approximation thereof, appeared to be in vogue again, at least for a while. Montenegro's retreat before Vienna's ultimatum appeased war-happy circles; it removed some of the rationale for "exterior adventures." As the world calmed and greened around the Crown Prince, he let the amenities of May enfold him.

With Sophie and the children he returned to his beloved estate at Konopiste. This was the finest time to stalk wood cock, snipe, and capercaillie. Mornings were for hunting, afternoons for flowers, all hours for his family. He whispered with his children as they watched for game. He crowded them into the pony trap to range through the vasts of his rose garden; the Dark Archduke, who never smiled in public, laughed freely as they invented names for the flowers they didn't know.

A certain prospect enhanced his mood. On May 24, Kaiser Wilhelm's daughter, Princess Marie Luise, was to marry Prince Ernst August von Braunschweig and Lueneburg. Attending would be two of the Kaiser's cousins, Tsar Nicholas II and King George V of England-also called "the twins" because of their resemblance. Confident of an invitation, Austria's Crown Prince looked forward to using on the Tsar the big-teddy-bear charm he could surprisingly produce when the occasion warranted it. And this was the moment-after the Montenegro set-to-to warm Russia into trusting Austria.

The Berlin wedding held still another promise. Away from the Austrian capital, beyond the reach of the Hof burg camarilla, yet against a backdrop august and imperial, Franz Ferdinand's Sophie would not be treated as some inflated concubine. In Berlin she would emerge as the Crown Prince's full-fledged, fully honored consort. Side by side with AllHighest wives, Sophie would shine in photographs of the reviewing stand, would be featured in Court Gazette accounts of the state dinner table and in newspaper reports of the pew seating in church.

With such trophies he would then come to Vienna with his family to enjoy the Derby the first week of June. It was, or should have been, a very pleasant spring.

May lost some warmth toward its end; the twenty-fourth dawned as the coolest day of the month. It was a nippy Saturday, yet sunny and clear-and very exciting for at least three people in Vienna. In different ways it brought them the elation of a payoff long delayed.

That morning Adolf Hitler left for Germany, having sweated out seven sour years in the Austrian capital. That afternoon the chance to pounce finally came to Detective Sergeant Ebinger and Detective Sergeant Steidl, both attached to the Intelligence Bureau of the Imperial and Royal Army.

They had been on a stake-out for six long weeks. Their mission was the climax of a hunt that was secret and urgent and international. Under an agreement set up in 1911 by Colonel Alfred Redl, then in charge of Austrian Counter-Intelligence and its most capable leader in decades, the counter-espionage agencies of Austria and Germany exchanged mutually relevant information. Early in April 1913 Berlin directed Vienna's attention to a letter addressed to Herr Nikon Nizetas, c/o General Delivery, Vienna. Unclaimed, it had been returned to Berlin, the place of its postmark. There its bulk attracted the curiosity of the Secret Police who opened it. Inside were 6,000 kronen together with two addresses, one in Paris, one in Geneva, both known to be used by Russian spies.

An exciting discovery. It might help solve a problem of considerable concern in recent years: the leak of vital Austrian military secrets to Russia. The German office handed the letter to its Viennese colleagues. They re-sealed it carefully, returned it to the General Post Office on Fleischmarkt Square. In a room of the building opposite, Detectives Ebinger and Steidl took up position. Here they waited through all hours during which the General Delivery window was open. They waited for a certain sound-the ringing of an electric bell whose wire ran from their hide-out to a button under the desk of the General Delivery clerk.

Ebinger and Steidl waited for days and days. Nothing happened but the arrival of two more letters addressed to Herr Nizetas. Austrian intelligence opened them to find two more bland little notes together with cash sums totalling 14,000 crowns. These letters, too, were re-sealed and returned to General Delivery in the hope that their addressee would call.

Many more days passed. Herr Nizetas did not appear to claim his money. The detectives kept vigil by the bell that would not ring. Their chief, Colonel Redl, had by then been transferred to head the General Staff of the Eighth Army Corps in Prague. But he still retained wide intelligence responsibilities in view of his forthcoming appointment as Chief of In telligence for all the Empire's armed forces. Still present in the Vienna bureau were the skills and habits Redl had implanted, and principal among them was patience, patience. Patiently, detectives Ebinger and Steidl were waiting, day after day, week after week, waiting and waiting in their little room opposite the General Post Office, waiting for the ringing of the bell.

Suddenly, at 5:55 P.M. on Saturday, May 24, it rang. It rang in an empty room. Sergeant Steidl had gone to the privy down the corridor. Sergeant Ebinger was having a cup of coffee in the canteen on the ground floor. Both men were good, Redl- trained agents. At the same time they were also two Viennese in May, a season that tuned up the body's needs. The bell was ringing when both men, returning along the corridor, heard it through the door. The sound swivelled them into an aboutface. Together they raced down the one flight of stairs and across the square.

Too late, almost.

Behind the General Delivery window, the clerk could only shrug his shoulders. Yes, Herr Nizetas had come at last to claim his mail. Yes, just now, he'd signed for it in such a hurry, he might still be outside. Ebinger and Steidl rushed to the street-in time to see a cab pull away and vanish around the corner. Ebinger (who had better vision) had barely time to note its license number: A 3313.

The cool May evening must have felt even colder on the perspiring forehead of those two. To identify a cab by number would be slow; the driver, cruising all over Vienna, might not be found for hours. And Herr Nizetas had just shown how fast he could manage a disappearance.

The two sergeants ran back to General Delivery. What did Herr Nizetas look like? Again the clerk could only shrug: the face had been just about invisible since the hat had been pulled so far down. What kind of hat, what brim, what color? Oh, medium brim width, sort of gray. The man's height? Oh, medium, perhaps a little on the small side. His voice? Well, a normal male voice with the usual Austrian accent. Anything distinctive at all? Not really-no, nothing.

Nothing. Six weeks of waiting for nothing. Dazed by that "nothing" Ebinger and Steidl walked out of the General Post Office to the street once more. And there they saw, with unbelieving eyes, a cab rolling toward them with the license number A 3313. It was the very one that had escaped them ten minutes earlier. They screamed it to a halt. They thrust their badges at the driver's face. Astounded by the hysteria, the driver said he'd just taken his fare to the Cafe Kaiserhof a few blocks down, a gentleman in such a fearful hurry he'd forgotten the sheath of the penknife he'd used to open some mail. There it still was, the sheath, on the back seat.

At the Cafe Kaiserhof minutes later, the head waiter said that nobody with a pulled-down hat, in fact, nobody at all had entered the cafe in the last fifteen minutes.

Stymied again. But at least Ebinger and Steidl had Herr Nizetas's knife sheath. And, querying the cab drivers outside the cafe, they had another bit of luck. The cabbie next in line said, oh yes, the gentleman with the hat down over his face, he'd gotten out of the taxi fast to take another, now what was the name he'd heard him call out?… Oh yes, the Klomser, the Hotel Klomser, that was it.

At the Hotel Klomser the concierge was sorry. He did not recognize the knife sheath. There was no Herr Nizetas registered at the hotel-he knew the names of all guests. No Herr Nizetas had come to visit either, he knew that because he always announced visitors by name. He was very sorry.

Ebinger and Steidl kept hissing more questions. Who had come into the hotel recently? Name? Description? At exactly what time? Anybody and everybody during the last half hour!

The concierge furrowed a flustered brow. Well, there had been a number of people, though he didn't constantly look at his watch. But during the last half hour, well, there had been Mr. Felsen, and then the two ladies, that was Mrs. Kleine- mann, the wife of Bank President Kleinemann, with her friend Mrs. Luechow, the wife of Director Luechow, and who else, yes, the new guest, Dr. Widener, they'd all asked for their keys, and Colonel Redl and Professor Zank-

"Colonel Redl!"

The two detectives stared at each other. They couldn't believe they'd heard that name.

"Colonel Alfred Redl?"

"Oh yes, he always stays with us when he arrives from Prague. Always Room Number One."

"My God!" Detective Steidl said. "What a coincidence! Let's consult him-"

"We're not supposed to consult anybody," Detective Ebinger said, "except Control."

Again the two stared at each other.

"When the Colonel came in just now," Ebinger asked the room clerk, "how was he dressed?"

"Oh, civilian clothes. He's always dressed very smart."

"Did he wear a gray hat?"

"Well, he always takes it off when he comes in. He is such a gentleman."

"All right, but what was the color of the hat?"

"Well-yes, gray. It was gray."

"What time did he come in?"

"What time? About ten, fifteen minutes ago."

"Did he go to his room?"

"Why, yes, of course. He took his key."

"Did he say he'll come down again soon?"

"No, but he always goes out at night. He likes to dine out."

"When he comes down, ask if he has lost this knife sheath."

The six weeks Ebinger and Steidl had waited in the room of the nonringing bell were as nothing compared to the eternity they spent hidden behind a potted palm in the lobby of the Hotel Klomser. It lasted about an hour.

Shortly after 7 P.M. a man in his forties, slight, slim, with a well-brushed blond mustache, stepped down the red carpet of the stairs that led from the second floor of the Hotel Klomser to the lobby. He did not wear a hat but carried under his arm his officer's kepi. The gold choke-collar of his blue General Staff blouse gleamed with the three stars of his rank.

"Good evening, Colonel Redl," said the concierge. "Pardon me, sir, but did you happen to misplace this knife sheath?"

"Why, yes," the Colonel said. He extended his hand. He retracted it fast. Too late.

