George F. Kennan: An American Life

“THE GREATEST TRAGEDY OF HUMAN EXISTENCE,” GEORGE F. KENNAN told me when we first talked of this biography, “is that we do not all die at the same time as those we love.” It might seem odd to begin a life by invoking death, but in this instance it was appropriate, for the tragedy Kennan saw in death was not the oblivion it brings but the separations it causes: the way it rends relationships without which there can be no life. And death severed the most important relationship in young George’s life just as it began.

Throughout much of his childhood George believed that his mother, Florence James Kennan, had died giving birth to him in Milwaukee on February 16, 1904. She had not. The death occurred on April 19, and the cause was peritonitis from a ruptured appendix, a mishandled but completely separate medical problem. The effect, though, was much the same: the rending of a relationship so brief that it could not even exist in memory. “Whether she nursed him or not, I don’t know,” George’s sister Jeanette recalled eight decades later, “but I suspect she did. What a tragedy.” Florence died at home, painfully and protractedly. The older children were brought in to kiss their mother goodbye, while baby George, held by an aunt in the next room but hearing everything, was “so quiet.”¹

In his memoirs, written when he was in his sixties, Kennan acknowledged having been “deeply affected, and in a certain sense scarred for life,” by his mother’s death.² But he was not then prepared to reveal where the evidence lay, in the realm of visions and dreams:

How to weigh the pain of loss when it occurs so early in life that one lacks the words, even the concepts, to know what is happening? When one accepts such pain at first as the normal condition of human existence, only to learn—yet another loss—that it is not? George Kennan provided an answer of sort in his memoirs: “We are, toward the end of our lives, such different people, so far removed from the childhood figures with whom our identity links us, that the bond to those figures, like that of nations to their obscure prehistoric origins, is almost irrelevant.”⁸ But a biographer can, perhaps, be pardoned for not believing everything that the subject of his biography says.

I.

Sisters, most immediately, filled the void. Jeanette, only two years older than George, remembered holding, comforting, and occasionally disciplining him. Despite the proximity in their ages, she became as much substitute mother as sibling throughout his childhood and adolescence, and for the rest of her life would remain the member of his Milwaukee family to whom he was closest: “I could talk more with Jeanette than almost anyone in the world.” Constance, who was six when her mother died, found her baby brother quick to learn in eliciting sympathy. Sitting on a blanket, he would topple over, bump his head on the floor, and pretend to cry. “We three sisters would all descend upon him and love him, comfort him. That was all he wanted, poor little thing.” It did not take long, though, for identity to begin to emerge and for the cuddling to become constraining. George’s senior sister Frances, eight at the time of his birth, remembered that as he grew older, “he didn’t care for that at all. If we would try to put our arms around him he would push us away.”⁹

George and Jeanette shared a room on the third floor of what he later described as their “dark, strange household.” Located just north of downtown Milwaukee on a strip of land between Lake Michigan and the Milwaukee River, 935 Cambridge Avenue was built in just the wrong way, with the living room windows facing the house next door, while the blank side obscured an open lawn. There were, however, a cook, a maid, and for young George a nurse, hired to take care of him for several months after his mother’s death. This made an impression: “A woman in a nurse’s uniform has for me a dangerous attraction,” he admitted many years later. “I’m sure that this comes from the fact that the first mother I had was probably this nurse with the white uniform.”¹⁰

George and Jeanette would wake early in the morning, she remembered, “as children are apt to do. We would run down in our bare feet into my father’s room. He had a bed that had a footboard, and [we] used to get on the footboard and then somersault over into his arms. And then he would put his arms around both of us and cuddle us down and sing Civil War songs.” The maid would come downstairs and rap at the door: “‘Are the children there?’ ‘No,’ my father would say, ‘I haven’t seen any children.’ [He] loved babies. And of course, this baby George was very special.”¹¹

Father was Kossuth Kent Kennan, a prominent but not wealthy Milwaukee tax attorney who had been fifty-two years old at the time of George’s birth and his wife’s death. Mourning was no new experience for him. His first wife, Nellie McGregor Pierpont Kennan, had died in childbirth in 1889 along with a baby daughter, after only four years of marriage.¹² But Florence and Kent had four healthy children after theirs, which took place in 1895. Saddled, following her death, with the unexpected responsibility of managing a young family alone, Kent tried to maintain a semblance of stability, but there was always sadness surrounding it. Jeanette recalled him staying home in the mornings to supervise George’s bath and returning early in the afternoon. “I also remember my father’s tenderness—his taking us on his lap when we were little and reading to us—‘The Pied Piper of Hamlin’ I particularly remember. And ‘The Little Match Girl.’ Oh, dear! He’d cry too. The tears would come into his eyes.”¹³

Kent had to provide financial as well as emotional support, however, which meant entrusting his children, most of the day, to nurses and maids while he was at the office. “They were a problem,” Constance pointed out, “because if they liked children they weren’t such good housekeepers, and if they were good housekeepers, they didn’t care so much for the children.” So Kent’s second cousin Grace Wells, a young kindergarten teacher from Massachusetts, moved to Milwaukee and took up residence as a second mother for the Kennan children—the first George knew apart from his nurses. “She was really only with us for three years, but it seemed like a long long time because we were so happy. And of course she adored George—he was her baby. We all adored Cousin Grace.”¹⁴

But this, too, was not a stable situation, for in 1908 Kent announced his intention to remarry, and Cousin Grace had to go. Jeanette never forgot getting the news. She and her sisters burst into tears, ran upstairs, and found Grace weeping also. For George, it meant losing yet another mother. Louise Wheeler, who grew up in Michigan, had been a preceptress in Latin and Greek at Ripon College, Kent’s alma mater, where they had met. “When they were first married,” Jeanette speculated, “they must have been a little romantic about each other, although we never thought they were in the later years—and when they wanted to say something that they didn’t want us children to hear, they ’d say it in Latin or Greek.” The children resented Louise for supplanting Cousin Grace: she was, behind her back, “the kangaroo from Kalamazoo.”¹⁵

“We felt that she wasn’t always very nice to our father,” George later explained. “We doubted, I think, how much she really loved him.” Jeanette saw a different problem, which was that “my stepmother never really understood little boys. She wasn’t at all an earthy person. She couldn’t understand, for instance, why little boys would want to eat so much. How they could be so ravenous…. She was a very nervous woman, and any little thing that [George] did that was awkward—you could see her wince.”¹⁶

Four years after the marriage, Louise unexpectedly became pregnant: her husband was then sixty-one. So in 1913 George found himself with a half-brother, also named Kent, who took most of his stepmother’s time and diverted the attention of his older sisters. George “took a back seat,” Jeanette remembered. “All of us loved the baby, [but] I don’t know whether George loved him as much as the three sisters did.” The younger Kent later acknowledged that George “did not feel at ease with my mother. He said to me that he’d never had a mother. I think she tried, she did the best she could to understand him, but I don’t think he felt she was getting through to him.”¹⁷

George’s father found it difficult to provide consolation. He was, Frances pointed out, “a very sensitive man, but the fact that he was sensitive made him awkward. I never did get close to my father in any way at all.” Emotional but distrusting emotion, Kent senior prided himself on having learned early in life “to do a thing which ought to be done, when it ought to be done and as it ought to be done, whether I felt like doing it or not.” Such stoicism was little comfort to a son from whom his father concealed his softer side. “When we went abroad the first time,” Jeanette explained, “we were on the ship just before we sailed, and they played the ‘Star Spangled Banner,’ and ‘All ashore that are going ashore.’ My father put his arm around me and I started to cry. He said: ‘I always do, too.’” But “as George got a little older, he didn’t put on that side for him. He thought it wasn’t manly.”¹⁸

“It was a very straight-laced family,” the younger Kent remembered. “No movies or card-playing on Sunday, never a swear word. For example, ‘darn’ was considered too strong to use, and ‘damn’ was completely out. Once when I was taking French in high school I said ‘Mon Dieu’ and my father scolded me for it.” Jeanette was even reprimanded for discussing the birth of puppies at the dinner table. The children were brought up in the Presbyterian Church, and their father made a point of reading the Bible all the way through several times. The girls learned to play the piano, but only for the purpose of accompanying hymns on Sunday evening.

Even here George was left out, for although his half-brother was also taught piano at an early age, that instrument was not thought appropriate for George, who proceeded to learn it on his own. He was, to his disgust, dispatched to dancing school, an indignity to which he responded with “sullen rages and sit-down strikes.” Musical talent was there, though, and it showed up at unexpected moments, as during the summer task of picking strawberries with Jeanette. “George would harmonize with me, knowing what I was going to sing, because it was so obvious. But it wouldn’t have been obvious to anybody who didn’t have a great deal of music in him.”¹⁹

The Kennans were also literary. His father had collected a large library, from which George read extensively: “I had nothing else to do.” Writing and speaking were also important, Kent junior remembered: “When I would write letters home, I would sometimes get misspellings corrected in the letters I received back.” Jeanette recalled “the speech in our house [as] very, very correct.” While still little, she and George would have supper together at five o’clock, and “we carried on some wonderful conversations. We liked big words, and so when we’d find a new big word, we’d use it.” One was “reputation.” They weren’t sure what it meant, “but we brought it into every sentence, while we ate our cream of wheat with maple sugar on it.”²⁰

Still, something was missing in family life on Cambridge Avenue. When the children were older and allowed at the dinner table, George and his siblings would flee at the first opportunity, preferring the company of books to that of grown-ups. “It’s unusual for a family, I think, to disperse like that,” Jeanette pointed out. “But we just never played games together, or sat around. I don’t recall any real merriment when we were just ourselves.” George recalled “daydreams so intense and satisfying that hours could pass in oblivion of immediate surroundings.” His intensity became a family legend when an aunt, traveling with the brooding boy, felt obliged to tell him: “Stop thinking for a little while!”²¹

Jeanette would later reflect on how little home life George had. He lost his mother without ever getting to know her. He loved Cousin Grace but lost her too. He gained a stepmother, but never regarded her as a real mother. His father, George himself later admitted, “was so much older, and I still remained so shy that I seldom really talked with him.” How much did all of this matter? “I sometimes wondered,” George recalled in his old age, “whether all the grown-ups were not really deceiving me, and whether one day they would not come out and say: ‘You little goose. Did you really think that we cared anything about you?’”²²

II.

They never did, of course. Many children fear rejection, most of the time it doesn’t happen, and it certainly did not to young George. Despite the losses with which he grew up, he was hardly bereft of adults who cared. Milwaukee and its environs were full of grandparents, aunts, uncles, cousins, and friends to whom the Kennan children could look for sympathy and support. “Everybody felt so sorry for [us],” Jeanette recalled, that at Christmas “we were showered with things.”²³ And next door there were even surrogate parents.

Edward and Ida Frost were wealthy and well educated, owned a large house at 945 Cambridge Avenue, and lacked children of their own. The middle name Florence had picked for her son reflected the Frosts’ friendship: he was George Frost Kennan. After her death, Constance remembered, “they had us over there and would read aloud to us. They were just second parents to us, always.” “They were so close to our family,” George added, “that we called them Uncle Edward and Aunt Ida.” No fence separated the two houses, so the Kennan children always had a large yard available for baseball games and other activities. The Frosts even installed a special telephone line so that the families could keep track of one another. They remained, in young Kent’s memory, “very strong, charming people, more outgoing and convivial than either my father or my mother.”²⁴

So too was Florence’s family, the Jameses, with whom George spent a great deal of time. “They were socially elite, which the Kennans weren’t,” Jeanette observed. Their wealth came from the insurance business: Florence’s father and brother both served as presidents of the Northwestern National Life Insurance Company. “They were not at all like my father’s family,” George commented. “They had none of the intellectual ability that my father obviously had. They were tough, handsome, but not intellectual.”²⁵

There was uneasiness between the Kennans and the Jameses. George’s father made a point of recording, long after Florence’s death, that her mother had not looked favorably on his attentions toward her daughter and had even sent Florence off to Europe in an unsuccessful effort to head off the marriage. The Jameses “set great store by charm,” Frances explained. “I don’t think Papa fulfilled it.” And then there was the matter of finances. “Kent Kennan is a very good lawyer,” Florence’s brother Alfred was said to have observed, but “[he] is a very poor businessman.”²⁶

The Jameses paid for the house on Cambridge Avenue into which Florence and Kent moved after their marriage, and Florence’s bequest to her children included a second house in the James family compound on Lake Nagawicka, some thirty miles west of Milwaukee. It was, George remembered, “where the doors and windows of life were opened.” The Kennan and James children spent joyous summers there, swimming, boating, fishing, riding ponies, playing in haystacks, staging amateur theatricals, watching fireworks go off over the lake on the Fourth of July. Short nights provided other impressions: the wind rippling the trees, the waves lapping gently against the shore, the hooting of owls, the croaking of frogs, the droning of insects—and then off in the distance, growing nearer, then fading away, the rumble, rush, and lonely whistle of the great trains on the mainline of the Chicago, Milwaukee, St. Paul and Pacific Railroad, just north of the lake, hurtling through the darkness, on the way to crossing a continent.²⁷

The trains at Nagawicka were not the only connection to a wider world. Just a short walk from Cambridge Avenue were McKinley and Juneau parks, which looked out over Lake Michigan. For a boy who loved boats, the oceans that lay beyond were not difficult to imagine. Lake steamers lined the docks along the Milwaukee River, even as bicycles, electric streetcars, and automobiles were crowding horses off the streets. Milwaukee had about 300,000 inhabitants at the time of George’s birth, three to four times the number when his father had settled there in 1875. A large percentage were recent immigrants: there were German, Irish, Scandinavian, Polish, Italian, Hungarian, Slovakian, Serbian, Croatian, Slovenian, and Russian Jewish neighborhoods. Foreign languages were spoken and read throughout the city. It even had a Social Democratic Party that, drawing heavily on the immigrant vote, elected a socialist mayor in 1910, the first in the United States.²⁸

Nor was there anything provincial about George’s family. The Jameses traveled widely, were knowledgeable about art, and supported it locally. George’s aunt on his father’s side had married a Frankfurt German, Paul Mausolff, who impressed his nephew with his goatee, his pince-nez, and his knowledge of languages. And George’s father’s first name honored Louis Kossuth, the failed Hungarian revolutionary who had been touring the United States at the time of Kent’s birth in 1851. Kent knew Europe well, having spent two years there during the early 1880s recruiting immigrants for the Wisconsin Central Railroad, and spoke German, French, and Danish. He had then worked as a mining engineer in the western United States and in central Mexico. Appointed tax commissioner for the state of Wisconsin in 1897, Kossuth Kent Kennan made himself an internationally recognized expert on income tax law and in 1910 published a widely circulated book on that subject. Two years later he took his family back to Europe, where he studied the German tax system while his children learned the language.²⁹

And then there was the other George Kennan, who had no middle name but whose life in many other ways prefigured that of George Frost Kennan. Born in Norwalk, Ohio, in 1845, fifty-nine years to the day before his namesake, this Kennan was a cousin of George’s grandfather, Thomas Lathrop Kennan. His first trip abroad had come in 1865, when he accompanied the Russian-American Telegraph Expedition to Siberia in a spectacular but unsuccessful effort to link Europe with North America via Alaska and the Bering Strait—the effort fell through when the Atlantic cable began operating the following year. Subsequent journeys to Russia followed, and by the 1890s the first George Kennan had become the most prominent American expert on that country.

Through his books, articles, and speaking tours, this Kennan did more than anyone else to shape the image of Siberia—and to a considerable extent that of tsarist Russia itself—as a prison of peoples. He delivered more than eight hundred lectures on the regime’s persecution of Jews and dissidents between 1889 and 1898, reaching roughly a million people. When the Russo-Japanese War began in 1904, six days before George Frost Kennan’s birth, President Theodore Roosevelt turned to the elder Kennan as one of his chief Russian advisers.³⁰ Four decades later the younger Kennan held hopes—mostly unfulfilled—that another Roosevelt would similarly listen to him.