Shortly after 9 P.M. on that same night, another colonel, August von Urbanski, darted through the neo-Renaissance portals of the Grand Hotel. It was one of the most imposing entrances on the Ringstrasse. In the dining room the gypsy orchestra had finished playing the waltz "Wiener Blut." The Chief of Staff, General Conrad, flushed from a turn around the dance floor with Frau von Reininghaus, had just sat down and cupped his hand around a glass of champagne. He would never drink it.

Colonel von Urbanski, his Intelligence Chief, stood over him, bending down, whispering even before he had finished his salute. Within seconds the General's face turned gray, grayer than the gray streaks in his blond hair. His hand dropped from the goblet. He called to his adjutant at the next table. He had to call twice because most of his voice had abandoned his throat. The adjutant jumped up to alert the General's chauffeur.

Four hours later, at one o'clock in the morning of Sunday, May 25, 1913, four officers walked from the staircase of the Hotel Klomser past the dozing night clerk to the street. One of the four carried folded in his breast pocket a white sheet covered with gothic script. It was a statement signed by the occupant of Room One. In exchange for the signature the occupant had received a loaded pistol.

In Room One the occupant sat, motionless, in the gold choke-collar of the General Staff uniform. The mahogany table before him was bare except for three sealed letters and the pistol.

On the day following, Monday, May 26, Vienna's foremost newspaper, the Neue Freie Presse, discussed at length the tension between Serbia and Bulgaria, only recently fellow-victors over Turkey in the Balkan War of 1912. There was also detailed coverage of the nuptials of Kaiser Wilhelm's daughter Marie Luise to Prince Ernst August von Braunschweig-the sermon of the officiating bishop, the titles, uniforms, and dresses adorning the ceremony and its social significance. A much smaller story began:

VIENNA, May 26. One of the best known and most able officers in the General Staff, Colonel Alfred Redl, General Staff Chief of the Eighth Army Corps in Prague, committed suicide Sunday night in a hotel in the Inner City. The highly gifted officer, who was on the verge of a great career, killed himself with a shot in the mouth, an act prompted, it is believed, by mental overexertion resulting from severe neurasthenia. Colonel Redl, who served for a long time in a military capacity in Vienna, and who was equally popular in military and civilian circles, had only arrived from Prague on Saturday night and had taken quarters at the hotel…

On the same day the Army announced that Colonel Redl would be buried with full military honors.

A respectable illusion was thus clapped over an evil reality. It might have shut out the truth forever if, on the Sunday of the suicide, an underdog soccer team had not upset the favorite; that is, if, a hundred and thirty miles northwest of Vienna, in the Prague Amateur League, the Club Union-Holleschowitz had not unexpectedly beaten the Club Sturm by a score of seven to five; and if the Sturm captain, Egon Erwin Kisch, had not been so furious with his star halfback Hans Wagner for not showing up at the game and thus causing the debacle; and if Wagner, coming to Kisch's office the next day to explain, had not produced such peculiarly lame excuses that they fanned Kisch's rage still further-until Wagner finally blurted out the truth.

Wagner was a locksmith by profession and Kisch was a journalist. When he'd been about to leave for the game on Sunday, Wagner said, a detail of soldiers had come down on him. He'd been virtually thrown into a military car, driven at top speed to his shop, ordered to collect his tools, driven at top speed to corps headquarters where he'd been commanded to break open the door to a private apartment.

And then, voice lowered, Wagner told about the queer sights behind the door, the perfumed drapes, the pink whips hanging from the walls, the photographs in snakeskin frames…

His football captain, listening, was no longer a football captain. He was a reporter whose investigative instincts had been alerted. His pencil was racing across a note pad. And then he himself began to run.

Within twenty-four hours Kisch not only did all the right leg work, ferreted out all the right people whom he asked all the right questions, but also managed to outmaneuver the usually inexorable arm of Habsburg censorship.

His trick worked because it was as Austrian as the authorities he must circumvent. A straight expose would have been instantly suppressed. But Kisch, knowing that the official Redl account was a masquerade, produced a counterillusion. In the newspaper that employed him, the Bohemia, he planted a "reverse disclosure":

Prague censors thought that Vienna had authorized the item; they let it pass. Kisch had smuggled a bombshell through their very fingers. But he had done more. He'd sent the real Redl story to a Berlin paper. And the moment the truth was printed in Germany, it swept across the border into Austria to combine bizarrely with a thousand rumors started by the report in Bohemia. Some of the vilest speculation involved the Imperial family itself. The only way to disperse the miasma was to stop the government lie. On Thursday, May 29, the War Ministry's Military Review published an official statement:

This jolt was followed by shock waves. A clamor rose up in the press, in parliament, in the public, demanding more facts from the Ministry of War. The facts came, and they sent Vienna reeling through the beginning of June.

Colonel Alfred Redl, honored with the order of the Iron Cross Third Class for his outstanding service in CounterIntelligence; Colonel Redl who had been privileged to person ally brief the Emperor; whom the Emperor had awarded, in a face-to-face ceremony, a medal signifying "Expression of Supreme Satisfaction"; Colonel Redl, decorated by the German General Staff with the Royal Prussian Order of the Crown, Second Class, an honor seldom bestowed on ranks lower than general; Colonel Redl, for whom the Chief of Staff Baron Conrad had already proposed the award of the important Military Service Medal; Colonel Redl, the exemplary light and hope among younger officers of the General Staff; Colonel Redl, known for his uprightness, discipline, good humor, and camaraderie, who wore the sky-blue of the Austrian officer's uniform with as trim and slim a grace as any of his colleagues; whose fitness report on the part of his superiors judged him to be"… strong, honorable, open… highly gifted and highly intelligent… and brilliantly demonstrating these qualities in espionage cases…"; who was characterized during his offduty hours as". very companionable with excellent manners and frequenting only elegant society…"-this same Colonel Redl now stood unmasked as a serpent, as a grotesque, as a criminal, as a treasonous fraud. He had been a secret homosexual debauchee. He had spent a small fortune on hair dyes, scents, cosmetics. He had filled his closets with women's dresses. He had bought his male paramour, a young cavalry officer named Stefan Hromodka, the most expensive automobile and gifted him with an apartment. He had financed his excesses by selling to Russia data on Austrian mobilization plans, army codes, border fortifications, military transport facilities, and supply structures.

Like a riptide the disaster churned through the Empire. Some it raised to the crest. Many others were swept under. Egon Erwin Kisch, the young reporter that had brought to light a whole world of darkness, became owner of the most famous byline in Central European journalism for the next quarter of a century; henceforward the best table at the Cafe Central waited for him on all his visits to Vienna. On the other hand, Redl's lieutenant-lover, Stefan Hromodka, was tried, found guilty of unnatural prostitution, sentenced to loss of commission as well as to three months of hard labor. (He later married, had children, and lived another fifty years.) Baron Giesl von Gieslingen, Redl's Commanding General in Prague, was pensioned off. Colonel von Urbanski, chief of the Intelligence Bureau, would be suffering early retirement within the year. Baron Conrad as Chief of Staff offered his resignation. The Emperor refused it. With the Balkans still seething, this was no time for high-level changes. Conrad continued in an office that now faced very heavy weather.

He found himself summoned to the Castle Belvedere. At the Crown Prince's Vienna residence the air was sulfurous. It was an infuriating week for Franz Ferdinand even without a spy scandal. He had not been invited, after all, to the wedding of Kaiser Wilhelm's daughter-the pretext being that "this was a family affair." Behind the slight he detected the hand of his old foe Prince Montenuovo, Franz Joseph's First Lord Chamberlain. On top of this affront, for which there was no ready retaliation, came the Redl disgrace. But at least here the Archduke need not hold back. He received General Conrad with a wrath that was almost joyful.

It had been the General, had it not, who had sent instructions to this wretch Redl to kill himself? And thrusting a suicide pistol at the wretch-that had not been exactly a very religious act, had it? Not exactly the act of a good Catholic? Nor an act observing the chain of command, since the General had not troubled to obtain permission from His Majesty or the Heir Apparent-or had he? Nor a prudent act either! By having the wretch blow his brains out, one eliminated along with his skull all possibility of useful interrogation, didn't one? But perhaps it was an act consistent with the act of raising such a wretch to a position of responsibility? And leaving such considerations aside-how did the General feel now about his saber-rattling vis-a-vis Serbia and all the Slavs? How much did the General crave a war with Russia now-now that one of his key officers had peddled military secrets to the Tsar? Would the General have the kindness of an answer?

The General, rigidly at attention, went through the litany of his defense. He had tried to contain the scandal by eliminating its source, Redl. Since it had to be done very fast, there'd been no time to inform the Palace. As to a war with the East, Russia had not gained any really crucial information.

The Crown Prince waved away such feeble arguments. The General saluted, retreated. The same day he renewed his offer of resignation to the Emperor who refused it once more.

Less rude than the Crown Prince but equally disturbed was the Chief of Staff of the German Army, General von Moltke, with whom Redl had sometimes conferred in person. Here General Conrad must reassure his ally that Redl had no access to German secrets; that the damage in Austria was limited and remediable; that in fact he, Conrad, had already ordered the devising of new codes, new mobilization plans, and new supply and transport procedures-all of which would make the information now in Russian hands useless.

Berlin's response was a mixture of unease and courtesy. More complex still was another man's attitude-the most important man of all-Franz Joseph. His adjutant reported that on the night after the news broke, the old gentleman could not sleep. But after he rose, as was his custom, at 4 A.M., he strode to his desk and said calmly to his adjutant, Count Paar, "So this is the new era? And that kind of creature comes out of it? In our old days something like that would not even have been conceivable."