The parallels, George Frost Kennan reflected in his memoirs, went well beyond sharing the same name and being born on the same day:

With no mother and a distant father, it was only natural for young George to identify with this famous relative, who had no surviving children of his own. “He used to send me, on each of our common birthdays, something—one of his books on a couple of occasions—which he signed for me.”³¹

“[Y]ou have a son who bears my name,” George Kennan wrote to Kossuth Kent Kennan in December 1912. “It would be a great satisfaction to me if I could feel that certain things which have personal or historical interest and which have been closely associated with my work could be transferred to him when he becomes old enough to understand them and take an interest in them.” Kent’s son was “still very young, and I don’t know him at all, but I have confidence in his parentage, and in the training that you and your wife will give him…. If I live to be as old as your father, I may see your boy grown to manhood, but life is more or less uncertain after 65.”³²

Even here, though, there was rejection. George Frost Kennan met George Kennan only once, shortly after this letter was written, when Kent took his son for a visit. Young George interested the old man, but his wife Lena resented the boy’s sharing her husband’s name, as well as that of their only son, who had died at birth. “She didn’t like my coming. She thought that this was another branch of the family trying to horn in on his fame.” Years later George learned that Mrs. Kennan had taken his thank-you note as an indication of inadequacy: “‘Any boy who writes such a stupid letter, nothing’s ever going to come of him. We should never see him again.’ And indeed they didn’t. So he never knew that I was going into Russian studies.”³³

“How sad it was,” Jeanette would later reflect, “because George Kennan died in 1924, and George would have been twenty, so that he would have been old enough to have been interesting.” It’s not clear that the rejection affected George much at the time, although he would surely have been aware of it. As he grew older, though, and as his own career in Russian studies began to develop, identification with his famous but inaccessible relative became unavoidable. Despite the memory of his own father, “whose son I recognize myself very much to be, I feel that I was in some strange way destined to carry forward as best I could the work of my distinguished and respected namesake. What I have tried to do in life is, I suspect, just the sort of thing the latter would have liked for a son of his to try to do, had he had one. Whether he would have approved of the manner in which I have done it, I cannot say.”³⁴

III.

Some solace came, therefore, from these extensions of George’s immediate family across space: from the Frosts next door and the Jameses at the lake to another George Kennan and the wider world he inhabited. As the young George grew old enough to place his family in time—to understand that he had ancestors he would never know—their legacies provided a kind of refuge. “I wonder whether you will ever feel that panic[k]y urge to run for help,” George wrote his daughters while interned in Nazi Germany in 1942, to “dim, gnarled, pioneer forefathers. They would have received us unceremoniously, made us work from morning to night, ascribed all our sorrows to dyspepsia, and driven us to distraction. But they would never have disowned us or thrown us out.”³⁵

Of Scotch-Irish extraction, the Kennans had emigrated to New England in the early eighteenth century. Like most Americans at the time, they were farmers, digressing occasionally into other professions—the Presbyterian ministry, Revolutionary War military service, the Vermont state legislature, ownership of a sawmill and tavern—but “[t]here was not one who did not work long and hard with his hands.” Moving through upper New York and northern Ohio, they had settled, by the mid-nineteenth century, in rural Wisconsin. Kossuth Kent Kennan had been born in Oshkosh and had grown up on a farm near Packwaukee, which was still functioning when George visited it, a few years after his father’s death. “I lay there through the summer night, in the guest bedroom, listening to the chirping of crickets in the grass outside, and breathing the smell of hot, warm hay and manure from the barn; and I felt closer to home than I have ever felt before or since in my wandering life.”

The Kennans shared a certain temperament, George believed, an almost mystical self-awareness, across generations. They lacked the capacity for “gaiety, phantasy, humor, the courage to be honest with yourself, and the self-discipline to learn to sin gracefully and with dignity, rather than to try unsuccessfully not to sin at all.” They passed neuroses along “like the family Bible.” But they never begged, cheated, lost their pride, or were mean, “except to themselves.” Indifferently educated, they were nonetheless intelligent; “[t]errified… of beauty, they were not impervious to it.” And there was somewhere deep within them a tenderness “which will take them all, I hope—and myself included—to the heaven they always believed in.”

It was important to George that, although the Kennans were often poor, “they never became proletarianized.” They had come closest, he thought, during his father’s generation, when several of Kent’s siblings had “disappeared into suicide, madness, or the romantic dissolution characteristic of the American west.” Kent himself, however, did not give up. He began life as a plowboy, educated himself, and became “a cultured, though painfully shy, gentleman.”

Florence’s family had been more colorful. They had emigrated from Scotland early in the nineteenth century, settling first in Massachusetts, and then in Illinois. George’s grandfather, Alfred James, ran away from home at thirteen, became a barge hand on the Erie Canal, and in a series of hair-raising adventures as a sailor worked his way around the world. It fascinated young George that when Alfred returned, seven years later, his family did not at first recognize him. Alfred built an insurance career in Chicago following the great fire of 1871, and then moved to Milwaukee to run the Northwestern National. Still vigorous when George’s older sisters were growing up, Grandpa Alfred would row them out on Lake Nagawicka, have them write messages to Neptune to be dropped over the side, and then regale them with sea chanteys. George was too small to have remembered the old man, who died a year after he was born. But he heard all the stories, developed a lifelong fondness for boats, and when in middle age he got one of his own, he named it Nagawicka.

The Jameses, he thought, were “more dashing, and more full of fight,” than the Kennans. They lacked sentimentality, a good thing because the Kennans had too much of it. They were self-confident aristocrats, whereas the Kennans saw their worth “in the obscurity of their own consciences,” demonstrating it only “in the eye of their relentless God.” James family loyalties “were few but fierce and passionate.” If feudal lords, they “would have gone down fighting for their privileges in the face of the rising power of kings.” They might not survive “if the coming order of society demands the subordination of the individual to the mass.”³⁶

IV.

That was the family, and as the much younger George was coming to know them, he was himself becoming an individual. This was often a matter of figuring out how things worked. One of his earliest memories was of receiving, on his third birthday, the gift of a locomotive molded out of ice cream. But locomotives, he had been told, were very hot: how could this one be cold, and how could he be expected to eat it? On another occasion, George saw his cousin Charlie James fall into the lake at Nagawicka. Instead of trying to rescue him, George ran to announce tearfully to the grown-ups that “Charles is drowned,” only to have them laugh as the sopping sputtering Charlie staggered up the hill behind him. Milk delivery horses, George discovered, had to be anchored with heavy weights, like boats, to keep them from straying. Bicycles required falling off in order to learn to stay on.³⁷

Another mystery, for young George, had to do with relieving himself. He recalled being astonished, upon entering first grade, at seeing “little boys piddle standing up.” His trousers had no fly, so he cut his own slit, and his stepmother was furious: “I think she spanked me for it, or scolded me very severely.” The injustice would rankle for decades to come. So too did the discovery, two years later in Germany, that mothers there allowed little boys to pull their pants down and go, on the grass in the park. He remembered thinking “how wonderful it would be if you had a mother to whom you would admit—you would tell her—when you wanted to do this.”³⁸

A weightier matter that worried Jeanette and George was how you would know that a war was about to break out. Kassel, where they spent six months in 1912, was a military town, and the children had picked up rumors of naval buildups, war scares, even the possible need for an early return to the United States. They were alone in their room one day when a military band marched up the street. “We were sure,” Jeanette recalled, “that this was the way a war would start…. Would we ever get home? We had heard a lot about Germany’s wars and even about one called the Thirty Years War. I don’t know how long we waited until Mother and the girls came in and said the band was serenading a General and his bride. We felt a little silly then.”³⁹

Self-confidence slowly came, though. Both children learned German easily: George would pride himself on his fluency for the rest of his life. German boys would occasionally harass him for being an American but he held his own, “flailing away with my fists.” Faith in Santa Claus fell victim to the absence of a fireplace in the pension where the family was staying: “I knew damn well he couldn’t come down the stove.” And George asked his father’s permission, “when I am big,” to join the United States Navy.⁴⁰ After returning with his family to Milwaukee, George wrote his first surviving poem, entitled “My Soldier”:

It was a respectable literary effort for a child of nine, and George carefully preserved it—it remains the earliest document in his papers.⁴¹

George portrayed childhood, in his memoirs, as existing along an “unfirm” boundary between external and internal reality. He lived in a world “peculiarly and intimately my own, scarcely to be shared with others or even made plausible to them. I habitually read special meanings into things, scenes, and places—qualities of wonder, beauty, promise, or horror—for which there was no external evidence visible, or plausible, to others.” At the end of Cambridge Avenue was a grimy brick building with a gloomy entryway, behind which lurked something with “a sinister significance all its own.” There may, or may not, have been fairies in Juneau Park. And George was “absolutely scared green” of his grandfather Kennan’s Victorian mansion on Prospect Avenue: when left alone there one day, he turned all the gaslights on and cowered in the corner, where nothing could get behind him until rescuers arrived.⁴²

Jeanette, who knew him better than anyone else, thought him preoccupied with death when he was little. She did not find it funny when George and his cousin Charlie took to jumping off the porch at the Nagawicka house, joking that they might die, then rolling on the ground laughing. Even more disturbing was a conversation on a sleepy afternoon under a tree overlooking the lake. Jeanette was nine and George was seven, but what he said stuck in her mind so clearly that she could repeat it word for word decades later:

Jeanette later understood this conversation as a brother trying to spook his sister by discussing the practicalities of committing suicide, but she did not take it that way at the time. George was insisting then, she thought, on “the freedom to die if one really wanted to.” It was “too awful to talk about.”⁴³

And yet George did not recall his boyhood as being unhappy: “I was a very normal boy.” Among his fondest memories were the wrestling matches with Charlie : “two grubby little fellows, grunting, pushing, straining, and squirming—both being too stubborn (after all, we were both Scots) to admit defeat, and both of us returning, mussed and dirty, for dinner, only to be sent upstairs first… and told to make ourselves more presentable.” George remembered being “a little bit timid, a little bit of a sissy,” but this did not show up in the diary he began keeping on New Year’s Day 1916, at the age of eleven.⁴⁴ It opened with another poem:

What followed reflects, on the whole, an average boy’s life—including the tendency to treat ordinary and extraordinary events in much the same way:

George did have one physical reminder of “unfirm boundaries” between external and internal reality. He was color-blind, a fact that showed up in school drawings, to the amazement of his classmates. And the onset of puberty left other boundaries uncertain: “If at that time I’d had a mother to help me, I think it might have been easier.”⁴⁵ On the whole, though, George’s childhood was, considering the sadness with which it began, cheerfully unremarkable.

V.

George and Jeanette were fortunate to attend Milwaukee State Normal, a grade school used to train teachers. Founded in 1885, it had moved in 1909 into a new and well-equipped building two miles north of the neighborhood where the Kennan children grew up. George entered first grade the following year, making his way back and forth chiefly by streetcar, a mode of transportation he found “thrilling.” His 1916 diary records him also doing so, however, by bicycle, roller skates, and on foot, the latter being the only method when it snowed too much for the streetcars to run, but attendance was expected anyway. After classes were dismissed in the afternoon, George would often stop off at one of the other boys’ houses to play: “As long as I got home by suppertime it was all right.”⁴⁶

The school was progressive, requiring no homework, but “we were fully as prepared as any other children.” Grammar was emphasized, especially the diagramming of sentences, and German was taught from the first grade. There was also theater: George played an elf, in Rumpelstiltskin, when he was nine. Both children had, as their fourth-grade teacher, the formidable Miss Emily Strong. She was, as George described her, “a great big strong New England woman, who had no difficulty keeping discipline in her class.” Jeanette thought she “looked like—and excessively admired—Theodore Roosevelt.”⁴⁷

George also had the memorable experience, during these years, of falling in love for the first time. The girl was in his class, and he only admired her from afar, “but oh! It was like intimations of heaven.” He would walk an extra mile home to pass her house, although he never called on her: “[O]nce I wrote her a note or a Christmas card… and went through agonies of indecision over whether to send this.” George’s sisters knew something was up when they discovered a manicure set in his room: it was astonishing, Constance remembered, because “we’d always had to make him take Saturday night baths.” But when queried on the matter, he responded with dignity: “Con, I never asked you anything about your life and I don’t expect you to ask anything about my life.” “By the time I went to military school,” George recalled, “I was really quite a husky little boy getting much more confidence in myself.”⁴⁸

The school was St. John’s Military Academy in nearby Delafield, Wisconsin, and George entered it at the age of thirteen, having been allowed to skip the eighth grade at Milwaukee Normal. It was—and still is—a fortresslike institution located just across Lake Nagawicka from where the Kennans and Jameses spent their summers. The other members of the family were not at all clear why George’s father decided to send him there, instead of to a high school in Milwaukee, in the fall of 1917. Jeanette guessed that it had something to do with the fear “that George wouldn’t be masculine enough, growing up with sisters.” If so, St. John’s was the right place. “There were so many boys who were sent there because they were obstreperous,” Constance recalled, “and their parents couldn’t deal with them. They used to play all sorts of tricks, and [George] felt sorry for the teachers!” But George liked being in the country and had an enthusiasm for things military: he had been on a drill team while at Milwaukee Normal, and since April 1917, the United States had been at war.⁴⁹

St. John’s, George recalled, was good for him. There was hazing, but he tolerated it: “All of us toughened up.” He found in the discipline a compensation for loneliness: “[t]here was no harm at all to be woken up at six o’clock in the morning and then have ten minutes to get dressed and get in ranks, and then to go back and make your bed and clean your room and then go to breakfast.” There was pride: when marching in parades, “[we felt] a certain superiority over the boys on the curbstones, who led what seemed to us the incredibly soft and indulgent life of the juvenile civilian.” There was a kind of freedom: each Monday the students were kicked off campus and told that they were on their own. “[W]e were the terrors of the countryside,” raiding apple orchards, building dugouts, “tobogganing on the hill back of our dormitory and [fighting] enormous snow battles.” There was also refuge, on weekends, at the Frosts’ nearby lake house, where George would arrive “in my grubby, god-damned uniform, and [be] given a bath and put in a beautiful bed with white sheets.”⁵⁰

It was a life without many choices to make, but “we did have the pleasures of being promoted and getting command if we did things right.” One test of patience was drilling rookies, a trial Job never had. “I wonder what he would have done,” George wrote to Jeanette. He later added, for his stepmother:

George made cadet lieutenant but handled his platoon so badly on maneuvers that the Army colonel in charge chewed him out in front of two companies, announcing “that if I had done that in the regular army in wartime, I would have been shot at sunrise.” He was then transferred to the staff and discouraged from the further pursuit of a military career.⁵¹

Teachers imprinted themselves indelibly. There was a burly Alsatian, once a waiter, who hurled cadets out of the classroom if they acted up, but he was fine for French verbs. George’s Latin instructor, in contrast, never got upset: he had “an amused recognition of me, of what I could do.” The school’s founder and headmaster, Dr. Sidney T. Smythe, an Episcopal clergyman who had been a boxer in his youth, terrified the students but also inspired them in chapel: “I’ve never forgotten his reading of the Gospel of St. John: ‘And the Word was made flesh and dwelt among us, and we beheld his glory, the glory as of the only begotten of the Father, full of grace and truth.’ I’ve often thought that’s the most beautiful sentence in the English language.”⁵²

And then there was a young, handsome English teacher who “was very nice to a group of us,” serving ice cream in his apartment and arranging school-sanctioned theater trips to Chicago. He introduced George to Oscar Wilde and Bernard Shaw, then “frightfully avant garde,” and also to Princeton by having him read F. Scott Fitzgerald’s recently published This Side of Paradise. But after George graduated, there came an invitation to stay overnight in Chicago, and “it turned out he was a homosexual. He made passes at me in the middle of the night, and I got up and fled and never saw him again. I felt sorry for him. I didn’t want to hurt him. But I felt I just couldn’t stay there. He later committed suicide.”⁵³

George was well aware, by then, of homosexuality. “What could you expect? These were boys in ages from 13 to 18 and obviously during this period the sexual powers ripened.” He himself had been attracted to an older boy who played on the basketball team, and “I’m sure that had I remained in an all male environment any longer, I like all of us would have developed homosexual tendencies simply because of the lack of other objects.” But “it was never in any way natural to me, and the moment I had an interest in women I never had anything like that.”⁵⁴

“I went there as innocent as an angel,” George recalled of St. John’s, “and emerged from it, four years later, not much more sophisticated than I was when I had entered it.” Perhaps. But he was sophisticated enough, by his senior year, to send Jeanette, who preserved it, this slightly salacious poem:

George’s dream now was acceptance at Princeton—Fitzgerald’s novel having eclipsed the Navy’s attractions—and the St. John’s dean, Henry Holt, excused him from classes to allow preparation. Jeanette helped also, tutoring George in chemistry: she knew nothing about the subject, “but I had the book.” Even so, admission was no sure thing: George failed the entrance examination and resigned himself to a year of preparatory school. He tried again at the last moment, and this time he passed: as he remembered it, he was the last student admitted. No one else from St. John’s made it into an eastern college.⁵⁶

The 1921 St. John’s Military Academy Yearbook shows a smiling and self-confident young man in a track suit in the front row of the team, having taken athletic honors in that sport as well as in football, hiking, and tennis—he was also, by then, an accomplished swimmer and diver. He played in a jazz band. His record as a cadet—whatever he remembered about his blunders on maneuvers—showed steady promotions from private through corporal, sergeant, and lieutenant. There were scholastic honors for Latin, French, English, and “Caesar.” He was, unsurprisingly, class poet, although his commencement poem is much less interesting than the one he sent Jeanette. His favorite author is recorded as Bernard Shaw, his disposition as “vascillating,” and his “pet peeve” as “The Universe.”⁵⁷ And because he had skipped his final year at Milwaukee Normal, he was still only seventeen.

BY THE TIME HE ARRIVED AT PRINCETON IN 1921, GEORGE KENNAN had made his way through a difficult childhood. He was healthy, handsome, clever, and even if he had scraped by on his entrance examinations, at least as well educated as most of the other freshmen who enrolled that fall: the university was still decades away from admitting students chiefly for academic excellence. Fitzgerald was not far off when he described Princeton, in This Side of Paradise, as “the pleasantest country club in America.”¹

But even he acknowledged that the place was more than this. Fitzgerald has his hero, Amory Blaine, lying on the grass one night, surrounded by halls and cloisters “infinitely more mysterious as they loomed suddenly out of the darkness, outlined each by myriad faint squares of yellow light…. Evening after evening the senior singing had drifted over the campus in melancholy beauty, and through the shell of [Amory’s] undergraduate consciousness had broken a deep and reverent devotion to the gray walls and Gothic peaks and all they symbolized as warehouses of dead ages.” Kennan read these words at St. John’s, and they shaped his expectations. “The taxi carried me up University Place and down Nassau Street… and as I discerned, through its windows, the shapes of the Gothic structures around Holder Hall, my penchant for the creation of imaginative wonders reached some sort of a crescendo. Mystery and promise, glamour and romance seemed to glow, like plasma, from these dim architectural shapes.”²

And yet Kennan went on to portray Princeton in his memoirs in such bleak terms that readers have recoiled ever since. “I knew not a soul in college or town. I was given the last furnished room in the most remote of those gloomy rooming houses far off campus to which, at the time, late-coming freshmen were relegated…. I remained, therefore, an oddball on campus, not eccentric, not ridiculed or disliked, just imperfectly visible to the naked eye.” He was careful to blame himself, not the university: “I was fairly treated at its hands; I respected it intellectually; I took pride in it as an institution.” But “Princeton was for me not exactly the sort of experience reflected in This Side of Paradise.”³

It is worth noting, though, that Kennan wrote this depressing account of his years at Princeton in the town of Princeton, having chosen to return a quarter-century after he graduated: he would live and work there for another half-century. Young George’s experience, however he may have remembered it, began a trajectory that would bring him back to the place where he began a life away from home—and it would in time become home.

I.

“I suppose you’ve heard that I got into Princeton safely,” George wrote Jeanette on September 28, 1921. He meant that he had arrived not knowing whether he would be admitted to the university itself, or would have to take remedial courses at one of the tutoring schools just off campus. He was a year younger than his classmates. His course of study would be daunting: English, French, Physics, History and Economics, Hygiene, Physical Training, and remedial Latin. But, he assured Jeanette, “I like Princeton quite well.” The honor system especially surprised him, extending not only to unsupervised examinations but to credit in local stores. “[I]f a student buys something and then finds he hasn’t the money to pay for it, the storekeepers insist on his taking the goods, paying when he wants to, and they won’t even take his name.”⁴

By October, when his father came to visit, George was more measured in his enthusiasm and a bit shaken in self-confidence: “I believe he was more impressed with Princeton than I myself have been.” “Make good. I know you will,” Kent senior said, adding only “that I should not cease entirely, now that I was away from home, to go to church.” George knew how his father would feel if he failed, “and besides there’s another reason—you know her name,” he wrote Jeanette. “She got me into Princeton and it wouldn’t be quite playing the game to flunk out, without a hard struggle.”⁵

Thanksgiving found George succumbing to introspection, which was “like looking through a window into a dark and dirty old shack when you have a myriad of nice views to look at in the other direction.” He asked Jeanette to try to stop the family from worrying about his lack of friends: “It honestly doesn’t bother me in the least, except that I wish the lack were greater.” The letter contained an apology for not writing earlier, because he had not been able to afford a stamp.⁶

George probably embroidered the truth a bit, but he was very cautious—as he had been at St. John’s—about spending money: “I felt I mustn’t make it too hard for my father.” Florence Kennan had left her children a fund for college, but he had never asked his father how much it was. “I rather assumed that it was barely enough.” This led George to conclude that if he was going to make it back to Milwaukee for Christmas, he would have to earn the train fare. He did so by taking a temporary job as a postman in Trenton, slogging through slushy streets for days until he had earned the necessary $28. In doing so, he contracted scarlet fever.⁷

George arrived home sick and was promptly quarantined on the third floor at the Cambridge Avenue house, with a trained nurse brought in to care for him. Because there was no penicillin, “I came within an inch of dying.” His sisters were sent back to their colleges wondering whether they would ever see him again. But he slowly recovered and toward the end of his isolation even began “falling a little in love” with his nurse. He would not return to Princeton until the beginning of March, having lost much of his second semester. The physical effects, Jeanette thought, were permanent: “When he was at St. John’s, he was a very healthy young boy,” but “he was never as well after that.” And it had all been unnecessary, because there was enough money. He just hadn’t known it. “I was a junior in college when I found out,” Jeanette recalled, so she “went out and bought new clothes!”⁸

Back on campus, George found his teachers sympathetic and the amount of work to be made up less than he had expected. He found a place in the freshman commons orchestra and tried out for—but did not stay with—the Daily Princetonian. He even began to have fun, breaking into the Junior Prom with other freshmen to steal sandwiches, helping a friend get out of a lease by harassing a landlady with as much noise as possible at four A.M., and pursuing a new hobby of shooting at magazines, in the fireplace, with a revolver. Money, however, continued to worry him. His friends treated him well, “considering my lack of personality…. But I just can’t go much with their set unless I spend a little more money.” It was worth doing this, “because if there’s any one thing that isn’t good for me it is to be alone, and it’s a choice of going with them or with no one.”⁹

With April came “soft days, and still softer nights.” Victrolas played through open windows each evening. The campus was overrun with girls on weekends, making it impossible to play tennis “because we can’t swear.” But he did get himself to a prom without doing anything “absolutely wrong, outside of wearing the same soft shirt with a borrowed tuxedo, two nights in succession. I got along on about $31, having that amount when I started and three cents when I ended.”¹⁰

And then there was—alluringly—New York. George’s oldest sister, Frances, who had long since left Milwaukee to become an actress, lived there and generously offered the use of her sofa on occasional weekends. “I was absolutely neurotic with [the] excitement of this city,” George recalled many years later, “to me it seemed just like fairyland.” But Frances and her friends weren’t interested in college students. She remembered it differently: “I’ll tell you what my friends thought: ‘Oh, how darling! Pink cheeks!’”

George did seem shy, though, so on one visit Frances and her roommates brought home a girl they thought he would like. “I think they expected more to happen than did because I wasn’t prepared to go to these lengths yet.” Sensing that he had disappointed, “I wrote her afterwards a passionate love letter and she wrote me very sensibly back and said that that wasn’t the way it was.” He did, however, fall in love with New York. “I thought it was absolutely marvelous.”¹¹

II.

George did not recall being depressed at Princeton, but he was indeed shy, and if anybody did talk to him, he tended to talk too much: “I think many Middle Western boys had this experience when they went East to college.” There weren’t many at Princeton in the 1920s: the university drew its students chiefly from wealthy families and elite prep schools on the East Coast. There were no women, no blacks, few Jews, and—somewhat surprisingly for an institution strongly shaped by its former president Woodrow Wilson—few foreigners. The emphasis in admissions was on “homogeneity,” but that did not mean democracy: Princeton was as class-ridden as the society from which most of its students came.¹²

“[I]f you were from some place that you didn’t think was ‘the’ place to be from,” a friend recalled many years later, “you felt like a hick. You didn’t think your clothes were right, and you didn’t think what you said was right, and you didn’t know the right people, and you held back in a corner and tried to hide all that part of yourself.” George himself, half a century later, remembered asking a fellow freshman at the first student assembly what time it was. The young dandy took a puff on his cigarette, blew some smoke, and then walked away, searing himself into George’s consciousness: “I was just proud enough not to suck up to those boys. And wouldn’t have known how to do it anyway.”¹³

For this reason, getting into Princeton was not nearly as difficult as fitting into Princeton once he was there. During his first year, of course, all freshmen were inferiors. They wore beanies (“dinks”) and were banned from walking on certain sidewalks or patches of grass. The class stood disgraced if one or more of its members did not, at some point during the year, steal the bell-clapper from atop Nassau Hall. They expected to be photographed in front of Whig Hall while sophomores pelted them from above with unpleasant substances. This form of class consciousness was good-natured enough, though, and when George got to be a sophomore, he himself harassed freshmen. “We certainly did those boys up right,” he wrote Jeanette, “with water, flour, eggs, tomatoes, fish, green paint, cement, alabaster, and every other conceivable concoction.”¹⁴

There was, however, a more complex consciousness of class at Princeton, to which George alluded early in his sophomore year. “Last Sunday I was [at a] dinner in Trenton…. The other Princeton boy down there was a man who plays varsity football, is on the senior council, and belongs to Ivy, so you can see the eliteness.”¹⁵ “Ivy” was the Ivy Club, and George’s boast reflected multiple meanings of the word class. It referred not only to individual courses, or to the collective experience of a common graduating year; it also signified membership—or lack of it—in Princeton’s distinctive eating clubs, and that for many of its undergraduates was the most important thing of all.

Princeton had abolished fraternities in 1875 but neglected to replace them with adequate dining facilities for upperclassmen. This encouraged the construction and generous endowment of privately owned clubs, mostly along Prospect Avenue, which offered elegant dining, ample drink, and opulent facilities for parties, dances, and alumni reunions. Admission was by the vote of the members, and with few other places to socialize on campus, getting into a club became the prevailing preoccupation from the moment freshmen arrived. Since not all clubs were equal in prestige, joining the “right” one was at least as vital. Everything depended on “bicker,” the critical spring week when sophomores waited anxiously for the all-important knock on the door that would tell them they had made it in—which is to say, that they had been deemed to have fit in. It all amounted, one professor later complained, to “a religious frenzy over the choice of a restaurant.”¹⁶

By the time his own bicker week rolled around, George had decided that the process was beneath him: “In a veritable transport of false pride, self-pity, and thirst for martyrdom, I absented myself every afternoon from the campus, lest somebody ask me to join a club.” In the end, though, somebody did. Bill Oliver, whose sister had roomed with Constance at Vassar, sought George out: “You’re making a great mistake. This is going to damage your upper-class years—you’ll be happier if you join.” Moved that anyone had taken the trouble, he accepted membership in Key and Seal, which he described to Jeanette as “neither the best nor the worst” but “the wildest club in Princeton.” He then took a job as assistant manager there to cover the costs.¹⁷

Even in his own club, though, George was uncomfortable. Its chief vice was drinking, but “since I don’t like to drink, I’m not in fear of temptation on that score.” He later acknowledged not having many friends in Key and Seal. By the end of his junior year, he was brooding about the “super-sensitiveness” that had led some of his classmates to “make social prestige during undergraduate years the sole aim of life.” So he resigned when he returned to campus.¹⁸

He thereby saved, George wrote his father, $300. But it had been “no small sacrifice,” because “[a] non-club man is quite generally snubbed and looked down upon, takes a very small part in college life, and misses out on practically all of the things that men have in mind when they talk about ‘the grand old college days.’” For the rest of his senior year there was no choice but to eat with the “rejects,” the students who had gotten into no club, and that, George later recalled, was terrible. Each of them “was afraid that the fellow next to him would think that he couldn’t take it and was trying to butter him up to make friends, so we usually ate in a sort of proud silence.”¹⁹

George drew from this unhappy experience the lesson that “one had to make one’s own standards, one could not just accept those of other people; there was always the possibility that those others, in the very rejection of us, had been wrong.” But it had been he who had rejected his fellow club members, not the other way around. George captured his own contradictions in a letter to Jeanette: “My hardest job is to be conventional, for that is something which self-respect and blood often tell [me] not to do,” even though “I believe [conventionality] brought me to Princeton.”²⁰

“There was… a curious strain of weakness running crosswise through his makeup,” it was once said of another student who wound up at Princeton. “[A] harsh word from the lips of an older boy… was liable to sweep him off his poise into surly sensitiveness, or timid stupidity…. [H]e was a slave to his own moods.”²¹ That student was Fitzgerald’s Amory Blaine before he entered Princeton: he eventually got over it. George, for whatever reason, never quite did.

III.