The redl monstrosity made the upright splendor of Franz Joseph's "old days" seem so distant. Yet only forty-eight hours before R dl's unmasking, the ancient Emperor himself had animated an occasion that made those "old days" young again in Vienna. At the age of eighty-three, the monarch, bareheaded under the morning sun, had walked for two hours at the center of the Corpus Christi procession.

This spectacle was the Church's counterpoint to the workers' May Day, as consummately Viennese in its pagentry and many centuries older. On May 22, 1913, the procession had flowed again like a river cascading with costumes and colors. All the bells in all the city's towers tolled as it started at St. Stephen's Square, swirled past the fountains, gargoyles, log gias of the Inner Precinct, poured on under the eyes of thousands of saints (for all apartment dwellers placed their holy pictures on their window sills) until it reached St. Michael's Square where it stopped for an open-air Mass before flowing back to St. Stephen's Cathedral.

At the head billowed the massed senior clergy in long giltembroidered vestments, bishops and prelates holding aloft ancient gonfalons of the Fifteen Mysteries of the Faith; then came the Lord Mayor of Vienna with his Great Chain of Office; then the Dean of the University and the faculty in their richly hued gowns with their swords in silvered sheaths; then officers of the great orders, first and foremost among them the Knights of the Golden Fleece, their collars wrought of firestone and steel; then the white-gold canopy under which the Cardinal strode in undulations of his scarlet cape, holding the monstrance that was shrouded in incense and heralded by the acolytes' tinkling of sanctus bells and flanked by medieval guards with halberd and cuirass; then, all by himself, surrounded by awed, empty space, walked His Majesty, Franz Joseph I, white-fringed head bare to the sky, a white general's uniform snug on his slightly stooped, still slender frame, green-plumed hat under his left arm, his right holding a candle; he was followed by his First Lord Chamberlain and then by the high members of his Court, the Crown Prince, the Archdukes according to seniority, followed by the Archduchesses down to the most junior, followed in turn by the Crown Prince's wife, followed by the imperial and ducal equerries and ladies-in-waiting-all in full-dress robes, epaulettes, sashes, and decorations…

Though it began early in the morning, the procession did not escape the strong May sun. Newspaper accounts emphasized "the Emperor's youthful step"-how well he'd taken the strain. Would he have taken it so well had he known that he was marching toward Redl?

The Vienna Derby of 1913 was run on Sunday, June 8, but since it came within two weeks of the Redl revelation, it turned out to be a waste of good weather. Bright was the sun, but not the mood. The Crown Prince smoldered in Konopiste. The Imperial Box at the Freudenau track remained empty. But few missed his frown, and anyway, it would have been the frown of someone almost fifty: The Derby, being a very sporty affair, belonged to the new generation. For Vienna's young bloods it was an annual watershed of fashion: One wore derbies only until the Derby-afterward, summer boaters. The Derby also made a fetching stage for young officers; for their white glace gloves, their casual cigarettes, the ladies on their arms.

This year, instead of shining in their uniforms, many seemed to cringe. There was much less flaunting by lieutenants of the guard, less flirting, and hardly any dining afterward, in the Sacher Garten of the Prater. Colonel Redl had dishonored the tunic they wore.

That sunny day on the race track lit up yet further dimensions of damage. It wasn't just the Imperial and Royal Army that had been soiled. It was a whole class of comers; a class that was about to earn by merit what earlier could only be inherited by birth; a class that advertised its advent through occasions like the Derby and whose most brilliant representatives included Alfred Redl-until now.

Weaned on cabbage soup as the ninth son of a lowly railway clerk, the Colonel had been well on his way to a field marshal's baton. A rising star of comely ascent, he'd been described by the Army's character report mentioned earlier as "very companionable with excellent manners and frequenting only elegant society…" Yes, the horses of June ran for the Redls of the realm. The Derby was the one social ritual in Austria where the very talented, very ambitious, very presentable arrives could mingle and chat with those who had arrived many generations ago. Now such mingling had proved calamitous. Redl, the only commoner among the Counts and Barons of the General Staff, had turned out to be its only traitor.

An unmistakable contrast: Corpus Christi and the Derby. The Corpus Christi procession, two days before Redl's suicide, had displayed Old Austria's continued virtuosity in dramatizing its own myth. But the Derby, after Redl, disclosed a loss of image and of nerve among the dynamic young. Now the new generation could not enact "honor" or "dash" with the elan expected of them in Vienna. The case had shown up the hollowness of Redl's parvenu mask as well as the hollowness of General Conrad's attempt to cover horror with yet another masking. The art of illusion itself had been compromised-the future of its practice in the twentieth century. A Viennese essence was in jeopardy.

And so the very word "Redl" spelled poison to the town. Alfred Redl's two surviving brothers, Oskar and Heinrich, received permission to change their names to Oskar and Heinrich Rhoden. Stefan Zweig, one of Austria's belletrists, ordinarily heedless of matters military or political, felt, after the first Redl bulletin, "a noose of terror tightening around my throat." There was no end to the toxicity of the affair. The Colonel had been among the Army's most up-to-date careerists, enlisting telegraph and wireless for the transmission of intelligence. Now this demon of forward-mindedness had crashed. It was as if in Vienna any attempt at modernity was doomed. "Redl" affected the city's dealings with the shape of things to come.

***

On June 9, 1913, an avatar of the twentieth century rose from the Black Forest into the air and flew toward the Austrian capital. Longer than the tower of St. Stephen's Cathedral, it darkened the heavens as the world's largest dirigible and, by far, the most gigantic aircraft. At a record speed of 101 kilometers per hour, it needed only eight and a half hours to traverse the distance from Baden-Baden to Vienna.

Vienna's progressive newspaper, the ArbeiterZeitung, called on the populace to hail the skyborne arrival of a great secular archangel "for that is how one prays in the twentieth century."

Indeed the Zeppelin appeared over Vienna in angelic perfection, without mishap or delay or even omission of protocol. Passing Schonbrunn Palace, it circled and dipped respectfully while the hoary Emperor on the terrace saluted, for the first time in his life, up instead of down. Many of his subjects, though, could not match his aplomb. Hundreds of children fled indoors from the gargantuan shadow overhead. Grown men flinched, women swooned. A few days later the Arbeiter Zeitung noted drily that at a mass celebration of the twentyfifth anniversary of Kaiser Wilhelm's reign, twenty-six ladies had keeled over, prostrate with either heat or awe. "In Berlin, it seems, people faint out of reverence for the past; in Vienna, out of fear of the future."

The future had never been a great favorite along this bend of the Danube. Now it was less popular then ever. Even a futurist bauble like the cinema-and there were several dozen of them in Vienna now-developed warts. Those phantoms on the screen could burn very real flesh. The extreme flammability of film-a danger hitherto unnoticed-killed three people in a theater fire on June 18. At nearly the same time, a medical journal reported headaches in adult cinema addicts and, in children, a regression of speech patterns by limiting their vocabulary to the primitive phrases of the explanatory titles. When it was reported that an American film producer had come to town to explore the Redl story as a basis for a motion picture, it was like the closing of a viciously modern circle: turning the life of a corrupt young luminary into a corrupting new entertainment. At the center of the circle sat, like a spider, the future.

"Redl" became an emblem of decay; of the inevitability of degeneration in a monarchy so ancient. Would the Habsburgs, for centuries suzerains of the Holy Roman Empire, ever be able to develop their realm into a great modern power? Serbia, its adversary, was small, defiant, and pulsing with the young passion of nationalism. Until now it had yielded, however reluctantly and belatedly, before Austria's warnings against its Balkan presumptions. But it never yielded for long. Toward the end of June, Serbia inveigled Greece and Montenegro, its partners in last year's victory over Turkey, to join her in demanding a re-division of the Turkish spoils at the expense of the fourth partner, Bulgaria. Since Bulgaria was a Habsburg ally, Vienna protested to Belgrade. In vain. Belgrade politely acknowledged the protest and promptly ignored it. Serbia's troops and those of its cohorts-which Rumania had joined for good measure-massed along the Bulgarian borders. In Vienna, General Conrad once more managed to defeat the Crown Prince's cautions. The Chief of Staff obtained authorization for an Army Alert. Reservists were called up. The capital's railroad terminals teemed with mothers hugging their sons who looked like strangers in their sudden uniforms.

The weather turned queasy. It was still spring, but a breath of humid mid-summer came down on the city. Policemen sweated, in part thanks to Redl. To counteract the Redl malaise, the Police Commissioner devised an Austrian remedy. He decided to fortify the morale of his men with the glitter of their headgear. Instead of light summer caps, the constables must keep wearing the heavy but polished metal helmets of winter.

In their airless slums, the poor perspired, too. Suddenly there were more of them at the end of June: The Imperial and Royal Telephone Administration dismissed three hundred workers, thus adding to the record number of jobless in recent years. After all, mobilization cost money, and the government must cut expenses somewhere. The discharged three hundred demonstrated on the Ringstrasse, joined not only by fellow unemployed but by some of the more affluent Viennese who had been waiting for months to have their first telephones installed and now would have to wait still longer.

The jobs were not restored; the premature heat would not let up. But a number of the disadvantaged benefited from the experience of their counterparts in America. The Arbeiter Zeitung reported that indigents of a still more sweltering metropolis, namely New York, found a bit of relief by spending the night outdoors. They'd bed down in Battery Park, hoping for cool breezes from New York Bay. To keep lights from flashing into their eyes, they'd turn their backs to the Statue of Liberty, already blazing brightly with electric bulbs for the Fourth of July. And so many a Viennese pauper made himself a bed of rags or blankets on a sidewalk. Instead of zephyrs from New York, he had whiffs from the Vienna Woods-and no Statue of Liberty by which to be either disturbed or deceived.

***

For men of means it was a very different summer. Like others of their class elsewhere, they dealt with the city heat by leaving it. But in contrast to their peers outside Austria, their travels often took them not to the newly chic but to the fashionable old: the Alps' Salzkammergut, traditionally the hunting and pleasure grounds of Habsburg.

Here, in the heart of this lake district south of Salzburg, lay Bad Ischl, the summer mecca of Vienna's theater world. Here Franz Lehar, composer of The Merry Widow, sovereign of the operetta, maintained a baronial chalet by the banks of the River Traun. Here, in a villa close by, his predecessor Johann Strauss had summered. At the Patisserie Zauner, Lehar munched Mohr im Hemd and exchanged gossip almost as delicious with tenors, sopranos, directors, conductors, actors of note, tragedians, and comic talents, all of whom also did their rusticating here.

The theater represented the most glamorous of the arts. One would think that its luminaries would stake out a vacation terrain of their own toward which their public would then flock. But this was Austria. Vienna's show folk, rather than create a new modish arena of their own, congregated around a spectacle of Habsburg ancien regime, produced bucolicstyle, in Bad Ischl. In 1913 it was produced again.

A major figure in this scene was one of the stage world's own-Katharina Schratt, long a leading actress of the Court Theater. For twenty-seven years (before Franz Joseph had been widowed in 1898 and after) she had been the Emperor's lady. She still was. For twenty-seven summers the pair could be observed at Bad Ischl, his kepi bobbing alongside her flowered hat, his walking stick swinging close to her parasol, striding together between the snow-white lily beds and the bosky chestnut stands of the Spa Park.

By 1913 they looked like a pair bonded by a passion prac ticed through decades. What lay behind them instead was a quarter of a century of abstention. In 1888 Frau Schratt had offered to become her monarch's mistress. "Our relationship must be in the future what it has been in the past," the Emperor had replied (characteristically) by letter, referring to their chastity, "that is, if that relationship is to last, and it must last for it makes me so very happy."

These words had been written in his wife's lifetime; they remained in force after he was widowed. Celibacy would in the future, just as it had in the past, legitimize their ardor; restraint, well embellished, charmingly straitjacketed, would preserve the impulse forever.

And so Franz Joseph and Frau Schratt continued to be lovers in everything but raw fact. They never met between the sheets. Yet in Vienna or Ischl they practiced the entire range of stagecraft that surrounds the bed: all the ardent preambles of passion and the gallant postscripts, the avowals of desire, denials of indifference, impetuous confidences, embarrassed explanations, and the obligatory sulks and quarrels. These emotions they poured into countless letters. He addressed them to "My Dear Good Friend," she, to "Your Imperial and Royal Majesty, my Most August Lord."

They enacted their roles with a persuasiveness that appeared to obviate consummation. In Vienna, their play unfolded invisibly: behind the garden walls of Schonbrunn Palace or over the coffee table in her breakfast room across the street from Schonbrunn. But in Ischl the octogenarian swain and his fifty-year-old inamorata produced their romance in the open, beneath the summer sun. They simulated to perfection the trappings of a liaison.

It was a way of love, a way of life, that came natural to Franz Joseph, the weathered centerpiece of a patinaed court. Under his reign animation had petrified into decor. Decor-not dynamics-governed his affections as well as his politics. Both the Emperor's empire and the Emperor's affair were artifacts. Neither had much fleshly reality. Therefore both must draw their vigor, their tang, their long lives from etiquette and accoutrement. Both represented the triumph of form over substance. They were both masterpieces of survival through sheer style.

When Franz Joseph strode with Frau Schratt through Ischl's parks, detectives discreetly preceded and followed them. When he walked alone, he forbade all such protection. In Vienna there was his state coach with six snow-white steeds; his braided, epauletted retinue of equerries, adjutants, and chamberlains. In Ischl he furloughed them all. Protocol, too, took a holiday. Several times a week Franz Joseph strolled past the gate guards of the Kaiservilla, entirely by himself. This bearer of seventy-two august titles, this breathing legend that had occupied for sixty-odd years the West's most venerable and resonant throne, this master over life and death of many millions, this symbol holding together, against odds, an improbable empire ranging from yodelers on the Swiss border to muezzins chanting from minarets by the Turkish frontierthis near-divinity joined passers-by on the common sidewalk.

If the hour was very early, before seven, it found him off for his coffee with Frau Schratt in her Villa Felicitas. If it was later in the morning, he'd be wending his way toward the town church for Mass. He would stroll behind a babushka'd maid, laden with shopping, or next to a spa guest puffing a cigar. Often they didn't realize for seconds that The Presence was among them. In his blue uniform but without any of his countless decorations, His Imperial and Royal Majesty looked like any officer, long pensioned but still well barbered, trim, as he stepped with a certain circumspection off and on the curb. He glanced at the store windows as he passed and sometimes, like a typical vacationer, he squinted westward up the Ischl sky to see what the day's weather might bring.

Why? Why this charade of ordinariness? Perhaps for His Apostolic Majesty the ordinary had the allure of the exotic. His letters to Frau Schratt breathe a need for the commonplace. He inquires about the effectiveness of the garbage pick-up on her block in Vienna. And how comfortable were the new taxi cars in Vienna? As for himself, he will confess, in detail, that his corns hurt while he stood up to toast the King of Bulgaria. In other words, the Emperor wished to indulge a little in the plain prose of life-for the most part he was imprisoned in his own exaltedness.

And he may have had other reasons for impersonating a pedestrian in Ischl. In the Emperor's sundry capitalsVienna, Budapest, Prague-the machinery of pomp manufactured the Habsburg charisma. In Ischl, Franz Joseph proved that he needed no courtiers, no supporting players, no footlights, no props. He could wreak magic alone, stepping over a dog turd on the Ischler Hauptstrasse. With a flash of wispy white sideburns on wrinkled cheeks, he could hush each street corner into a throne room. Traffic crunched to a halt at his sight. Drivers whipped off their hats. Women froze in midchat. The street turned into a tableau of bows and curtsies past which the Emperor ambled, responding now and then with a salute that seemed friendly but also a bit puzzled. It was as if he'd just been greeted by a nice fellow-officer whose name escaped him but which he might remember right after appreciating the Doboschtorte displayed there in the Patisserie Zauner's window.

For many years Ischl had seen Franz Joseph conjure impe rial radiance next to a burgher storefront. But by the teens of the twentieth century his saunterings had taken on yet other aspects. In 1898 his Empress had been stabbed to death as she walked unescorted along the quai of Geneva. Since then even the presence of guards had been unable to prevent the spurting of royal blood. Earlier in 1913 an attempt had been made on the life of the Spanish King. The King of Greece had been murdered. Franz Joseph's solo rambles in Ischl were wellknown enough to be downright provocative. Behind every doorway a revolver or a stiletto might be poised. What Franz Joseph was staging, after the gunning-down of Franz Schuhmeier, after the sudden Redl nightmare, was the theater of fatalism.

"If we must go under," he had remarked more than once to an aide-de-camp, "we better go under decently." Mortality was an art in Austria, in 1913. Passing through his mortal eighties, the monarch was its leading adept. He did not show how the end was to be avoided. He showed how it was to be risked and approached: with composure and balance and a certain stoic grace. He walked along the Hauptstrasse, through the homage of his subjects, among mingled scents drifting from the Spa Park: lilac, jasmine, rose, spiced faintly with the perfume of perdition.

On June 30, 1913, the dispute between Serbia and Bulgaria over Macedonian territory reached its boiling point. Serbia, inveterate Habsburg foe, declared war on Bulgaria; Turkey, Greece, and Rumania joined the Serbian side. The Second Balkan War had started.

Throughout the first week of July, General Conrad belabored the telephone from Vienna to Ischl on behalf of yet another ultimatum to be fired at Belgrade. From the Belgian North Sea resort of Blankenberghe, the Crown Prince was on the wire, roaring for prudence and caution. And a cold rain kept coming down on the Alps around Ischl. The Emperor felt triply beleaguered.

"Dearest Friend," said his letter brought by courier on July 9 from his Ischl residence to Frau Schratt's Villa Felicitas a mile away.

Dearest Friend:

He loved her most deeply, and never touched more than the woman's shoulder. Under clearing skies the air remained chill in Ischl; he walked without aides or surcoat to Frau Schratt's villa. Couriers brought him more bulletins from the Balkan War. The telephone ringing in his adjutant's office did not respect either the Alpine idyll in the window or an old gentleman's need for rest. Each day demanded another decision.

He vetoed the bend-or-break demand on Serbia that his Chief of Staff requested. He did permit his Foreign Minister to send Belgrade a monitory letter. He also allowed Conrad to tighten enforcement of conscription laws and to shore up security in the South Slav province of Bosnia by the Serbian border. Through cloud or sun Franz Joseph steered a policy that was mannerly, stately, steady, decorative. He directed it at a world of rude and enigmatic chaos.