Academics, fortunately, came more easily than social life. George’s most challenging freshman course was Historical Introduction (known to the students as “hysterical interruption”), which sought to show the effects of climate, geography, and resources on civilizations. The professor was the young Joseph C. Green, “a stern, vigorous, and relentlessly conscientious scholar, placing no demands on us that he did not meet to the fullest degree himself.” Young George had this course in mind when he wrote his father that “my future rests chiefly on how much studying I do in the next week and a half.” But he passed everything—no small achievement given his bout with scarlet fever—although he did have to repeat freshman English literature in his sophomore year.²²

That requirement provoked an early outburst of intellectual independence. George disliked the course and began cutting classes. He thought it silly to have to identify plots and climaxes in Shakespeare—“you either felt these plays as aesthetic and intellectual experiences or you did not.” Called in by his instructor, who wanted to know, “bluntly but not unkindly, what the hell was the matter with me,” George professed repentance. He then submitted a paper on what was wrong with the teaching of English in American colleges. It got the highest grade possible, and “I was taught an unforgettable lesson in generosity and restraint.”²³

George knew none of his teachers well, but he appreciated what some of them did. Like several generations of Princeton undergraduates, he relished the legendary Walter P. “Buzzer” Hall—so called for the sound his hearing aid made—who would arrive in a horse and buggy to teach modern European history, thunder through his lectures, and then end the semester with a masterpiece on Garibaldi that pulled in students from all over the campus. There was a philosophy professor who gained George’s respect by allowing students to argue with him after his lectures: “Anyone who can ex[c]ite three or four hundred blasé easterners so that they emerge from their frigid cells… has got to be good.” And then there was a German professor, short, stout, with close-cropped hair and a red mustache: “When he starts to speak German, he swells up, raises his head, glares at the class, draws a deep breath, and then bursts out in stenatorian [sic] tones, punctuated by a full measure of the spluttering and gurgling [which] accompanies the pronunciation of good German.”²⁴

Literature, inside and outside of class, sparked the greatest interest, especially contemporary American novels: “I was thrilled with these books.” Princeton may not have lived up to the reputation Fitzgerald had given it, but Sinclair Lewis’s Main Street put George back in touch with his midwestern roots. “[I]t was an enormous eye-opener to me that one could look at our lives and see drama.” And then, as George was graduating, The Great Gatsby came out, “went right into me and became part of me.”²⁵

History, apart from “Buzzer” Hall, was disappointing. Too many instructors contented themselves with assignments like: “Read Chapter Twenty-Three, and be prepared to recite on it next week.” It made a difference when the students encountered what they found interesting. Charles Seymour’s Woodrow Wilson and the World War was “fortunately small enough to be read conveniently in chapel,” where attendance was mandatory, “and I covered some fifty pages of it during that ceremony, this morning.” Only one other history teacher held George’s interest: he was Raymond J. Sontag, then a preceptor but later a distinguished diplomatic historian. “[S]keptical, questioning, disillusioned without being discouraging,” he left an indelible impression. Many years later, having himself entered the profession, George recalled of his Princeton years: “I didn’t realize how interesting history was!”²⁶

So too, in a way, were current affairs. George carefully recorded the consensus reached in a Clio debate on Japanese exclusion. He composed, but did not send, a sardonic letter to the Princetonian on the Veterans’ Bonus Bill. He wrote an essay on plans for construction of the St. Lawrence Seaway. He wrestled, in his international law class, with a case involving Soviet claims to property in the United States—an issue he would return to in an official capacity a decade later. He participated in a student discussion on German reparations, which veered off into wild plans for joining the French Foreign Legion, and then ended in “a general row on international politics” lasting much of the night. Princeton left him with “a vague Wilsonian liberalism; a regret that the Senate had rejected American membership in the League of Nations; a belief in laissez-faire economics and the values of competition ; and a corresponding aversion to high tariffs.” Otherwise, there were few “settled opinions, conclusions, or certainties in the field of public affairs.”²⁷

There was, however, a mounting concern that his undergraduate years might be his best: “I can readily see how, after one gets out into the world, regardless of what he may have intended, he will never learn anything again, and his interests will be absolutely limited to what he has learned.” Time spent on courses was therefore precious—but not so precious that it prevented George from writing this letter to Jeanette in an English class, where he was supposed to have been taking notes on the lecture.²⁸

IV.

Much about Princeton was exciting—even if English lectures were not—and in more ways than his memoirs suggest, George was becoming fond of the place. “I’m devilish busy,” he wrote early in his sophomore year. He was taking six courses, had a job addressing envelopes for an Italian tailor, and felt like a swimmer trying to keep his head above water. “But I’ve become quite a stoic: I play not; neither do I smoke; yet the Phoenix in all his glory never took any colder baths than I do in the mornings.”²⁹

He now had a room on campus and was facing distractions that tested stoicism. When Princeton beat Chicago in football that fall, Nassau Street filled with celebrating students, “acting as if they had lost all semblance of intelligence.” George was one of them. “I don’t often get drunk, but I do think that was a worthy occasion.” Then came an unexpected free trip to the Harvard game in Cambridge, causing George to write Jeanette exuberantly: “I just sort of bubble over. Can you imagine that? Last year I felt so lonely.” There were even theater parties in New York, requiring excuses for why he had to return to Princeton “when I was asked to stay all night.”³⁰

George was a bit stoic when it came to women. He assured Jeanette that he had not arrived at Princeton “a prude.” But he later could recall asking only one girl to a dance there, and it turned out to be an unhappy experience because nobody else danced with her. When George revealed one day that he thought he was in love, his junior-year roommate assured him “that a man can have any woman he wants, if he only wants to take the trouble.” George reported this to Jeanette with scarcely concealed envy: he “sleeps until noon if I don’t wake him;… writes to fifteen girls, and knows fifteen more; has two invited down to the Junior prom and still doesn’t seem the least bit worried about it; and believes in Prohibition but can hold half a pint of gin with perfect sobriety…. Only a southerner could carry that off.”³¹

Whatever the state of his love life, spring in Princeton could make it hard to study. Seniors singing on the steps of Nassau Hall moved him so deeply that he wanted to ban all phonographs, automobiles, and other recent inventions from the campus, “because they mar the effect.” But when a classmate abandoned it all to become a sailor, “Lord, how I wanted to go with him.” George did not expect Jeanette, “being a girl,” to understand that the world beyond Princeton, now colorful and romantic, would by the time he graduated be drab and meaningless. He wanted to see it, even if penniless. He didn’t go, though, because “I have too much regard for Father.” At least “I’m not so impressionable as I was at this time last year.”³²

“Took the history quiz this morning,” George wrote on May 24, 1924, in the diary he was now keeping again. “Also had my picture taken for a passport.” It was George’s first, since they had not been required when his family took him to Germany in 1912. The photograph shows a serious young man in coat and tie with a thick head of hair, close-cropped above the ears. Most striking are the eyes, which are large, almost haunted, and suggestive of vulnerability. Which perhaps accounts for another comment George wrote in his diary that evening: “They [his classmates] laugh at me, I know, but I don’t mind being laughed at as much as I used to.”³³

V.

The passport was for a summer trip to Europe, a compromise remedy for George’s wanderlust. He did not do it penniless, but he came close. He did do it with a Princeton friend whose “uninhibited Greek hedonism was a good foil to my tense Presbyterian anxieties.” Constantine Nicholas Michaelas Messolonghitis routinely hitchhiked from his home in Ohio without apparent effort or worry. He had resigned from Key and Seal before George did. “His wide-eyed innocence about the East was even more staggering than my own;… [and] in the easy glow of his provincial garrulousness (he was a character, in reality, from Thomas Wolfe) I softened and felt at home.” Traveling with Nick would mean “toil, trial, trouble, and tribulation—but still human nature is so unreasoning that I look forward to it.”³⁴

The trip was unremarkable in one sense: Europe was full of young Americans bumming around in the summer of 1924. What was remarkable was the handwritten account of over ninety pages that George kept and preserved. It was the first of many travel diaries he would compose throughout his life, and it opens a window into who he was at the age of twenty, still an adolescent, soon to cease to be one.

The journal begins, predictably, with a list of traveler’s check numbers and addresses of adults to be contacted if something went wrong. It then describes hitchhiking from Princeton to New York, and an exhausting trek up and down docks on both sides of the Hudson in an unsuccessful search for a ship in need of inexperienced hands. June 24–25 became an odyssey, with George and Nick spending most of the day on the waterfront in Hoboken; then crossing back to Manhattan but failing to find friends with free beds, couches, or floors; then running into an acquaintance of Frances’s who did at least provide tickets to the midnight show at the Hippodrome; then being turned away from the YMCA at four A.M.; and finally sleeping for the rest of the night in Central Park—all the while dragging along the necessary baggage for a summer in Europe. By eight A.M. the boys were up and at Battery Park, “about the seediest looking persons [there], which is saying something: soiled, wrinkled clothes, two day beards, unkempt, hot as usual, and tired to death. Our morale was utterly shot.”³⁵

But there was a ship, the SS Berengaria, which offered third-class passage at $97.50 apiece. “‘Nick,’ sez I, ‘on board that boat there must be a bath and a bed.’ With that thought our reason fled, and we bought tickets forthwith,” an extravagance that, before they had even sailed, exhausted more than half their funds. On board were some of the most “scurvy, seedy, filthy, low-down, diseased, wrecked, ignorant, miserable human beings that God ever made a bad job on.” But there were also baths and beds, the sea was calm, and there were a couple of “nice girls” from Mount Holyoke and Wellesley with whom to lounge in deck chairs, compare notes on the fellow passengers, listen to the quartermaster’s yarns about the Battle of Jutland, enjoy ice cream provided by a bribed steward, and peer through a window at a fancy-dress ball in first class.³⁶

Landfall was at Southampton on July 2, and George’s first sight of England amazed him. The taxis were “antiquated, fantastic, ancient hacks,” the streetcars were double-decked, most of the houses were old, none of the buildings were high, and some of the male inhabitants dressed in a way that would “cause a good riot in the U.S.A.” The boys spent the next few days hiking north of Exeter—George, reading Lorna Doone at the time, liked the moors—and occasionally hitching rides: one was unauthorized on the back of a slow-moving bus, another was on a two-wheeled dog cart driven by an amiable woman to whom they attempted, without success, to explain the virtues of free trade. They celebrated the Fourth of July in Dunster by splurging on sauterne, but found on reaching London that sympathetic waitresses were sometimes willing to shave a few shillings off their bills. Efforts to find work failed, provoking poetry, first from George:

and then from Nick:

After worrying for days about funds, George concluded that they should cross the Channel, make their way across France to Marseilles, and persuade the consul there to send them home. “[T]o hell with finances…. Nick was of course charmed with the idea.”³⁷

They arrived in Paris on July 17. “I have never seen any city even remotely resembling it,” George wrote. “It has all the ‘magnificent distances’ of Washington, the boulevards of Philadelphia, the metropolitan freedom and gaiety of New York (but more so), the time-honored mellowness of London”—and the taxis disregarded speed limits, “just as they do in Chicago.” The Arc de Triomphe seemed to Nick “quite satisfactory,” although “I was so shot I wouldn’t have known it from a hitching post.” The Eiffel Tower’s elevator was rotten “in comparison to the Woolworth Bldg.” There were visits to the Louvre, the Moulin Rouge, and Versailles, the last of which reminded George that ceremonies could be comic opera: he had first seen this at the unveiling of the Revolutionary War battle monument outside of Princeton, with “poor Harding sitting there in a glaring sun on the white concrete steps, mopping his brow with a handkerchief, and caring more for a glass of good, cold beer, than [for] all the heroes of history.”

July 26 brought an unexpected windfall at the American Express office: $100 from Frances, with instructions to ask for more if required. “[S]he evidently got scared by the letter I wrote to her from London, and told the whole tale to Father, who, of course, gritted his teeth, boiled with rage, and assured her he would send me all [I] needed.” Priding himself on his independence, George professed to be appalled: “She couldn’t have meant better; she couldn’t have done worse.” It would be a while before he could show his face in Milwaukee again.³⁸

But the cash made it possible to get to Italy, where George was afflicted by “terrible and weird dreams” about his family. There were, he thought, two kinds of dreams: random impressions “flashing around in the brain at will, with no semblance of order,” and, less frequently, dreams in which “we see and hear clearly interesting things which we know we have never heard or seen in real life…. It seems to me that the only possible explanation for these lies in the action of some kind of mental telepathy.” The dreams in Turin were of the latter variety, and they left him “very much depressed.”

It was a signal, perhaps, that it was time to go home, so George and Nick proceeded to Genoa, where they began again “the sad parade of the water-front. If there be anything… more discouraging than trying to get a job on a boat I have yet to find it.” They sought out, as planned, the American consul: “We lied to him about how much money we had and he lied to us in return about our chances of working away from this dump.” It was, he insisted, “utterly impossible…. He won’t help us out until we’re flat broke or until he’s convinced that we couldn’t be scared into wiring for money.” But “when we go broke we go to jail…. Then, the question is, must he send us home or can he let us stay in jail as long as possible?”³⁹

Increasingly desperate and with George suffering from dysentery—“Nick kindly informs me that people die from it”—they did accept another $130, wired this time from Milwaukee. With it they were able to make it to Paris, where George found a doctor and where “Nick was a nervous wreck, as jumpy and fidgety and weak as an old woman,” and then on to Boulogne-sur-Mer, where they had booked passage on a new Holland-America ship, the SS Veendam. She was, riding at anchor, “the most cheering sight I have seen for some time,” even in third class “a revelation of comfort and cleanliness.” George and Nick disembarked in New York on August 23 with $2.25 apiece, “the proceeds of one pound we had saved and cashed on the boat.”⁴⁰

Here they separated, and George, unsure what to do next, decided to hitchhike to Schenectady, where Constance and her husband lived. He arrived at about midnight, and “[t] hey pretended to be real glad to see me.” “Oh, I’m so glad you’re home, Connie,” she remembered him having said. “I thought I’d have to sleep in the park.” Fed, clothed, and refinanced, George took a Hudson River boat to New York and then went on to Princeton, closing out his diary: “Here ended, by exhaustion, the account of the European trip of George F. Kennan.”⁴¹

VI.

“The only thing I’m really qualified for,” George had written Jeanette during his first year at Princeton, “is to play in a dance orchestra.” He had, by then, mastered the piano (despite being denied lessons at home), the cornet (an outgrowth of bugling at St. John’s), the banjo, the guitar, and—to the amazement of his half-brother Kent, who would become a distinguished musician and composer—the French horn, “a fiendishly difficult instrument.” George played in orchestras and dance bands throughout his college years, with the latter generating badly needed income. “Marvelously peppy party,” he noted of one dance. “[E]ven I enjoyed myself—profitable too.” But as he had pointed out to his sister, this was not a profession “as a rule, followed by Princeton men, as a life occupation.”⁴²

There had also been a succession of physically demanding summer jobs—cherry-picking, tree-trimming, even working on a railroad during a strike and having to cross picket lines—but these were not right for a Princeton graduate either. There was, to be sure, his father’s profession, the law, and at the end of his sophomore year George had “fairly definitely” decided on that path. But Kent senior was “too modest and honest, too conscious of his remoteness from the modern age and his inadequacy as a guide,” to press his son to follow his example: George recognized him as “a shy, lonely, and not very happy person.” Perhaps with their father in mind, he lamented to Jeanette at about this time that “[w]e all run along with our heads in the clouds, most of our lives, hoping for some kind of great thing, until we suddenly realize that we’ve almost come to the end of our rope and nothing great has happened at all. It must be sort of a disappointment.”⁴³

Like most college students, George sought in his summer travels something great, even if neither he nor Nick had much of a sense of what that might be. In a way, he found it: the weary young man who arrived back in Princeton at the end of August was not the one who had happily hitched rides out of it the previous June. The trip had been both a flight from and an assumption of responsibility—a liberation but also a test. It occasioned his first sustained descriptive writing: George found words to reflect what his eyes had seen and his body had experienced, a skill he would never lose. And like most such trips, this one explored an inner self as well as a wider world. “I am making a strong effort,” he wrote at one point, “to be more equable in temper and disposition, by restraining myself when I find myself too congenially inclined.”⁴⁴

George came back from Europe with firmer views about himself and his future. He resigned from Key and Seal, thereby resigning himself to his bleak, though principled, senior year. He had also decided against law school. “I will probably disappoint you,” he wrote his father, but “three more expensive years of education and another long period of time required to ‘get headway’” did not seem to make sense. “I have learned a few things, and one of them is that I don’t want to be poor…. [T]he ordinary money-making games don’t particularly appeal to me [but] the results of them do, and I have enough confidence in myself to think that I can make a fair success at almost anything (except salesmanship) if I go into it for all it’s worth.” The only scheme that suggested itself, however, was well ahead of its time: “I figured it all out how I can make my millions by starting an airplane express company in the United States; I’ ll be the Harriman of commercial aeronautics.”⁴⁵