On General Conrad's orders, the crackdown on draft evaders now also included those already past conscription age but who, once caught, would have to serve retroactively. Under that category came one "Hietler [sic], Adolf, last known address Mannerheim, Meldemannstrasse, Vienna, present whereabouts still unknown in ongoing investigation," as the constable entrusted with the task had to report on August 22, 1913.

General Conrad also had three hundred suspected seditionists rounded up in Bosnia as well as Croatia. But instead of deterring, the action incited. At noon of August 18 a solemn Mass at the Zagreb cathedral celebrated the Emperor's birthday in the presence of the new Imperial Governor of Croatia, Baron No Skerletz. As the Baron walked out of church, a Croatian house painter named Stjepan Dojcic lunged forward with a pistol. A moment later Baron Skerletz lay on the cathedral step, his elbow shattered by a bullet, bleeding through his heavily braided sleeve. A month later Dojcic was sentenced to sixteen years of hard labor. The policemen who dragged him from court to jail could not stop his shout: "After me will come others!"

They came and they kept coming. No sooner had Dojcic begun to serve his time than an informer's tip led to the arrest of a member of another terrorist group, also in Zagreb. One Lujo Aljinovic, a student at a local teacher's college, was seized with a revolver in his pocket as he boarded a train to Vienna. Interrogated by the police, he less admitted than proclaimed his intention "to kill Crown Prince Franz Ferdinand and Gen eral Conrad for preparing to attack Serbia… Franz Ferdinand is the enemy of all South Slavs and I wished to eliminate this garbage which is hampering our national aspiration."

Unsettling news, disquieting fanatics, misunderstood Franz Ferdinand: "this garbage" was the South Slavs' most potent friend. However, Aljinovic's venom showed that the Crown Prince and the General, those adversaries within the Emperor's innermost council, did have something in common, namely a would-be assassin. Therefore the Emperor forwarded Aljinovic's threats to the Crown Prince-they might mitigate his animus against the General who was, after all, a fellow target of the same terror. As if in reply Franz Joseph received a copy of a letter sent by the Crown Prince to Count von Berchtold, the Imperial Foreign Minister. It dealt with General Conrad's desire to intervene against Serbia in the Balkan War:

Hardly the sort of tone that created summer smiles in Ischl. The Crown Prince's letter set on edge what teeth were left to a very old and very civil Emperor. Franz Joseph was the realm's model of measured mannerliness. In this coarse new century, he felt, his empire endured as a last bastion of good form. Here leaders authenticated their position through their deportment. And this Crown Prince, this boor with his brawler's invective, refused to realize that Austrian statecraft had to be acted with propriety in order to be effectively executed.

"You know how he is," Franz Joseph would sigh when talking about Franz Ferdinand. "How" defined the angle of his complaint. To the Emperor's Viennese mind, the how of the man's actions superseded the what.

The what of the Crown Prince's letter happened to be a very astute view of Austria's international situation as well as of General Conrad's psychology-a view more insightful than that of any of the Emperor's other advisers. The how of the letter, though, was rough and raucous, and therefore cancelled its virtues. A messenger who did not perform the right bow before his Habsburg suzerain did not bring the right message.

"Don't let Conrad get out of hand!" bellowed the Crown Prince. "Tighten the damn leash!" The Emperor, offended, loosened the reins. Since he could finely modulate even a refusal, he loosened them only a nuance or two. His Majesty still vetoed direct military action against Serbia. On the other hand, he let Conrad counter Slav pressure with new stratagems aimed at Serbia's big brother, Russia. They were covert moves that tiptoed-which is often history's way of creeping from whisper to thunder.

***

Conrad's General Staff suspected St. Petersburg of encouraging sedition in the Austrian provinces next to Serbia. Therefore Conrad-with the Emperor's sanction, despite the Crown Prince's protests-had long encouraged anti-Tsarist revolutionaries exiled on Habsburg soil. This explained the "lethargy" of the Austrian police experienced so pleasantly by Trotsky. Toward Lenin the Austrian security apparatus was even more complaisant. In 1912 it had facilitated his move from France to Cracow in Austria, near the Russian border. Through this change of address, Habsburg intensified the undercover political warfare against Romanov.

Vienna instructed Cracow police: accommodate Lenin, infiltrate his conspirators not to hinder but to help him. In one of his earliest directives to the just-born St. Petersburg Pravda, Lenin had sponsored an article written by an Austrian agent. Now, in the summer of 1913, under All-Highest approval obtained from Ischl, clandestine operations like his were permitted to expand. The head of Conrad's Counter-Intelligence Bureau (once run by Colonel Redl), Colonel Oscar von Hrani- lovic, was in charge of smoothing things still further for Lenin.

This convenient Bolshevik leader was allowed to visit Vienna in July 1913. He always enjoyed his sojourns there. (In a letter he once called the Austrian capital "a mighty, beautiful and vivacious city.") This time he came partly to consult doctors about his wife's goiter, partly to meet comrades in Vienna about the upcoming "summer conference" of the Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Party scheduled (under the indulgent eyes of Habsburg authorities) in Austrian Galicia. Suddenly-from somewhere in the neighborhood of Vienna's Ministry of War-money floated into Lenin's hands. Suddenly he could afford to place a large order with a Viennese printer: 10,000 copies of a proposed party resolution and no less than 50,000 copies of a proclamation to be smuggled into Russia; it commemorated the St. Petersburg Bloody Sunday when the Tsar's troops had massacred hundreds of workers and wounded thousands in 1905.

Leon Trotsky, the hero of 1905, chairman of the short-lived Soviet of that year, was in Vienna during this visit of Lenin's in July 1913. As we know, he had made the capital his headquarters, enjoying, like Lenin, the tolerance of the Austrian Counter-Intelligence Bureau. The two men, however, never met that summer for reasons excellent and ironic.

Their conflict was coming to a head just then; in fact, it carried echoes of the clash between Franz Joseph and his Heir Apparent. Lenin had established himself as virtual emperor of the Bolshevik wing of Russian socialism through his skilled, tireless manipulation of the Party's Central Committee. Trotsky had defined Lenin's imperial politicking as "egocen- tralism" whose manifesto read "I am confirmed by the Central Committee, therefore I am." As Franz Joseph's reign was ritualized daily through the intricacies of court etiquette, so Lenin finessed his leadership through the tenacities, the niceties, the ambushes, the rhetoric of factional infighting, an art he may have perfected from the camarilla politics of the Empire that was his host.

Trotsky, on the other hand, played a Franz Ferdinand role in the cast of Russian revolutionaries. He was the brainy, impolitic maverick of a newer generation. He had no patience with Lenin's steely-eyed craft of wearing down the Menshevik moderates within the Party. No, Trotsky, with the brilliance of his Western eloquence (honed at the Cafe Central), Trotsky through his role as pacifist among the Socialist sects, wanted to dazzle and conciliate Mensheviks and Bolsheviks into one camp-then sweep the unified Party into a revolution surging beyond Russia into the world..

Lenin dismissed this pipe dream of reconciliation. He also sneered at Trotsky's "absurd, semi-anarchist view that the maximum program, the conquest of power for a socialist revolution, can be achieved immediately. " Hence Trotsky's spit at Lenin". that master-squabbler, brewing the deplorable brew of Party bickerings, that professional exploiter of backwardness in the Russian workers' movement… The entire edifice of Leninism at present rests on lies and falsification and bears inside itself the poisonous seeds of its own disintegration."

For August 1913 Lenin had scheduled his Summer Conference-another "bickering" Committee meeting-at his country residence in the Galician Tatra mountains. Trotsky stayed away from it, just as the Heir Apparent liked to stay away from the Emperor's villa in Bad Ischl or from the Imperial Palace in Vienna. In fact, Trotsky was off to Bulgaria to write about the new Balkan War.

Within four years, of course, the two revolutionary prodigies would (as Trotsky put it) "amnesty" each other of all their earlier disagreements. Trotsky would join Lenin as his coarchitect of the Russian Revolution. But in the summer of 1913, another feud was cresting, also between a younger and an older leader. And this one hardened into a permanent battle that partisans are waging to this day.

Oh July 13, 1913, Freud left Vienna for the Bohemian spa of Marienbad. He was taking the cure for his rheumatism. He was also conditioning himself for the duel of his life. In a few weeks the Fourth International Psycho-Analytical Congress would start, and the man who would chair it, Carl Jung, whom Freud had installed as President and as his own Heir Apparent-this same Jung had turned against him. An insurrection threatened a precarious kingdom.

The International Psycho-Analytical Association had been organized as a monarchy similar to the realm in which its creator had been born. "Freud," wrote Ernest Jones, his most faithful Freudian, "Freud was too mistrustful of the average mind to adopt the democratic attitude customary in scientific societies… he wanted the leader to be in a permanent position, like a monarch…" who would exert". a strong steadying influence with a balanced judgment, and a sense of responsibility…"

Franz Joseph couldn't have put it better. It was a view likely to have been inspired by Austria-Hungary's mosaic of contentiously hyphenated entities. Freud saw man's psyche similarly divided: id-ego-superego. The id, "the parliament of instincts," in Freud's words, resembled the lower legislature on the Ringstrasse, steaming with nationalist passions; the superego recalled the noblesse oblige of an older code to which the Austrian ethos still appealed with its feudal titles and the handkissing chivalry of its etiquette. The ego was the crown at the helm, steering the whole restive and cumbersome enterprise.