The best argument George made against law school, however, was one that Kent senior, who had himself traveled and worked abroad as a young man, could hardly question: “Very few of my ancestors, if any, can have been living such a restrained and quiet life at the age of twenty-one… it makes me very restless. I don’t fit well in a leisurely life.” The European trip, for all its travails, had demonstrated that. George made few references to home in his diary that summer, but when the harbor at Genoa reminded him of Milwaukee, he pointedly added that it would be a “misfortune” if he had to go back there.⁴⁶

So what to do? Foreign languages came naturally: George’s family and Milwaukee Normal had equipped him with German, and he had taken Latin and French at St. John’s and Princeton. Professors Green, Hall, and Sontag had had their influence as well: “I had enjoyed the study of international politics and had prospered in it.” George recalled having studied history and politics “with increasing enjoyment and success.” It made sense, therefore, one day in January 1925, to drop in on his international law professor, Philip M. Brown, to ask about becoming a diplomat. Brown was encouraging and discouraging. On the one hand, the recently passed Rogers Act, which consolidated the Department of State’s diplomatic and consular functions into a single new United States Foreign Service, had raised standards and ensured adequate salaries. Law school, on the other hand, would be a prudent backup, since ministerial and ambassadorial appointments could still be given to political appointees. A career officer might “work for years in the service and then suddenly find himself entirely out of it.”⁴⁷

George decided to accept the risk and to seek direct entry into the Foreign Service after graduation. “My decision… was dictated mainly, if memory serves, by the feeling that I did not know what else to do.” His academic advisers did not object. Green thought George “well fitted” for diplomacy: “If you succeed in getting into the Service I am sure that you will find the work both interesting and valuable.” Brown was “confident you will succeed in entering and in more than making good.” George’s own sense was that “[s]ome guardian angel must have stood over me at that point. It was the first and last sensible decision I was ever deliberately to make about my occupation.”⁴⁸

George Kennan graduated from Princeton in June 1925 with a respectable but not brilliant academic record: he ranked eighty-third in a class of 219. He resisted, to the end, fitting in. Convinced that commencement was just “an attempt to telescope, in a symbolic and over-simplified form, something which was of importance,” he skipped all the ceremonies “except the one at which I got my diploma. My high principles did not go quite far enough for me to forego attendance at that particular occasion.” The Class Day edition of the Nassau Herald recorded him as “undecided as to his future occupation,” and George promptly went off to work as a deckhand on a steamer operating between Boston and Savannah: “We received forty-eight cents an hour, worked up to sixteen hours straight on the days we came into port, and were quite happy.”⁴⁹

Princeton had, however, provided something of importance. It had guided George, along with his classmates, through the limbo that separated the constraints of childhood from assertions of independence and assumptions of responsibility. He left the university less of a chameleon than he had been while there, or before he had arrived—and he knew something about the world that lay beyond. Princeton had, he later acknowledged, “prepared the mind for future growth.” And what was the task of a university, after all, if not to ready its students for “the formation of their prejudices, not to impregnate them with its own”?⁵⁰

THE GUARDIAN ANGEL THAT GUIDED GEORGE KENNAN TOWARD THE newly established Foreign Service had insufficient influence to gain him entry. That he had to accomplish on his own, by passing the formal examination the 1924 Rogers Act had mandated. It had two stages: a written test based on factual knowledge, and an oral interview before senior officers that was meant to determine whether the applicant would “fit in.” The purpose, Kennan recalled, was to provide a way to “exclude you even though you passed the written.” This dual structure reflected tensions within the Foreign Service itself. It was now a professional organization, with specified standards for admission, salary, benefits, promotion, and evaluation. But it was still run by a small group of career diplomats from wealthy families, educated at East Coast preparatory schools and Ivy League universities. They belonged to, and were determined to preserve, what one of them described at the time as “a pretty good club.”¹

Standard preparation for Foreign Service examinations involved enrollment at a Washington tutoring school taught by Angus MacDonald Crawford, whom Kennan remembered as “a big old Scot, …terribly interesting when he wasn’t drunk.” The emphasis was on memorization, not thought. Princeton history courses had allowed stretching a little knowledge into a lot of opinions, George wrote Jeanette, but “there is as much demand for free love advocates in the ‘Bible belt’ as there is for opinions in Washington.” Style counted as much as substance. There wasn’t much chance for “poor white-hosed, gold-teethed Elks and civil-service hounds from your Midwestern ‘bad-lands’ who… expect to get in, without ever having so much as seen a dress-suit, unless it were on a vaudeville magician.”²

George lived, while studying for his examinations, in a boardinghouse on Church Street. The other residents were young Foreign Service aspirants like Kennan, and although they worked hard, there was time for bridge parties, dances, and even a few grand dinners. Health continued to be a problem: George was hospitalized with fever soon after he arrived, but recovered sufficiently to have fun with his nurse, who liked being spanked by interns. “If I hadn’t been so helpless I would have done it myself,” he confided in Jeanette, “because she washed my mouth out with soap for saying ‘goddam.’”³

“Professor” Crawford prepared his students well, and Kennan passed the written examination easily enough. But the oral interview, presided over by the formidable under secretary of state, Joseph C. Grew, was terrifying: “In my first words—to the effect that I was born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin—my voice broke into a falsetto on the second syllable of Wisconsin and set the board roaring with laughter.” The examiners accepted him anyway, leaving Kennan to wonder whether it had been his performance that got him in, or the fact that Grew had met him a few nights before at a dinner given by the wealthy mother of one of the more socially acceptable candidates.⁴

However it happened, Kennan was appointed to the rank of “Foreign Service Officer, Unclassified” on September 9, 1926, at an annual salary of $2,500. He was given a loose-leaf book of instructions, some drafted before the Civil War, and a tremulous greeting by Secretary of State Frank B. Kellogg. His first assignment was to the new Foreign Service School, then a single room in the extravagantly ornate State, War, Navy Building (now the Executive Office Building), with a view of the White House and occasionally its occupant, Calvin Coolidge, next door. The lectures, which focused on passports, visas, and notarials, provoked a poem:

But the training was useful, and there were opportunities to apprentice in the State Department itself, where Kennan’s first formal report, on a British Commonwealth conference, received high praise. The students were also expected to participate in Washington high society: “It was like a coming-out.”⁵

Society had been important at Princeton too, but George had hardly bothered with it: the rituals required to “fit in” there repelled him. The Foreign Service, however, was a profession, not an eating club. It had a function, and he had a role. He realized this for the first time the summer of 1927 when, just graduated from the Foreign Service School and newly installed as vice-consul in Geneva, he found himself, resplendently attired, greeting guests at the official Fourth of July reception: “There on that summer day, with the orchestra playing on the terrace and the great lake shimmering beyond, …I suddenly became aware that I had a reputable and appointed place in the proceedings.” He was no longer “a species of naked intruder on the human scene.”⁶

I.

Or so his memoirs say. But Kennan’s diary that day has him “sour and sleepy,” still suffering from the effects of a bad lunch the day before. Dragging himself to the reception at the Hotel Beau Rivage, he found the women fresh and flouncy, the men bored, and a few sleek students on tour gawking at the celebrities. Unimpressed, Kennan escaped to the lobby to read a magazine until tea was served and the guest of honor was ready to speak. He was Admiral Hilary P. Jones, the U.S. representative at the Geneva conference on naval arms control. What they were hearing was “conference fodder,” Kennan explained to a British friend, but then it occurred to him that his superiors might not appreciate his candor. There were still things to learn about not having opinions.⁷

Kennan had arrived in Switzerland six weeks earlier and almost at once suffered a nightmare. He dreamed of being a consular officer surrounded by two gigantic clerks, evaluating an applicant for something. Upon discovering that the man was guilty of a despicable crime, he ordered the clerks to throw the culprit out of the office, which they did with such force that he hit the pavement with a thud and was unable to rise, while perspiration poured from him. “Does any man deserve that?” Kennan asked himself, horrified, in his dream. And then he woke up, bathed himself in sweat, with a soft rain falling outside, and the only sound that of a locomotive’s shrill whistle as it switched cars off in the distance.⁸

It’s hard not to see in this an inverted replay of the day, less than three years earlier, when George and Nick Messolonghitis tried to impose their indigence on the American vice-consul in Genoa. Now George had the same job, if in a different city, and he would soon come to loathe “any and all ragged students” seeking refuge “from the predictable consequences of their own improvidence.”⁹ Perhaps the dream marked a passage from irresponsibility to its opposite, a process never completely free from anxiety, regret, and projected guilt.

This, though, was the Foreign Service: it forced young men to grow up. It offered Kennan a new personality behind which to hide his earlier one. There were moments, to be sure, when “the silly student [would] reappear—pouting, resisting, posing, refusing to be comforted,” but authority provided a welcome mask. Diplomacy was theater, and like an actor, “I have been able, all my life, to be of greater usefulness to others by what, seen from a certain emotional distance, I seemed to be than by what, seen closely, I really was.”¹⁰

Geneva itself was a theater. Mont Blanc faded out one evening, to be replaced by a brilliant full moon emerging dramatically from a bank of clouds, “a great, strident, sexless disc of light, that mounted the sky with the assurance of a star actor making his appearance on the stage.” The Genevese were spectators, eternally watching something, whether boats departing, policemen directing traffic, or buildings being torn down: “I have a suspicion that as they stood up here on their mountain tops and watched the rest of Europe fight, they had that same solemn air of attentiveness on their faces…, and I think they must have enjoyed it just as much.”¹¹

Kennan’s consular duties did not rise to the level of war and peace. He forced himself, after interviewing an American who sold lamps, to develop an astounding interest in all things “electric and bulbous.” Unlike Kennan, he had no disappointments, disillusionments, or longings, just an uncluttered belief that his product was good for humanity. “He may be right. Yet tonight, after dinner, I walked up and down the terrace, smoked a pipe, and wondered about it.” A single star hung frozen, in the twilight, “and brooded on the world.”¹²

On the day Swiss newspapers announced the impending execution of Sacco and Vanzetti, the wife of the consulate concierge intercepted Kennan, quivering with rage, expecting him, apparently, to cable the president immediately to demand their release. Acknowledging it as a “mauvaise affair,” Kennan slunk shamefacedly out of the building, “but I couldn’t help feeling that there was something glorious in the fact that that poor little dried-up woman, who putters around all day in the dirty basement of a Geneva office building, should… want to assault a vice-consul because she considered that somewhere, thousands of miles away, human beings were going to be cruel and unjust to two of their fellows.”¹³

Kennan’s Geneva assignment was temporary—he was, in effect, summer help while the arms control conference was under way—and at the end of August he reported for duty at the U.S. consulate in Hamburg, where the State Department had originally intended to send him. It was one of those places that quietly spread tentacles of both beauty and evil. There was a melancholy loveliness in its boulevards and a thrilling strength in the machinery of its harbor. But there were also “dismal, sooty streets” that looked like West Pittsburgh or South Milwaukee, and “unutterable horror [in] the lurid, repulsive alleys of St. Pauli,” from which American seamen too frequently found their way to the consulate to “inflict their lives on mine.”¹⁴

These juxtapositions left Kennan attuned “to all the struggle and tragedy and discord of the world as well as to all its harmony.” An expatriate wedding caused him to conclude gloomily that “we are all expatriates” from another, more kindly world, “the memories of which fade from us with our childhood.” But other days found him enjoying the beer halls, relishing the harbor lights as darkness set in, or sleeping until nearly noon on a clear, brisk autumn Sunday. An evening at the theater had him wanting “to lay my head on the expansive shoulder of the fat lady ahead of me and heave vast blubbers. Only the sense of my consular dignity… restrained me.” On another evening he marveled at the exquisite taste and incredible technique of a young pianist named Horowitz, said to be near death from tuberculosis, whose “nervous spidery fingers trembled on the keys,” while his “whole body [vibrated] tensely to every note of the music.”¹⁵

As did Kennan himself, it seemed, to whatever he happened upon. A walk to the post office on the tenth anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution caught him up in a communist demonstration: thousands of people marching with red flags in the rain behind sickly fifes and drums, singing the “Internationale,” listening to speeches from soapboxes, protesting the fate of Sacco and Vanzetti. Fully aware of communism’s “falseness and hatefulness,” he nonetheless felt “a strange desire to cry.” The experience hinted at “the real truth upon which the little group of spiteful Jewish parasites in Moscow feeds—… that these stupid, ignorant, unpleasant people were after all human beings—that they were, after centuries of mute despair, for the first time attempting to express and to assert themselves.”¹⁶

Meanwhile, the European political scene was a world of its own, which most people knew nothing about. One minister could denounce another, provoking counterdenunciations, but underneath this “prattling of bitter little men,” the great forces of nations and classes made their own unaffected way. And so, at the great fall fair in front of the cathedral, “[m] en yell… wheels revolve… lights blink… whistles blow… people laugh… people eat… human life flows along in all its variety and in all its monotony… and behind it all… the gods themselves dance on, in high indifference!”¹⁷

Kennan wrote in his memoirs that the Foreign Service had steadied “a young man by no means ready yet for complete personal independence.” Maybe later, but not at this point. Six months abroad had left him with increasingly unsettling mood swings, and by November he was close to the breaking point. While at a charity dance on a new passenger liner in the harbor one afternoon, Kennan saw a tramp freighter glide past and felt a sudden urge to exchange his cutaway for a sailor’s dungarees. He would sail

But then the orchestra struck up, he drank some more champagne and found someone to dance with. “Perhaps it was just as well.” Ten days later George F. Kennan sat down and, in the formal language he had been trained to use, addressed a letter to the secretary of state. “Sir,” it read, “I have the honor to submit herewith my resignation from the Foreign Service of the United States.”¹⁸

II.

“Mr. Kennan gives no reasons for the tender of his resignation,” a puzzled State Department official noted, although he did record that William Dawson, who had taught George at the Foreign Service School, thought health might be the explanation. An efficiency report from Geneva had described the new vice-consul as physically “rather delicate.” After pondering the matter, the Office of Foreign Personnel offered a compromise: sixty days of leave in the United States, with the opportunity for “consultation” before making the resignation final. “Don’t be a damn fool, George,” Dawson admonished him. “Take [the leave], and then resign.” Kennan agreed and left Hamburg in mid-January 1928. Spurning the comfort of a passenger liner, he signed on as a supercargo on an American tanker, enjoyed a stormy four-week passage to Norfolk, and suffered the embarrassment, upon arrival, of having a suitcase stolen containing his copy of the United States Consular Regulations. The volume, he tried to assure his superiors, would probably be of no value to the thief.¹⁹

Kennan had in fact cited “urgent and unalterable personal reasons” in his resignation letter, but he had not elaborated on them. His memoirs say only that living in Geneva and Hamburg convinced him, given his “spotty” education so far, of the need for postgraduate study.²⁰ There was, however, a more pressing priority: George had fallen in love and was engaged to be married.