The International Psycho-Analytical Association consisted of members who must chart such tensions in their patients. Therefore they needed an organization much more powerfully centralized than (these are Jones's words) "old and relatively unemotional disciplines" like "geology and astronomy." To cope with the disorderly dramatics of the psychoanalysts' metier, a leader of hallowed power was required, a tiara'd ego whose office warranted not just election but coronation.

At a previous Psycho-Analytical Association Congress in 1910, Freud had overcome resistance from Viennese colleagues and anointed Carl Jung president. Under Freud's aegis the younger physician from Switzerland wielded the privileges of a Crown Prince. Talent as well as race had brought him to the top. Among Freud's many Jewish disciples, he had the advantage of being Christian. As Freud saw it, "Jews… are incompetent to win friend. for the new teaching. Jews must be content with the modest role of preparing the ground." Jung was therefore most fit "to form ties in the world of general science… I am getting on in years… when the empire I have founded is orphaned, no one except Jung must inherit the whole thing."

But in 1913 the inheritor, the Franz Ferdinand of psychoanalysis, had not only committed but openly affirmed his high treason. He had discarded the theory of sexuality, a concept no less sacred to Freud than court protocol was to Franz Joseph. As protocol in the Habsburg palace, so sex in Freud's canon governed all aspects of the day; like the court code it was hierarchical: oral sexuality preceded anal in the development of man, and anal preceded genital. Jung recalls Freud's injunction on the first day of his, Jung's, presidency:

"My dear Jung, promise me never to abandon the sexual theory… we must make a dogma of it, an unshakable bulwark."

"A bulwark against what?" I asked.

To which he replied, "Against the black tide of mud"-and here he hesitated for a moment, then added-"of occultism."

And now Jung, far from defending the bulwark, had begun to assault it. In a series of lectures given in London during the summer of 1913, he shifted emphasis from Freud's individual id to the idea of a collective unconscious. On certain aspects of dream theory he proclaimed "entire agreement" with Alfred Adler, Freud's foe. Most fatal of all was Jung's statement that psychoanalytic theory "should be freed from the purely sexual standpoint. In place of it I should like to introduce an energetic viewpoint into the psychology of neurosis."

By 1913 all this had become much more than an intellectual disagreement. The confrontation was now naked, bitter, manto-man. A few months earlier, Jung, replying to one of Freud's admonitions, had suddenly lashed out in terms as personal as a slap:

your technique of treating your disciples like patients is a blunder. In that way you produce either slavish sons or impudent puppies… I am objective enough to see through your little trick. You go around sniffing out all the symptomatic actions in your vicinity, thus reducing everyone to the level of sons and daughters who blushingly admit the existence of their faults. Meanwhile you remain on top as the father, sitting pretty. From sheer obsequiousness nobody dares pluck the beard of the prophet and to inquire for once what you should say to a patient with a tendency to analyze the analyst instead of himself. You would certainly ask him, "Who's got the neurosis?"

Such defiance was, purposely, unforgivable. Jung hurled it at Freud in an era when the distance between leader and led still remained sacral. In 1913 the Austrian Court Gazette still used routinely the phrase "by All-Highest Decision" because direct reference to the Emperor might compromise his transcendence. In 1913 Kaiser Wilhelm's anniversaries were still celebrated by subjects shouting "Hurrah!" while falling to their knees. In 1913 Russian film theaters showing a newsreel of the Tsar required the audience to stand at attention with heads bared; after the imperial image had departed the lights would go on, the anthem would be sung, and only then could the audience sit and the lights dim again to let ordinary shadows inhabit the screen.

Under this Zeitgeist the Jung rebellion came to pass. Indeed Jung's boxing of Freud's ear was lese-majeste much worse than Trotsky's gibe at Lenin. After all, mutiny came natural to revolutionaries "vomiting their feelings like blood" as Rilke observed of arguments among Russian exiles. The International Psycho-Analytical Association, on the other hand, had seemlier ways. Though its members probed the underbelly of morality, they were Herr Doktors with academic dignities, well-shined shoes, watch-chainfestooned waistcoats, carefully knotted cravats. In 1913 they constituted a professional body, as subject as any other in the Imperial and Royal Crownlands of the House of Austria, to a hallowed sense of rank.

And Carl Jung's revolt shocked more than Alfred Adler's abandonment of the articles of faith two years earlier. In Adler's case the doctrinal often still veiled the personal. But in his letter Jung brazenly announced his intent "to pluck the beard of the prophet." He accused the founder of psychoanalysis of foisting his maladjustment on the psyche of his rivals. It went beyond heresy. It was a spit at the throne.

Freud's reply displayed well-mannered firmness a la Franz Joseph:

These lines had been written early in 1913. But now it was July. In less than two months Freud would have to face Jung occupying the head chair of the Munich Psycho-Analytical Congress. The man he'd made President would now wield the gavel against him. This prospect loomed over Freud as he sipped the alkaline waters and walked the pinewood paths of Marienbad. The shadow under which he moved darkened as July approached, but it was a shadow that had engaged him all year. His latest manuscript, Totem and Taboo, dealt with the violent overthrow of a chief. As he would later admit, the theme contained an unconscious link to Jung, the usurper. And quite consciously Freud deployed Totem and Taboo as a weapon in this war. His essay explored the prehistoric lore of the "primal horde" from which the totem evolved. Freud was staking out systematically, possessively, areas of myth and primitive religion that were Jung's turf.

The king had counterattacked the rebel. But the king couldn't rest easy. A month of taking the waters from mid-July to mid-August did little to relieve his rheumatic right arm. "I can scarcely write," says his note from Marienbad to Ernest Jones; ". we had a bad time here. The weather was cold and wet." Nor was his mood sunny. His daughter Anna, who kept him company, would later report that this was the only time she remembered her father being depressed.

On August 11 the Freuds (daughter, wife, paterfamilias) traveled to San Martino di Castrozza, a lovely aerie of a resort 5,000 feet high in the Dolomites. Freud loved mountaineering but could spare little time for sparkling Alpine hikes. The Congress-and therefore combat with Jung-was now only a month away. His lieutenants in the International PsychoAnalytical Association were gathering around him at San Martino and took rooms next to his at the Hotel des Alpes. Sandor Ferenczi came from Budapest; Karl Abraham arrived from Berlin. Together they had long grim strategy sessions amplified by correspondence with Ernest Jones, Freud's field marshal in England.

The council ratified Freud's decision to continue his Franz Joseph stance: firmness, dignity, moderation. Neither Ferenczi nor Abraham was to assail Jung. Freud himself would read a paper-"The Predisposition to Obsessional Neuro- sis"-that was rather neutral in the context of the conflict. Only Jones would produce a paper criticizing, in measured tones, recent positions of the adversary.

Thus the battle plan; so the execution. When the Fourth International Psycho-Analytical Congress opened in Munich on September 7, Jung sat at a table apart from Freud with his phalanx of Swiss analysts. Two years earlier "the Crown Prince" had done his presiding with cordial humor. Now, at the 1913 Congress, his face was taut, his manner brusque, his gavel partisan. He cut off arguments, ruled inconvenient points out of order, recognized speakers whenever it suited his offensive against Freud. At the final session the filling of the next presidential term had to be settled. Despite everything, Freud suggested to his followers that they re-elect Jung, who therefore won the vote. But out of 82 members present, 22 withheld their ballots-an unprecedented and significant number. (To Jones, one of the abstainers, Jung spoke one short sentence that spoke racial volumes: "I thought you were a Christian.")

Freud's gesture was noblesse oblige of majestic proportions, a theatrical flourish masterfully Viennese. By comparison, his Zurich opponent looked mean and crude. When it was all over, Jung remained in possession of the title, but Freud walked away with much of his prestige and power intact. He could not arbitrarily strip Jung of the presidency. However, Freud proposed to his adherents that the Vienna, Berlin, and Budapest chapters petition Jung-without crass quarreling-to dissolve the International Association. On Jung's refusal they would quietly resign, thereby triggering resignations in England and America and signalling the probability of a new international group under Freud. All this needed to be done slowly, slowly enough for a face-saving interval during which Jung could evaluate the prospect and sue for peace.

The plan disquieted Freud's retinue. To them the moment called for outspokenness and action, not for gradual, indirect maneuvers. Jung was Serbia. Dr. Karl Abraham and Dr. Ernest Jones, Freud's two principal generals, took the line of General Conrad, the Austrian Chief of Staff: a harder, quicker, more damaging countermove must be made.

Of course the ultimate decision was Freud's. But in the days and weeks that followed, Freud, strangely enough, did nothing-nothing except hesitate.

The day after the Psycho-Analytical Congress ended, on September 10, 1913, Freud took the express from Munich to Italy. In Rome he continued his hesitation in a way that was so ambivalent that he left two contradictory accounts of his sojourn. To Jones he wrote a letter mentioning the "delicious days" in the Eternal City. But later he would confess to the peculiar and pensive compulsion that marked his irresolute stay:

The statue was Michelangelo's monumental Moses, originally created for Pope Julius II's tomb in the Vatican. Moses mesmerized-and paralyzed-Freud during those unsure days after his collision with Jung. Of course, Rome itself had for years touched off an odd resonance inside him. Long before he had been able to afford traveling there, Freud's wishes and fantasies had centered on Rome to a degree he himself had called "neurotic" in lines to a colleague. The Rome fixation had also emerged in his self-analysis in The Interpretation of Dreams. Here he connected it to his boyhood worship of Hannibal, the Carthaginian (and hence Semitic) generalissimo who conquered much of the Roman Empire-except Rome itself.