She was Eleanor Van Someren Hard, the daughter of William and Anne Hard, Washington journalists and pioneering radio commentators. They lived in one of the Georgetown houses where students from the Foreign Service School were invited to parties, and that is probably where George met Eleanor. “She was not inhibited at all,” he remembered. “Come and meet these people,” she would insist. “This was very good for me.” The family appeared to be unconventional: Mr. Hard had been thought, during the war, to be a radical; Mrs. Hard favored women’s emancipation; Eleanor “wrote poetry and patronized queer people.” But at a deeper level, they were conservative individualists: their proximity to the opposite camp had hardened their allegiance. They struck George as thoroughly American, “accepting material prosperity as the just due of a spotless conscience.” He was enthralled, began dating Eleanor, and “either I fancied myself in love or I thought I ought to [be].” There was no physical intimacy: “This was innocent, according to the ways of those times.” But before leaving for Geneva, “I did bring myself to ask her to marry me, and she said she would.”²¹

Eleanor confirmed, decades later, what George remembered. Despite having “the Charleston as our lamamba, the hip pocket flask as our pot,” they were to the right of most young people even then: “How close to the Edwardians we were!” Flappers flourished, but under “our minimal dresses beat hearts not too far from Little Women.” George was serious and self-disciplined, she was easily distracted and dependent on fun. Both were bright, but “we had absolutely nothing else in common.” Eleanor’s mother disapproved, convinced that George “would never amount to anything.” And so when he arrived back in the United States, he found that he would not be marrying Eleanor after all. “Very late in life,” she recalled, “my mother asked me if she had made a mistake—she was utterly surprised by George’s success. I could assure her that we would have been totally incompatible.”²²

“I went through the usual melodramatics of a person of that age when such things happen,” a much older George acknowledged, “but it lasted about three days. I was over it at once. I don’t blame her at all…. I don’t know what the hell I was doing, to tell the truth.” Jeanette, however, saw that the effects had been substantial. One reason was the engagement ring, which had belonged to their mother and was never returned: “That was quite a blow to him.”²³ And although George himself did not record—or if he did, failed to preserve—anything about the engagement in his diary, he did write Jeanette a long letter about it after he returned to Europe. “[T]hese last few months,” he began, “have witnessed far greater and more important experiences in the life of G. F. Kennan than have been described in his letters to his parents. Since I saw you last I have finally passed the big turning-point, and I feel, for the first time in my life, that I have just about found my place in the world.”

There were, as he saw it, “two vitally contrasting ways of life.” One was as lived in most of Milwaukee, almost all of Princeton and the Republican Party, and certainly the drawing rooms of northwest Washington. “There were splendid girls, in this America.” Falling in love with and marrying one of them could be the greatest experience of life: one built one’s home in the rock of the country. “Oh Netty, don’t think that I didn’t feel the force of all this.” So “when Eleanor took me in hand, …it was no wonder that it struck deep.” George realized, for the first time, “that I could beat the people I had always envied at their own game. I saw that I could become both respected and powerful—that I, too, might someday make the very pillars of the State Department tremble.”

But “I would never have been happy in the life I so nearly entered. I am too much of an extremist, and there are other factors in connection with an unfortunate youthful environment which would have marred the picture.” George did not explain what those were; however, there was no choice but embrace fully the other way of life. That would involve, bleakly, “the renunciation of all individualistic hopes,” even if some might be realized accidentally:

George would stick with the Foreign Service for a few more years, but it would have to realize “that I am a queer duck, and that it can’t demand too much.” During working hours, “I belong to it body and soul…. But when the last visa applicant has left, and the accounts are done, and the door of the Consulate closes behind me, I am George Kennan, and if the government doesn’t like it, it can whistle long and loud.”

As to alternatives, only time would tell. George sensed potentialities, among them “a moderate talent for words,” but he would need to have something to say and hoped that he might one day. In the meantime, he must select from currents of life those that seemed to be flowing in the right direction and align himself with them, “faulty and imperfectible as I may be.” “Poor Netty,” he concluded, “you draw all the melodramatic letters, because you are the only person before whom I may safely act melodramatic. As long as you and I both live you will probably continue to be the butt of epistulary [sic] histrionics.”²⁴

III.

Histrionics there certainly were. “For on this night,” Kennan wrote portentously in his diary on March 26, 1928, “I make my last reluctant obeisance to the obscure gods of Washington—to the cool, derisive deities, who have taken without compensation the two best years of my life.” He would miss “the hurdy-gurdy man in Church Street, on hot summer evenings, …grey and white buses streaming along Sixteenth Street, in the shadows of the shuttered Russian Embassy… charity balls in the Willard Hotel… where the softness of the atmosphere and the subdued lilt of the music contrasted so cruelly with the cheapness and vulgarity of the guests… shady streets in Georgetown, where the old brick houses sung [sic] to themselves the songs of a still, deep past… [and the] cool, dark corridors in the State Department.” But now the train had begun to move, and the Capitol dome loomed above the lights of the switchyard, then faded from view: “These and a thousand other memories return now to taunt me for the homage I have done them. They sear like fire, for in every one of them lies the glow of failure!”²⁵

It’s hard to know, reading passages like this one, whether George was using his diary to substitute for not having anyone close at hand in whom to confide, or whether he was simply practicing to become a writer: a few passages show critical appraisals from a Princeton friend to whom George showed them.²⁶ What’s clear is that he was not leaving Washington having failed professionally. Instead the Foreign Service had gone out of its way to show that it wanted to keep him on.

Dawson played the critical role. The State Department, he pointed out, would finance three years of graduate study at a European university if Kennan would seek proficiency in Chinese, Japanese, Arabic, or Russian. Despite the absence of formal diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, Kennan chose Russian, supposing that there would someday again be official Americans there. “But I also had a mind to the family tradition established by the elder George Kennan.” And so on March 29, three days after his despairing farewell to Washington, the younger George was accepted into a new Foreign Service program for “language assignments” in “Eastern Europe.”²⁷

The last American ambassador to Russia, David R. Francis, had left that country in November 1918, a year after Vladimir Ilich Lenin had seized power. The last Russian ambassador to the United States, Boris Bakhmeteff, represented the Provisional Government that Lenin had overthrown: he finally resigned in 1923, leaving the embassy on Sixteenth Street dark. By that time Woodrow Wilson’s last secretary of state, Bainbridge Colby, had announced the policy of the U.S. government toward the new regime in Moscow: that it was not possible to maintain diplomatic relations with a government “based upon the negation of every principle… upon which it is possible to base harmonious and trustful relations, whether of nations or of individuals.”²⁸

Nevertheless, American contacts with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics flourished. Despite the revolutionary aspirations of the first state in history to be run by a communist party, the United States sent desperately needed famine relief in 1921–22, and prominent businessmen—among them Henry Ford and the young W. Averell Harriman—quickly found opportunities for trade and investment. By 1930 the Soviet Union imported more from the United States than from any other country: the staunchly Republican senator William Borah described it as “the greatest undeveloped market in the world.”²⁹

The absence of diplomatic relations, therefore, became increasingly difficult to justify. Within the State Department there was deep hostility toward the Soviet Union and the international communist movement; but there was also the sense that nonrecognition could not last indefinitely, and that there ought to be experts in place when that policy shift took place. Russian studies became a priority, and in 1927 Robert F. Kelley, the new and energetic chief of the Division of Eastern European Affairs, began recruiting Foreign Service officers from its “unclassified” ranks for that purpose. This was the program Dawson recommended to Kennan, and it was one of the things that persuaded him—the breakup with Eleanor was surely another—to rescind his resignation. A career-minded guardian angel had again appeared on the scene, and as Kennan would say in his memoirs, “I have always been grateful.”³⁰

IV.

Officers selected for the program were first sent to perform consular duties in the region in which they were to specialize: only after a probationary period would they begin the promised postgraduate study. Kennan’s assignment was Tallinn, in Estonia, one of the three Baltic republics that had broken away from the Russian empire after its demise. As had been the case the previous year, though, he was temporarily diverted, this time to Berlin, a city Kennan had visited briefly in the summer of 1926 after passing the Foreign Service examinations. If his diary entries are any indication, his mood had brightened somewhat: “I walk to work in the morning,” he wrote soon after arriving, “and delight in the Berlin of the young day.”³¹

There was, to be sure, the tedium of passports, visas, and accounts, but there were also receptions to attend and interesting people to watch: Berlin, the largest and liveliest city in Germany, was no backwater post. At one such event the German foreign secretary Gustav Stresemann held forth, “swaying his portly figure back and forth as he talks… One wonders at the secrets of Europe which must lie within that broad, shaven head.” Should a man with such responsibilities laugh and joke? More pitiful were the Russian émigrés. “Alive they are,” but “they move like lost phantoms in a world which is, and always will be, a distorted and gilded memory of the past.” Meanwhile, at the communist theater, capitalists strutted around in top hats, brutal soldiers martyred proletarians, musicians played the “Internationale,” and individuals offstage provided the mighty voice of the oppressed masses. It was all “doctrinaire tommy-rot,” but under it “one feels the heat of a brightly burning flame.”³²

Crowded buses full of tired people passed beneath the Brandenburg Gate, where Napoleon’s army had once marched: what was the bond between that day and this? Along the Wannsee, on a brilliant Sunday, people “ride, boat, walk, eat, wander, buy, stare, and make love,” before returning, sunburned, to the city’s slavery. Communists and nationalists competed in noisy political demonstrations, but more impressive were the less pretentious Social Democrats, who had unwittingly carried “the idealism of the German character through the horrors of war and revolution and economic collapse.”³³

George soon fell in love with one of them. Her name was Charlotte Böhm, and her story—which he sent to Jeanette—reflected what had happened to Germany in recent years. She had grown up in Berlin, the daughter of a businessman, and in 1914 had watched her brother march off to a war in which “it seemed that men had become gods and participated in incredible, awe-inspiring adventures.” But one night the boy’s guitar inexplicably fell off the wall. Charlotte’s mother knew instantly that “der Junge war tot.” But when the war ended and the troops marched home, Charlotte could not help watching day after day for her brother: “There might have been some dreadful mistake; it might have been all a bad dream; he might march back, as he had marched away.”

Of course he didn’t. Impoverished by war and inflation, her mother gave up her apartment and moved to the country. Charlotte became a secretary, had love affairs that did not last, and “slowly the girlishness went out of her face,” to be replaced by the signs of “a joyless, purposeless, solitary existence.” That was how she was when he met her. Charlotte “literally blossomed out during the time we were together; it was like a rebirth.” But he could not marry her, he had to go to Tallinn, and now “all that I had accomplished is undone again.” This was why, George explained to Jeanette, “it is hard to live in Europe and see things of this sort and then come home and feel boundless optimism in perpetual prosperity and the general righteousness of things.” It was also “why I am probably always going to be considerable of a radical.”³⁴

V.

June 1928. “The attractiveness of a blond German girl [not Charlotte] sitting beside me [on a train] is heightened almost unbearably by the fact that she pays no attention to me. I wish to hell Sherman [a friend] were not so drunk. He keeps starting to whistle, whereupon I look up from my Russian grammar in a startled fashion.” Despite the fact that he was not to begin language training for another year, George used his time in Berlin to master the Russian alphabet and to begin learning—whatever the distractions—the rudiments of grammar. By mid-July he was in Tallinn serving as the second and very junior member of the two-person American diplomatic and consular office there. A single minister represented the United States in all three Baltic republics, but he operated chiefly out of Riga, in Latvia, with only occasional visits to Estonia and Lithuania. Kennan’s work in Tallinn was varied and at times amusing: “I rather loved it.”³⁵ But the real excitement was that the Baltic states were as close to the Soviet Union as it was possible to get without going there—an opportunity open to most Americans at the time but not, paradoxically, to the Foreign Service’s young “experts” on that country, the existence of which their government had not yet officially recognized.

The Riga legation was the principal American “listening post” for Soviet affairs, just as Hong Kong would be during the 1950s and 1960s prior to the establishment of diplomatic contacts with the People’s Republic of China. Kennan was not yet entrusted with such responsibilities, but he used his free time in Tallinn—of which there was plenty—to prepare himself for them. He hired a Ukrainian tutor who knew no English, and between them they studied Russian as best they could, unable to communicate in any other language. They used first-grade readers, and it was from these “that I conceived… a love for this great Russian language—rich, pithy, musical, sometimes tender, sometimes earthy and brutal, sometimes classically severe—that was… an unfailing source of strength and reassurance in the drearier and more trying reaches of later life.”³⁶

Kennan’s fluency became sufficient that he could spend Christmas at the remote fifteenth-century monastery of Pskovo-Pechorsky, then located on the Estonian side of the Soviet border. “I damn near died of hunger, because these monks didn’t have anything to eat, except barrels of salted herring and black bread. [But] they were nice to me.” In Narva, farther north, he found equally ugly Orthodox and Lutheran churches glowering over the miserable huts that surrounded them: a clash of Russian and Scandinavian cultures. The same was evident in Helsinki, a strikingly more modern city than Tallinn, where within the magnificent new railroad station stood “the box-like passenger cars of the old Russian railway system, with their crazy, chimney-like ventilators protruding from their roofs,” a reminder that “for hundreds of miles beyond there stretches the bleak melancholy expanse of northern Russia… ageless… unconquerable.”³⁷

While trying to fathom what lay to the east, Kennan brooded about Europe’s fragility and his own superficiality. “Americanism, like Bolshevism, is a disease which gains footing only in a weakened body,” he concluded with youthful certainty. “If the Old World has no longer sufficient vitality, economic and cultural, to oppose these new barbarian invasions, it will have to drown in the flood, as civilizations have drowned before it.” The only escape lay “in depth rather than breadth,” for in a world in which anyone with health and persistence could travel anywhere, the only unexplored territory lay “deep[e]r down in our own selves, about which we know everything, and understand nothing.” That was a lofty way of addressing a lower problem: George’s own self-absorption, from which flowed intellectual accomplishment and—increasingly—the ability to write compelling prose, but also still behavior echoing “my neurotic student youth.”³⁸

There was, for example, the August weekend he spent at the dacha of Harry Carlson, the American consul in Tallinn and his only immediate superior. He began it in a bad humor: “I hate the world, and the world hates me.” While sharing a train compartment with a British officer who had also been invited, they quickly decided that they disliked each other and needed to make no effort to conceal the fact. Their host was well-meaning, earnest, and nervous, yet what right did he have to “force on me” his “timorous, middle-class standards?” George sulked through dinner, refused to play bridge, and woke the next morning “stuffy and bilious.” Sensing this, Mrs. Carlson suggested “that I amuse myself as I see fit.” So he hired a boat and set off rowing vigorously across the bay against the wind: after a while, with blistered hands, it was time to turn back. Upon his arrival, however, the British officer proposed a paddle-boat outing, during which both were drenched by a large wave. But both were stubborn. “He is not going to complain, and [n]either am I.” So they grimly made their way to the other side and back, chilled, soaked, aching, and miserable. Aware at once that he had not been a good guest, George remorsefully recorded the details of the unhappy weekend. Long afterward he would remember his bad manners as having merited “the general ostracism I received thenceforth in the little diplomatic-consular community.”³⁹

Kennan moved to a larger community—the Riga legation—early in 1929. That city resembled, as none other did, prerevolutionary St. Petersburg: “The copy had survived the original.” He also had colleagues now whose job it was to watch the Soviet Union. He listened carefully to their endless arguments “rising and falling with the hours.” He was not in the “Russian Section,” but his reports—mostly on Baltic issues—were winning respect. Four days after George’s twenty-fifth birthday, a visiting State Department inspector noted that

There were few signs now of the petulance Kennan had displayed in Tallinn. He still patronized elders, but in the company of youthful contemporaries, and with self-critical empathy.