In other words, it was Freud's conquistadorial self that wanted to complete a glory not attained by his hero. When he had finally reached Rome in 1901, he'd found his way quickly to Michelangelo's Moses, for that, too, was a familiar fascination ever since he had seen a copy of the statue in the Vienna Academy of Art. Like Hannibal, Moses was a great Semitic conqueror. He had overcome Egypt and had led his people to greatness without himself reaping its fruit: He had died outside the Promised Land just as Hannibal had not lived to capture the Capitoline Hill. But on that very hill, Freud had walked year after year since 1901, with much more than a tourist's abandon.

Was this his will for the conquistadorial absolute? Did he want to outdo his foremost models? Did he mean his conquests to exceed even theirs? His close friend Hans Sachs observed that "in the execution of his duty he was untiring and unbending, hard and sharp like steel, a'good hater' close to the limits of vindictiveness."

"He reminded me of a conqueror," said Theodore Dreiser, who never met the man but knew him percipiently through his books, "a conqueror that has taken a city, entered its age-old prisons and there generously proceeded to release from their gloomy and rusted cells the prisoners of formulae, faiths, and illusions which have wracked and worn men for thousands and thousands of years…"

Such a chieftain might be flexible in strategy; he might array himself in sovereign, iron calm. But he must never compromise his purpose by one-thousandth of an inch. Freud usually aspired to all of these traits. But not during that Roman September of 1913. Not during those feckless weeks before his return to Vienna. It was Europe's last peaceful September before an irremediable explosion. It was the aftermath of his clenched confrontation with Jung. Back and forth Freud went along the via Cavour on his daily pilgrimages to Moses. Back and forth strode the doctor from Vienna with his graying beard and his conquistadorial bent. Peculiarly enough, he was trying to walk his way toward the idea of an unconquistadorial moderation; a moderation he saw embodied in Michelangelo's marble.

***

The statue in San Pietro represents a leader at a moment of imperious fury: Moses, just descended from Mount Sinai, finds Israel dancing around the Golden Calf (a totem!) and is about to dash the Tablets of the Law to pieces. Yet Freud, staring and staring at the curve and thrust of that enormous body, the fall of its robe, the curling of its fingers, reaches a startlingly different conclusion:

But why should Michelangelo rein in this most unbiblical Moses? Because (writes Freud),

This Moses in Freud's essay "Moses of Michelangelo" is very different from the magisterial avenger in Exodus. And this is a very different Freud, acclaiming nothing less than repression.

But the surprise does not end here. Apart from inverting psychoanalysis, the essay ignores the Freudian approach altogether. Freud himself called it a "nonanalytic child" of his pen. He had no interest, when he wrote it, later in 1913, in probing deeper motives for Michelangelo's variation of the Moses theme. He doesn't dredge for disguised emotions. He deals, rather, with an overt political aim. Freud reasons that by presenting a restrained Moses, Michelangelo was warning the leader who had originally commissioned the statue, namely Pope Julius II, who

attempted to realize great and mighty ends, especially designs on a large scale. The Pope was a man of action and he had a definite purpose, which was to unite Italy under Papal supremacy. He desired to bring about singlehanded what was not to happen for several centuries, and then only through the conjunction of many alien forces; and he worked with impatience in the short span of authority allowed him and used violent means.

The conquistadorial temper confessed to by Freud and observed in him by others-here Freud describes it in a negative context. The conqueror-Pope deserves Michelangelo's reproof.

And Moses, the martial pontiff of the Jews; Moses of the headlong valor; Moses, slayer of Egyptians and drowner of Pharaoh's army; Moses, the smasher of God's tablets; Moses who smote pagans the way General Conrad wanted to smite Serbs; Moses who ground the Golden Calf to bits and made the Israelites drink of it; Moses who had the Levites kill three thousand idolators-what happened to him?

Before Freud's eyes he vanished in the hot dust of Rome. In his stead rises a prophet who heroically resists his own vehemence.

It was in the spirit of the other Moses that Freud decided to end his summer hesitation over the war with Jung. He would forgo even the passive countermove of resigning from the Psycho-Analytical Association of which Jung remained the official head. As his paladin, Ernest Jones, wrote later, Freud would do anything he possibly could at this point to avoid an open schism at which the opponents of psychoanalysis could rejoice. Like his Moses he "pacified his wrath or at any rate prevented it from becoming an act… he struggled successfully against an inward passion for the sake of a cause to which he had devoted himself." For the sake of psychoanalysis he decided to wait things out quietly, at least for a while, at the end of the world's last calm summer.

On Sunday August 3, 1913, the Austrian resort of Bregenz marked its summer season with an unusual climax. It took place on the spacious promenade winding along the foothills that cup the eastern end of Lake Constance by the Swiss border. Many Viennese spent their summer holidays at this scenic, tonic spot, far from the urban dog days. With other tourists they strolled above the leafy shoreline to enjoy the view and the breeze of Central Europe's largest lake.

On August 3, however, the promenade drew a crowd extraordinarily large even for a weekend blessed by golden weather. On that Sunday the International Peace Conference held an open-air mass meeting there. Seven thousand pacifists converged on the lakefront, not only from the AustroHungarian Empire but from Germany, Switzerland, Italy, and France. Some 5,000 vacationers became their impromptu comrades. They heard the Viennese Socialist leader Karl Renner (Trotsky's debating partner at the Cafe Central and later first Chancellor of the first Austrian Republic in 1918 as well as first President of the second Austrian Republic in 1945). Renner talked about the timeliness of the occasion. Just a few days earlier the latest little Balkan war had ended. The Bulgarians, in full retreat, had signed an armistice with the Serbs, the Rumanians, and the Greeks. Hostilities had lasted less than a month. Yet Renner emphasized that modern weaponry could expedite a bloodbath very fast. For Bulgaria alone, a country of just over four million, the dead and wounded were estimated to exceed 150,000. In a war involving major powers like Austria, whole generations of young men would turn into corpses or into physical and mental cripples.

Therefore, said Renner, this latest peace just made in the Balkans was a peace that should make people think. It was an uneasy peace. At the Bucharest Conference where the victors' terms were to be signed into a treaty, the Serbs would emerge as the chief gainers. A strengthened Serbia might aggravate tensions at Austria's southeastern border. Belgrade and Vienna might goad each other into the most dangerous bravado. Because men had invented such efficient murder machines, peace had become more precious than ever. The life-saving necessity for peace was coming home to more and more people. That so many had gathered here for the cause of peace was a fact as bright as the lakeside sun.

Foghorns from steamers joined the applause. The throng dispersed into a spell of midsummer sweetness that lingered into fall.

***

When vacationers returned to Vienna they found in its streets a mellowing temper. The weather helped. During July and August frequent showers had punctuated sunshine. Rain had washed away most blossoms; but it had kept foliage juicy. As a result the proletariat of the outer districts, where their tenements adjoined the Vienna Woods, could stroll into green whose freshness ignored autumn. A few hellers would buy them a stick of horsemeat salami from stands by the vineyard inns; a few more coins would bring a bottle fermented from local grapes. Very soon they would lean against each other, sitting on the wine garden's hard wooden benches as happy as if on Sacher Hotel plush, singing of "the wine that will still sparkle when we no longer breathe, the girls that will laugh long after we are gone…… enjoying an evanescent, convivial, inexpensive, very Viennese binge in a bower.

Possibly it was the clement air as well as the Party's stand on capital punishment that made the widow of Franz Schuhmeier, the murdered Socialist deputy, send a request for lenience to the Minister of Justice; the killer's brother remained a leader of the Conservative Party, but just the same she asked His Excellency to commute the death penalty imposed on the man who had assassinated her husband.

There were other amicable gestures, some quite unexpected. The first prominent fall event unfolding in the whiteand-gold rococo of the Musikvereinssaal was not a concert but the Eleventh International Zionist Congress. Nine thousand attended, including a visitor from Prague, the labor-insurance official and would-be litterateur Franz Kafka, in town to give a speech at the concurrent Second International Conference on Accident Prevention.

His seven days in the Austrian capital pushed Kafka into insomnia, malaise, and the necessity for constant cold compresses. But another voice, then much more widely heard and known for its abrasive bigotry, took on a sudden gemutlich tone. The newspaper Reichspost, cutting edge of Austrian antiSemitism, hailed the Jewish event in the Musikvereinssaal as proof of Vienna's cosmopolitan importance, its pre-eminence as a congress city.

In the fall of 1913 Vienna even seemed to make peace with the future without jeopardizing its stature as a virtuoso of the past. In this matter the Emperor himself provided an example. Until now he had shrugged aside the new century's contraptions. Franz Joseph's adjutants-never His Majesty-picked up the telephone. He never climbed into a motorcar unless forced by etiquette-say, in the company of an automobile addict like the Kaiser. But in Bad Ischl, on August 19, the day after his eighty-third birthday, he consented to view Mr. Thomas Edison's newest invention, the Kinetophone. This machine coordinated the wizardries of the film projector with those of the gramophone. At a special premiere in the Ischl Town Theater, the monarch and his lady took their seats in the first row. Frau Schratt heartily applauded the image of Enrico Caruso intoning do re mi fa sol. The Emperor's clapping was, well, polite. Still he sanctified new technology with his presence.