“Poor M——,” he wrote in his diary of an older colleague who was leaving Riga, “always dignified even in his weakness, and now we assemble on this winter night, to bid him farewell.” Each shook M——by the hand, talking volubly “to conceal our uneasiness,” trying to “make him feel that we like him, that we are sorry to see him go.” But the train stood still, and the minutes dragged on. “We are not accustomed to playing the part of solemnity for more than a few moments.” Suddenly the train started to move. “Like a group of hysterical children, we laugh, we shout ‘Hurry up, M——, hurry up,’ and we push him to the door of the car.” Standing there, “waving his arm, smiling his sad, courteous smile, M——disappears and leaves us…, a trifle embarrassed to find ourselves all together at this late hour, waving senselessly at the black emptiness of the Baltic night.”⁴¹

Kennan’s diaries were not available to the inspector from Washington, but his comments about alertness to detail, promising “flashes,” occasional “brilliance,” and a “far-seeing eye” could well have characterized the writing George was now regularly doing in his spare time:

But why this profusion of extracurricular prose? Maybe to practice observation, a useful skill in a diplomat. Probably in imitation of the German journalist, poet, and playwright Alfons Paquet, whose travel writings had made a deep impression on Kennan. Certainly out of an extraordinary sensitivity to landscapes, environments, and moods, in a way that he found difficult to explain. Kennan speculated, late in life, that he might have done better as a poet or a novelist, but only at great cost, “because art is open-ended, and I didn’t have a balanced enough personal life to have gone into this expression of the emotional without being torn to pieces by it.”⁴²

Kennan’s life seemed sufficiently balanced, by the spring of 1929, for his superiors to send him on to greater things. From Tallinn, Carlson, despite the unfortunate weekend at his dacha, praised Kennan as “unquestionably the most gifted of any of the subordinate officers who have been under my supervision.” He had applied himself assiduously to learning Russian, had high moral standards, and was in good health, even though his only exercise appeared to be “long walks with his dog.” F. W. B. Coleman, the minister in Riga, endorsed this assessment, adding that while “Mr. Kennan might [earlier] have been charged with being too serious, too loath to leave his books and to make social contacts, …[the] charge is no longer sustained. He… commands the confidence of all people whom he approaches.” These accolades were enough for the Department of State, which in July congratulated Kennan “on the successful conclusion of your probationary period for language assignment. It is hoped that an equal measure of success will attend your studies at Berlin.”⁴³

VI.

In the midst of a conversation, one evening in Riga, someone mentioned Berlin. “In a flash,” George recorded in his diary, “I see the Leipzigerstrasse, every detail of it, as clearly as though I were standing in the traffic tower on Potsdamer Place.” There were the cold, hard buildings, the boulevards swept shiny by the automobiles and the streetlamps, the shop windows spilling confused light onto jostling pedestrians, the huge buses with blinking signal-arms roaring through intersections, the yellow streetcars with ventilators spinning on their roofs, grinding to a halt before the corners. The vision was tactile in its intensity: “I feel the whole vibration and excitement of the city… and all the cruelty and fascination and adventure with which it throbs.”⁴⁴

Kennan’s assignment was to enroll in Russian-language courses at the Seminar für Orientalische Sprachen at the Friedrich Wilhelm University of Berlin, and to take advantage of other opportunities in that city, as might be practicable, to study the geography, history, and institutions of Eastern Europe. The State Department would pay for tuition, textbooks, and living expenses. The seminar’s two-year curriculum, designed chiefly to train Russian translators and interpreters for the German courts, was of limited use. Having taught himself conversational Russian while in Tallinn and Riga, Kennan was able to pass the required examination at the end of his first year, “barely skimming through.” The rest of his time was spent more profitably, studying Russian history at the University of Berlin, as well as Russian language and literature with private tutors. Kelley had instructed his young protégés to equip themselves with an education similar to that which an educated Russian of the prerevolutionary era would have received. Exposure to Soviet affairs could come later.⁴⁵

Just as important for Kennan, however, was the experience of living in Berlin at a remarkable moment in its history. The city had “surprised both itself and the rest of the world by becoming the centre of a cultural explosion,” one of its historians has written. Suddenly it “threw off the Prussian imperial mantle, emerging as the capital of modernism and the undisputed centre of the ‘Golden Twenties.’” It became, for Kennan, “the nearest thing I had known to an adult home.”⁴⁶

Soon after he arrived, George sought to rekindle his relationship with Charlotte Böhm, but she was seeing another man and probably understood “that I was too young for her, really.” Disturbed nonetheless, he consulted a psychiatrist, who recommended a breakup: “My dear fellow, you’re just a Pantoffelheld. You’re a slipper-hero; you’re under the domination of this woman. You’d better get out of it.” And so, as George wrote Jeanette early in 1930, “I must put the idea out of my mind.”⁴⁷

There were other women: “Hello. Miss L——? This is the American you talked to the other night at the Russian opera…. I’d sort of like to go out and paint the town red, and I wondered if you’d come along.” “Very red?” “Well, pretty red. Besides, I haven’t been out with an American girl for pretty nearly two years.” “All right, I’d be glad to.” So they tried the Femina, famous for its table telephones and pneumatic tubes, but found it full. Then the Kakadoo, where the orchestra played far too fast. “I drink my whiskey-soda, she her cocktail, and we leave the bottle of Rheinwein standing on the table.” And then home, alone, where “I drink another whiskey-soda, …at the same time wondering what it is that forces me to act like a gentleman, when I am with an American woman.”

The next diary entry is titled “Fantasia.” A man in a fur coat walking along the Kurfürstendamm at five o’clock on a Sunday morning meets a polite prostitute and goes to bed with her between bare blankets. The woman’s legs are cold, as though she were dead. Afterward he is back on the street where, if listening closely, one might hear “a sudden, unexpected, half-suppressed sob, above the whining of the wind.” What the man demanded of life was unbearably greater than what he had received, all of which might move one to pity someone “so utterly lost, in the cold winter dawn, in the forest of stone and steel which is called the city.” But sympathy is a dangerous thing, so he should be allowed “to turn into a side-street and to seek his rest where he can…. (wicked, degenerate man, he must be, coming brazenly home at this hour, from the whores).”⁴⁸

All diaries entangle fiction with truth, so there’s little point in seeking to sort out here which was which. George did admit to Jeanette shortly thereafter, though, that “I had a very bad bringing up… (you needn’t tell Father).” He had learned “to look for all sorts of things in the world, which aren’t in it at all, and the few good things which the world has to offer, are things which I have never learned to see.” As was often the case, the mood did not last: two weeks later George was back from nine days on the French Riviera, feeling “like a new man. I hope to work hard at Russian and play a lot of tennis… and forget that life is supposed to have other, more significant experiences.”⁴⁹ And he had, by then, a new family.

“January 19, 1930…. Young Russian émigré to lunch. Burning eyes, deep pride, resentment and mistrust. Reputedly a tendency to tuberculosis. We discuss language, perfunctorily, he commenting on the fact that translations of foreign books into Russian are natural and veracious, whereas Russian novels, translated into foreign languages, lose all their Russian character.” He was Vladimir (Volodya) Kozhenikov, who with his mother and sister eked out a precarious existence in a cellar in Spandau. George met Volodya through Cyrus Follmer, then serving as vice-consul in Berlin, and “we became good friends.” On the day George took his final examination in Russian at the Oriental Seminar, Volodya had wanted to stand outside ready to whisper him answers. Still mindful of the Princeton honor code, George refused, but he became an adopted member of the Kozhenikov family.⁵⁰

The Kozhenikovs survived “only by a series of those miraculous last-minute rescues that God reserves for the truly innocent and utterly improvident.” George and Cyrus did what they could to keep them afloat. “They are a tremendously proud family and it’s not easy for them to take help,” George explained to Jeanette. The spontaneity of their devotion embarrassed him: “enthusiastic visits at unexpected hours, elaborate gifts they couldn’t possibly afford.” But he was pleased to be accepted as a Russian. “Sharing their woes and crises, I felt like a Russian myself.”⁵¹

George understood later—whether at the time is less clear—that Volodya was homosexual. “I always had these curious friends,” he would recall many years later, “people who are a little unusual—the Bohème—they understand me, better than do the regular ones. This has nothing to do with physical relations.” Meanwhile Shura, Volodya’s younger sister, had fallen in love with George, something she didn’t admit to him until after her brother’s death: her mother had ruled out the relationship on the grounds that George was too pozhivzhie—he had “lived a little too much.” “I was much more sophisticated,” he admitted, “and I had had my ladies, too.”⁵²

VII.

By early 1931 Kennan’s professional success seemed assured. The Russian language, he explained to Walt Ferris, a Foreign Service friend, had come “so naturally (if not easily) that I hope in time to know it about as well as my own.” Given the family interest—the first Kennan—becoming a specialist for that part of the world “fits in very conveniently with my preferences.” More significantly, George was developing his own views on the country in which he lived, and the one he would spend most of his life studying.

The Germans, he wrote Ferris, were “a strong, coarse people, with a tremendous capacity for physical and intellectual labor and a total inability to comprehend the finer and the (for them) stranger elements of human psychology. Their only god is personal strength, and their only conception of the relation between human beings in essence that of slave and master.” All of their thinking on love, friendship, enmity, education, and politics proceeded from this; even their humor was “obscene without being witty,” and their language “involved without being delicate.” Their sentimentality was dangerous because it contained no smile: “They are the final hope…. they are now the final despair of western European civilization.”

As for the Soviet Union, its system was unalterably opposed to that of the United States. It followed, therefore,

This was not, Kennan was careful to add, a judgment on the respective virtues of either ideology. It was simply to say that the two, like oil and water, could never mix. And if they ever came to blows, American liberals, “who now find the Soviets so pleasant, will be the first ones to be crushed in the clash.”⁵³

But he soon abandoned this neutrality on ideology. He found himself developing to Volodya “certain ideas which I had not formerly known were in my own mind.” Communists, George now saw, combined “innate cowardice” and “intellectual insolence.” They had “abandoned the ship of western European civilization like a swarm of rats.” Having done so, they had grasped for a theory with which they could leap across the gulf through which the rest of mankind had been foundering. They “credited their own intelligence with powers far greater than those of all previous generations.” They regarded their forefathers, and most of their contemporaries, as “hopeless fools.”

This struck George, “not a religious man,” as a form of “cultural and intellectual sacrilege.” Maybe communism would work as a purely Russian phenomenon. For the West, though, it could only mean retrogression, and that required resistance. “Was it for us to stand aside and stop fighting because things were going against us? Did a football player leave the field when the score turned against his team? Did a real soldier stand anxiously watching the tide of battle, in order to decide whether or not to fight?” There were principles of decency in individual conduct which offered hope for the human race. They required defense, not abandonment just because they were in danger. It was a stirring rejection of realism, as George himself recognized: “Enter Kennan, the moralist.”⁵⁴

With all that was going on, he wrote Jeanette, it seemed almost criminal to complain about his own situation: “A young man of twenty-six, with fundamentally good health, tolerable appearance, plenty of money, an incomparably advantageous official position, an active mind and an adaptability to every known form of culture, and a knowledge of English, French, German and Russian, has no right to be bored in the very vortex of the most intense intellectual and cultural currents of the world.”

And yet he was bored: a raucous Christmas with American friends in Riga left him despairing of accomplishing anything “until I bring some peace and order into my private life.” If he were a private citizen, he could “become a Boheme and attempt to think.” Being a Foreign Service officer, he could only choose “between marriage and stupidity on the one hand, and nervous exhaustion, boldness and futility on the other.” He would seek the first, “as soon as I can.” But “I shall never be completely happy at it, for I shall never be able to do much thinking myself—and I have been just clever enough, in my youth, to mistrust everyone who tries to think for me.”

By April he was losing patience with Volodya, who was failing to keep appointments, patronizing “hermaphrodite” dance performances, and taking opium—although George was still lending the Kozhenikovs money. “Essentially,” he explained to Jeanette, “it is nothing more or less than my puritan origins rising in relentless revolt against the non-puritan influences of the last few years.” So what would happen? “Perhaps I’ ll get religion. Perhaps I’ ll fall in love, for the first time in my young life. Or perhaps I’ll get broken on the wheel, like Hemingway and others of the expatriates.” One thing was clear: “Prolonged and intimate association with the devil does not lie in the Kennan character.” Perhaps the tale should be titled “The story of the man who tried to sell his soul and couldn’t.”⁵⁵

Three months after writing this last letter, Kennan wrote another to the secretary of state in Washington, using the formal language in which he had been trained: “Sir:… I should like to request that I be allowed to take 6 weeks leave of absence beginning approximately August 10, 1931.” He had been in poor health for some time and needed several weeks of complete rest in order to get back into shape. “Furthermore, I am expecting to be married.”⁵⁶

“COME RIGHT ON. LOVE, ANNELISE.” THE TELEGRAM FROM KRISTIANSAND reached George in Berlin on August 5, 1931. Three days later he boarded a ship that would take him—along with his elegant but unreliable Nash roadster—on the first leg of a journey to Norway. Volodya Kozhenikov and his sister Shura came to Stettin to see him off, laden with flowers they could ill afford: “They take it very seriously, this departure,” their benefactor wrote in his diary. “Instinct… tells them that while we may meet again soon, this day and this departure mark the termination of my residence in Berlin and that this is the real good-bye.” He assured Jeanette, though, that “I am very happy, and am entering marriage with none of the qualms which I understand to be usually attendant upon this stage of development.”¹

Anna Elisabeth Sørensen, who had just turned twenty-one, had only a few qualms herself. “I am afraid you will have to be very patient in bringing me up to be an American girl,” she wrote from Kristiansand, “they are all so clever, in all directions.” She was, however, sure of herself. “I am glad I came here to think things over, but even here I miss you every minute…. Just can’t help it…. I know you understand me as I understand you.” She had shared news of the engagement with her astonished mother, who would need time to get used to the idea. “Have not had opportunity to tell daddy yet. I am curious to know what he will say.” She had, however, let a former boyfriend know: it was strange that “when people lose a thing they realise how much they liked it.”²

Annelise was born on July 23, 1910, in Kristiansand, where her father, Einar Haakon Sørensen, ran a building materials business. In a country facing the sea young people were expected to leave home, and at the age of seventeen Annelise went to Paris to study language, literature, and history. She had already learned English and, after several more months of tutoring, was speaking it well. There had been talk of becoming a doctor, but “I knew myself well enough to know that I didn’t have seven years in me just to study.” She expected to marry before that.³

After more schooling in Kristiansand, Annelise went to Berlin, “ostensibly to learn German.” It was there that she encountered George Kennan, at a Sunday lunch arranged by a cousin who had hoped to rent him an apartment: the date was March 22, 1931. The plan succeeded, and that allowed them to meet from time to time at parties. George struck Annelise as “rather serious.” On one early date, he brooded about America. “It was hardly the kind of thing that you’d think you would sit and talk to a young girl about—your worries about a country which I had never been to.” They decided to marry after only a few weeks, a fact Annelise kept from her parents. Even so, “they were not pleased.” But she was determined. “I finally just put my foot down and said that if I heard another sigh from my mother, I was going to scream!”⁴

George left for Kristiansand exhausted from overwork: Annelise had asked him to try to get there “without the black rings around your eyes!” He had planned to rest for a few days in Copenhagen, but the Nash needed work and he caught a cold. He left there “a complete wreck.” Sitting miserably in the driver’s seat of his car, which was lashed to the deck, he nursed his fever by reading Tolstoy until the islands of the Norwegian coast came into view. George later wondered what impression “the thin, slightly uncouth, very nervous, and rather unwell apparition of an American” must have made—the Sørensens’ feelings, he sensed, “had not been exactly those of confidence or elation.” But he spent several weeks with them before the wedding and that helped, as did Annelise’s steely resolve. “So I don’t think that it was really very awkward.”⁵

The wedding took place in the Kristiansand cathedral on the afternoon of September 11, 1931: Annelise noted the event in her appointment book with the single Norwegian word “Bryllup.” Cyrus Follmer came from Berlin to be best man, and the Kennans honeymooned in Vienna, where—Annelise’s passport not corresponding with his—George labored to persuade the hotel porter that they were really married, only to have him look paternally over his spectacles to say, “We understand.” A few weeks later George wrote Jeanette to say that concerns he had had six months earlier were all now nonexistent. “I might almost say that this letter comes from a completely new brother and not the one you have known before.”⁶

I.