Forty-eight hours earlier he had made a move which, while also not necessarily enthusiastic, carried greater significance. He had dispatched a document with his seal to Bluehnbach Castle near Salzburg; this was one of Franz Ferdinand's hunting estates where the archduke was currently shooting stag. The sovereign's handwritten letter appointed his nephew Inspector General of all Imperial and Royal Armed Forces-the most powerful post given the Crown Prince so far. This ele vation, a surprise considering the queasy relationship between the two, was effective immediately-and immediately made public. It, too, was seen as an ancient ruler's concession to tomorrow.

When the Court Train took Franz Joseph from Ischl back to Vienna on September 3, the city had been given, as it were, an All-Highest license to welcome modern things.

This it proceeded to do, with a baroque bow, of course. On some of the broader thoroughfares leading to the center of town, for example, the mayor established special lanes for motorcars in a hurry. Behind chauffeurs driving along these "fast strips" sat gentlemen registering, just as fast, the fall fashions of 1913. You could see them whiz by (at a velocity almost equaling the Crown Prince's Graf & Stift) in suits of the latest English "country cut," tweeds of informal blue gray. And though it wasn't cool enough as yet, the ladies went even further, anticipating winter's first harbingers from the Paris fashion houses: Directoire collars high in back to plunge rather heedlessly in front, crepe de chine dresses with ermine trimmings, huge "fantasy necklaces" of amber, coral, or lapis lazuli.

Most of such forward-minded feminine elegance could not be risked in automobiles. Their speed undid the perfection of the coiffure, not to speak of the plumage on the hat. No, ladies preferred the more leisured showcase of the fiacre. This horsedrawn cab, banned for a while, now received renewed municipal blessing. Indeed, to encourage fiacres against the proliferation of the fume-spewing taxi, they were permitted to dispense with set tariffs and to arrive at fares by mutual agreement. The fiacre, said the Mayor's office, would "return to the street scene a dear Viennese tradition."

Similar concerns touched a committee preparing, months in advance, the Industrialists' Ball-bound to be a highlight of the 1914 carnival season. The committee announced that there would be music from two orchestras as well as from six gramophone discs to be specially recorded in Buenos Aires by Los Caballeros; it was a band famous for that new rage, the tango (whose risque modernity had just led Kaiser Wilhelm to forbid all German soldiers from even listening to it while in uniform). On the other hand-and all rumors to the contraryVienna's Industrialists' Ball would be opened by an eighteenth-century cotillion, according to custom. In the fall of 1913 the city seemed readier than ever to absorb onward thrusts of the future into its own timeless choreography.

The Habsburg government applied the technique to its increasingly huffy little Balkan opponent. Flushed with victory over Bulgaria, the Serbs had once more deepened their raids into Albanian territory. Belgrade argued that Vienna used Albania as a staging ground for agents who fostered sedition among Albanian ethnics within Serb borders. Vienna militants contended that these complaints were a blind for Serb expansionism growing more rampant daily.

In his Chief of Staff's office Baron Conrad paced, dictating letter after letter to the Emperor; each paragraph tried to impress on His Majesty the outrages Belgrade visited in Albania on Austria's stature. From Belvedere Palace the Crown Prince countered with a letter to Foreign Minister Count von Berchtold stating that "all such Serb horror stories leave me cold."

As always, the Emperor had to arbitrate. In the spirit of the fall of 1913, Franz Joseph's government decided to combine the latest of mailed fists with an old-fashioned diplomatic smile. The Minister of War, Baron von Krobatin, announced that four more dreadnoughts would be built at a cost of 106 million kronen each; the ships would boast every twentiethcentury advance in armor and cannon; together they would constitute the most formidable task force in the Adriatic. At almost the same time Count von Berchtold held his fall reception for accredited ambassadors at the Ballhausplatz where he remarked, between toasts of champagne, that the sole purpose of Austrian strength was peace-especially peace with Serbia.

If Serbia didn't believe in pleasantries amidst goblets, it did take seriously the looming of the dreadnoughts. Early in October the Serbian Prime Minister Nikola Pasic visited Vienna. After an interview with Count von Berchtold, Panic's office issued a communique: he and the Austrian Excellency could not agree on the issue of Austrian interference in the southern Balkans, but he did promise that Serbia would not invade Albania and he hoped that his pledge would fortify the possibilities of amity between Serbia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Coming from the chief executive of a pugnacious upstart of a country, this was an almost chastened statement. Perhaps it also reflected a weakening of Serbia's international support that autumn. The saber that its protector could rattle was tarnished for the moment; the Tsar was beset by domestic trouble. Credit for that belonged, at least in part, to Lenin and therefore to Lenin's hidden hosts in Austrian CounterIntelligence. At the Bolshevik summer conference in Austrian Galicia-held at virtually the same time as Freud's PsychoAnalytical Congress in Munich and as contentious and important-Lenin had forced through a controversial resolution: It directed the Bolshevik parliamentary deputies to the St. Petersburg legislature to form a caucus separate from the more moderate Mensheviks with whom they had till then formed a common Social Democratic front. In word and action they were now free to push their own much more drastic program.

Very soon the move made itself felt through much of industrialized Russia. The Bolshevik-controlled Pravda in St. Petersburg mercilessly scourged "Menshevik spinelessness" and Trotskyite "nonfactionalism." In the Duma, Bolshevik speakers called on workers to stop being slaves. Their fierceness unfettered, Lenin's men drew more attention from major trade unions. They also gained more influence. Scattered but steady strike activity spread in the factories, guided by Bolshevik headquarters in Austria. Here Lenin enjoyed freedom to operate and to politick in ways that made Habsburg smile. Occasionally Lenin smiled back. In his talks on the Nationalities Question he said more than once that Vienna handled the problem far better than St. Petersburg.

But in the second half of 1913 you didn't have to be a Bolshevik to consider Austria morally prettier than Russia. By autumn the damage from the Redl case was fading in Habsburg lands; at any rate it receded before the disgrace happening under Romanov. In October the Tsar's district attorney in Kiev prosecuted, with anti-Semitic zeal, a ritualmurder trial against a Jew named Mendel Beilis.

The spectacle reeked of medieval viciousness. Indignation ran through Europe, not least along the Danube. To support their brother so unjustly accused, Vienna's Jewish Community organized a huge meeting at the Musikvereinssaal. The famous (non-Jewish) physiologist Julius Wagner-Jauregg was among three Austrian scientists giving testimony in defense of Mendel Beilis's innocence. Internationally, on Beilis's behalf, a petition was addressed to the Tsar; notables signing it included Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, Engelbert Humperdinck, Anatole France, Kathe Kollwitz, Selma Lagerlof, H. G. Wells, Frank Wedekind, as well as Viktor Adler, the Jewish leader of Austrian Socialism, and Hermann Bahr, the non-Jewish Austrian writer.

When the Russian court had to acquit Beilis in the first week of November, it was an Austrian variety-show producer who first offered him a personal-appearance contract worthy of his red-hot celebrity. Mr. Beilis begged off because of stress caused by the trial.

Meanwhile the first cold gusts helped yellow the leaves on oak and beech all over Vienna's parks. But whether or not it was the contrast to Tsarist barbarism, the Western Powers seemed to warm not only toward Austria but also toward its German ally. England's First Lord of the Admiralty, Winston Churchill, made a very well-tempered speech at Manchester; he noted an improvement in relations between his country and the Reich and proposed a mutual reduction in the building of new battleships. America contributed a friendly sound from even higher up. A German publisher brought out a translation of President Woodrow Wilson's The State-Elements of Historical and Practical Politics. It marked a highlight of the fall publishing season, not least because of the preface specially written by the author for this edition. In it the American President praised the profundity of German thought, which had furnished not only his book but many other American works with inspiration.

At almost the same time, Wilson's Secretary of State, William Jennings Bryan, chose an odd forum for displaying willingness to associate himself with things Austrian. The Vienna press reported his appearance in a variety show in Maryland also featuring a Tyrolean yodeler. Mr. Bryan's role in the entertainment consisted of a spectacularly orotund oration that championed peace among the world's principal countries, most of which he enumerated (omitting Mexico, against which the USA was preparing an ultimatum). This high-minded aria, euphonious with metaphor and legato vowels, he repeated for twelve performances. In an interview, his Excellency explained that only through fees for extra undertakings such as this could he foot the high representational expenses of his office. The Tyrolean received much less for his yodels. But then a Tyrolean yodeler was not an American gentleman, and an American gentleman-said Diamond Jim Brady in New York during an interview much quoted in the Vienna press that fall-an American gentleman required an income of $1,000 a day, plus expenses.

This, of course, was the sort of zany flash typical of America. But in the course of autumn of 1913, Vienna saw the international horizon brighten in a more important way. At Belvedere Palace the First Lord Chamberlain of the Crown Prince issued an auspicious statement. An arrangement informally discussed during the summer had been confirmed and could be publicly announced: His Imperial and Royal Highness, the Archduke and Heir Apparent Franz Ferdinand and his consort had been asked to join Their Majesties, the King and Queen of England, at Windsor Castle, for a shoot during the third week of November.

To be sure, this was to be a "private stay" for the Austrian couple-not a state visit, which would have implied an altogether august elevation for a morganatic wife. Still, the last time Franz Ferdinand's spouse had seen the English King, two years earlier, she had almost been smuggled into Buckingham Palace as an incognito luncheon guest under the name of Countess of Artstetter. But now, at Windsor, the Archduke would have her officially at his side as the Duchess of Hohenberg. It was a protocol breakthrough; a coup scored by the Crown Prince over Prince Montenuovo, First Lord Chamberlain of the Emperor; an event registered instantly by Vienna gossip as a bulletin from the invisible front line running through the Court.