The marriage coincided with the end of Kennan’s postgraduate studies in Berlin and his first assignment as a fully qualified Russian specialist. The Foreign Service sent him back to Riga—still, in the absence of diplomatic relations, the chief American observation post for the Soviet Union—and Annelise accompanied him. But his illusions of glamour as an unattached bachelor faded with a young wife. George made it no easier by warning Annelise that this or that colleague didn’t like him. “[I]t wasn’t really quite true,” she recalled, “but I had to discover it in my own way.”⁷

The Kennans chose not to live downtown among inquisitive diplomatic colleagues but instead leased the top two floors of a factory owner’s house in the suburb of Tornakalns. It was cheap enough for them to have a cook and a chauffeur, who doubled as a butler. Unfortunately, though, there was a park across the street with a summer bandstand whose brass ensemble knew only five songs, endlessly repeated for months at a time: “You could retire to the innermost clothes closet of the house and bury your head in the clothes, it made no difference—the sound reached you.”⁸

It was, George explained to Jeanette, a “new and strange world.” For despite the fact that he was well trained, generously paid, and in no danger of losing a job that was sometimes interesting, “I, together with my wife, am lonely.” The problem was not that marriage precluded thinking, as he had thought it might before meeting Annelise. It was rather that having a wife magnified his uneasiness with the lifestyle of his Foreign Service friends. People who once seemed interesting “stand before me now in a state of complete moral nakedness, and I see all the selfishness and cruelty and cowardice and emptiness which lies beneath their cordiality and their veneer of culture.”

Loneliness, to be sure, could not be too serious for a married couple in love and living comfortably. But the future was very uncertain. The worsening economic crisis was worrying: George had not “the slightest faith in my money and property” because too many fortunes had already been lost “through inflations, revolutions, and confiscations.” The Soviet frontier was only a hundred miles away, which meant that the Red Army could overrun Latvia whenever it wished. If that were ever to happen, “I think I should prefer to dispose of myself and my family in my own way before they got here. I have seen too many photographs of the corpses they left here twelve years ago.”

But even if these dire events did not happen, “I don’t want to stay in the Foreign Service.” The United States had no foreign policy, only the reflections of domestic politics internationally. There was no satisfaction in representing that. The country was succumbing to a consumerism in which people equated charm with the absence of halitosis, balanced competing claims about toothpaste, and fretted about whether their refrigerators ejected ice cubes or required an ice pick.

“I am not expatriated, Netty,” he added. “I am very homesick—for the autumn in Wisconsin, for football games, for Sunday morning waffles, for loyal, generous people, and for a thousand memories of the U.S.” If only Americans “could have their toys taken away from them, be spanked, educated and made to grow up, it might be worthwhile to act as a guardian for their foreign interests in the meantime. But when one can do none of these things?”

So he would stick with the Foreign Service for another two or three years, then become a student again and eventually “a pedagogue.” Professors could survive almost anywhere: even the Bolsheviks had killed only a few. He would do Russian history seriously, writing something “so dull and so specialized that no one will ever dare to try to read it and everyone who sees it will be convinced that I know something about it.” George ended this long letter, contradictorily, with a consumerist plea: could Jeanette please send a toaster, three cans of maple syrup, a dozen boxes of graham crackers, a dozen pairs of silk stockings, and subscriptions to Good Housekeeping and The Yale Review?⁹

Annelise, in the meantime, had become pregnant. “I can hardly believe it myself,” she wrote Jeanette. “A year ago and I did not even know George!” She had already caused a “scandal” by fainting at a dinner given by the Belgian ambassador, just as dessert was being served. “They say I did it very nicely, and poor George took it like a man, but you can imagine what a shock he got!” The young husband had to carry his wife out, before the astonished guests, “as though I were abducting her.” Grace Kennan—named for George’s surrogate mother, “Cousin Grace” Wells—arrived, in Riga, on June 5, 1932: “The nights were again white, and the river,” George recalled, “lay bathed in the golden reflections of an early sunrise as I drove back from the clinic.”¹⁰

The rearing of Grace, as was customary in those days, was left to her mother. “Never mind George,” she wrote him from Kristiansand, “it is not more boring than I expected it to be.” George, for his part, juggled fatherhood with other concerns. His sister Constance remembered him pushing Grace in a baby carriage one day, thinking about everything but her, when he hit a bump, and she bounced into a snowbank: “It’s so typical of George.” But Annelise, when asked about this, doubted the story: “I have no recollection of George ever pushing the baby carriage.”¹¹

There was, in George’s defense, much to think about, because the global financial catastrophe had by then hit home. His father, who had never accumulated much wealth, had seen his legal practice dwindle and an iron mine in which he invested shut down: by the early 1930s, he was struggling to pay for young Kent’s education at the University of Michigan, and Louise was taking in boarders so they could keep the Cambridge Avenue house. In January 1932, shortly after his eightieth birthday, Kent senior sent a sad letter advising George to save as much money as possible and “hold fast to your job, for it might be a long time before you could get another.” These recommendations came, he acknowledged, “with a poor grace from your old father who never saved anything and hasn’t even made any provisions for his old age. Let us hope that the younger generation will profit by the mistakes of their elders!”¹²

Two months later Eugene Hotchkiss, Jeanette’s husband, sent George “the most difficult letter I have ever written.” George and Jeanette had entrusted Gene, a bond salesman at the respected investment bank Lee, Higginson, with managing the inheritance they had received from their mother. The money was in Northwestern National Life Insurance stock—the James family firm—but Gene had used it as collateral to buy shares on margin in Kreuger and Toll, the international holding company run by the Swedish “match king” Ivar Kreuger. George’s father, Jeanette recalled, had advised against this on the grounds that matches were “unsafe,” and so they turned out to be. With bankruptcy looming, Kreuger committed suicide on March 12, 1932. Eight days later Gene had to inform George that both his and his sister’s inheritances were lost. Gene’s job followed when Lee, Higginson also went under. “My first mistake,” he admitted, “was to ever start to speculate, but my greatest was to ever speculate for you…. [M]y optimism… has been a curse rather than a blessing.”¹³

George handled the shock with extraordinary graciousness. “Not only did he forgive it,” Jeanette remembered, “but he apparently, as far as we knew, forgot it.” There were no recriminations, and for fear of hurting Gene’s feelings, no one said much about it. Many people were suffering financial reverses, George consoled his sister, but it was not worth worrying about them. “If one is fed, housed, and healthy, then debts, pride, conscience, standards, dignity, and what you will, will have to be laughed off…. We can’t let ourselves go to pieces because we live in a cock-eyed economic system.” The family was like his Berlin friends. “We must not all sink,” Volodya had insisted, “trying to help each other.” Jeanette knew, though, that George had wanted to leave the Foreign Service, and now he couldn’t afford to do it.

The news came as “quite a blow,” Annelise acknowledged. It was, she remembered, the first time she had seen George cry. No longer able to afford the Tornakalns house and its servants, the Kennans first moved into one of the diplomatic apartments downtown, and then, the following summer, to a tiny and very cheap dacha on the Riga Strand.¹⁴

The world was “falling to pieces,” George confided in his diary a week before his daughter was born. As a single man, he might have adapted. As a married man and a father, it was out of the question. The only thing protecting him from unemployment was “[a]n accident, a freak”: the fact that the State Department still provided its agents with a living standard few people anywhere else enjoyed. This was not likely to change, because Russian specialists were going to be needed. But there were no alternatives now, and even the Foreign Service carried the risk of purges brought about by Washington politics. The only defense was complete political neutrality, which would mean a long, quiet life as a minor official. “As one who had certain intellectual aspirations, I find this a blow to my pride, hopes, and egotism. As a father and a husband, I find it an undeserved blessing.”¹⁵

II.

Over the next year and a half, George Kennan’s character began to take on much of the shape it would retain for the rest of his life. It’s best to think of it as triangular, held taut by tension along each of its sides. Professionalism was one of these: it was during this period that Kennan established his reputation, within the Foreign Service, as the best of its young Russian specialists. He would maintain that preeminence throughout his diplomatic career, and then transfer it successfully to the vocation of history. A second side was cultural pessimism: Kennan had begun to doubt whether what he thought of as “western civilization” could survive the challenges posed to it by its external adversaries and its internal contradictions. He never wholly reassured himself that it would. The third side was personal anguish: where did he as a husband and a father and a professional and an intellectual—but also as an individual tormented by self-doubt, regretting missed opportunities—fit into all of this? As happens with triangles, adjustments on one side could not help but affect the others.

Personal anxieties were not new, but they now had a new context. The date is June 13, 1932, the place Riga. A young man who has just become a father trudges home along the river after an excruciatingly boring day of work. The weather has cleared, and the late, low northern sun lights his way. A familiar temptation appears in the shape of a small, freshly painted Swedish passenger steamer, due to sail that evening for the Baltic island of Visby. “Why should I not go on board and ask to be taken along as a guest?” It is only a dream, but the details are vivid enough to fill a diary page when he records them. “Just now,” though,

And so he reaches home, with his mind circling through thoughts like these as if some kind of rosary. “There is only responsibility and self-sacrifice; all else is meaningless, all else is vanity, all else is not even interesting; adventure, mystery, even justice do not exist. Learn it, repeat it, comprehend it, wrestle with it, embrace it, cling to it.”¹⁶

Most young fathers have felt such urges and suppressed them; few, however, take the trouble to write them down. Kennan claimed at the time that his “notes” were a protest against pointlessness. He always felt, he explained years later, “that there should be greater things happening in life than I could see around me, wherever I was.” Diaries provided a private place to write about them: they were “a protective exercise for myself…. When I was happy and busy, I wasn’t writing.” Annelise confirmed this. “When you read his letters, you would think he was always just so blue.” Even Jeanette, from a distance, at times thought so. In daily life, though, as Annelise knew better than anyone else, “he can be so gay.” He had, she was sure, a “dual personality,” and what he wrote tended to reflect only the morose side of it.¹⁷

The diary entries, therefore, should be read with this in mind. On June 14, for example, George followed up his fantasy about sailing to Visby with the appalling observation—by today’s standards but by that day’s as well—that “[w]omen are like the leaden centerboards on sailboats. They keep the boat upright and on its course, but they are not the motive power which makes it go.” To “go fast before the wind, you have to eliminate them at all times. And one of them is all you can use; any more pull you down.”¹⁸ But Annelise, had she read this, would probably have been more indulgent than insulted, for this was a young man’s backward bad-tempered glance in the direction of the independence he had chosen to give up. It did not mean that George was about to turn his fantasies into reality and sail away, unstabilized, from his wife and daughter. The marriage would last for seventy-three and a half years.

“One might well dream of the past,” George admonished himself a few months later. One might “watch life outside, through the bars.” But one could not participate in it. Pride and spirit were inconsistent with responsibility for other people, so he had become the model married man, faithful “in the ordinary sense as well as in the intellectual.” Promiscuity was not sinful, “it was merely sloppy.” Confusion, disorder, and uncertainty always accompanied it. And if monogamy was unhealthy, then a certain amount of physical discomfort was the price one paid for dignity.¹⁹

These outbursts of despair over ordinary life provide a clue, then, as to what to make of the self-described “complaints against civilization” that were beginning to pepper George’s diaries:

A literal reading of these rants might lead to the conclusion that the third secretary of the U.S. legation in Latvia was becoming a dysfunctional fascist—an Ezra Pound of diplomacy. But this side of Kennan existed alongside his stable marriage and, even more strikingly, his professionalism: two weeks after insisting that he was at the end of his mental rope, he came closer than anyone else of his generation to predicting the Soviet Union’s economic and social development over the remainder of the twentieth century.

He did so in response to a query from Robert P. Skinner, the American minister in Riga, as to whether the population of the U.S.S.R. was content with its government. Kennan replied, a bit pointedly, that in a country where millions of people had been killed in military operations, exiled to prison camps, or forced to emigrate—“where the ideals, principles, beliefs and social position of all but a tiny minority have been forcibly turned upside-down by government action”—and where that same regime harbored an ideologically driven hostility toward the rest of the world, “it is scarcely to be expected that most of the people should be as happy as those in other countries.” Nevertheless the army, the factory proletariat, and urban youth had benefited from Bolshevik rule: young communists in particular were “as happy as human beings can be,” having been relieved to a large extent “of the curses of egotism, romanticism, day-dreaming, introspection, and perplexity which befall the youth of bourgeois countries.”

Still, this situation could not last. If the materialist phase of development succeeded, then consumerism—“autos, radios and electric ice-boxes”—would drain away ideological zeal. If it failed, anger over unkept promises would paralyze the regime. Either way, the artificiality now sustaining Soviet self-confidence would evap orate.

Kennan’s analysis went to Washington, but apparently no one read it. He himself forgot about it, and when shown the report sixty-eight years later, he wondered whether it had been “a dream or a premonition.”²¹ It was neither, but it was as good an illustration as one might hope for of how his triangular personality operated.

A professional who was nothing more than that might have replied to Skinner’s query with what could be gleaned from Soviet newspapers and magazines, radio broadcasts, or interviews with émigrés and recent travelers to the U.S.S.R. But Kennan added cultural pessimism to his professionalism: he had developed it in criticizing American consumerism, but he now applied it to a system based on “dialectical materialism” to show how it might someday succumb to a different materialism: too many automobiles and ice-boxes could crash it, but so could too few. To this “no-win” prognosis, Kennan brought another, drawn from pessimism about himself: young people, when cast adrift from the stabilizing influences of tradition, principles, and personal responsibility, were apt to founder.

What this report reflected, therefore, was indeed the “far-seeing eye” that the State Department inspector in Riga three years earlier had sensed.²² What Kennan’s diaries reveal, however, is the personal tension that lay behind his professional accomplishments, and that would in the future endanger them.

III.

“Election day today,” Annelise wrote George from Kristiansand on November 8, 1932. “I expect Roosevelt will win…. I wonder what they will do about Soviet Russia.”²³ So did many others, not least the Russian specialists the Foreign Service had been training. It had done so because it anticipated, even if it did not want, diplomatic recognition. The State Department continued to hold out against the establishment of formal ties long after most other government agencies, business organizations, academics, journalists, and politicians had come to favor it: a persistent opponent was Robert F. Kelley himself, who began the program from which Kennan benefited. Kelley and his colleagues knew, however, that the Soviet regime was not going to disappear anytime soon, that the pressures to deal with it would become irresistible. Franklin D. Roosevelt had given no clue during the campaign as to what his attitude might be, but his willingness to jettison ineffective policies—whatever their purview—was clear enough. So there were expectations, by the time he took office in March 1933, that the department’s young Russianists would soon have more to do than simply watch events from a distance in Riga.²⁴

Life there, in the meantime, had become more difficult. The Foreign Service had begun to reduce pay and allowances. George was tired from working too hard, Annelise reported to Jeanette: “He isn’t gloomy at home or with me. I know you must think he is from his letters.” Even on a shoestring, they were still entertaining. And they were planning a winter break in Norway.²⁵

It took place against the background of Hitler’s coming to power, and here Kennan’s “far-seeing eye” failed him. He found Germany “pitiable and slightly repulsive in its sleep, loud-mouthed and obstreperous in its waking hours. God knew which condition was preferable.” The Nazi revolution was not “a real awakening,” though, but “only a nightmare.” So the month in Kristiansand, which the Nazis would occupy seven years later, was idyllic. There were days of skiing and sledding, nights of eating and drinking, and at the end of the visit he wrote Jeanette with a sense of contentment that must have astonished her:

There were, he added, no great hopes in such a life, but also no great horrors. So why go on storming heights, frazzling nerves, and beating wings against the limitations of human existence when a person could live like this, “reconciled to death and oblivion, but sure of the comfort and security of his measured days”?²⁶ It was as if Kristiansand had become the ship on which the younger George had more than once dreamed of sailing away.

Back in Riga, he wrote one weekend in May, the baby had been put to bed, they didn’t want any supper, the evening sun was shining horizontally into the living room, and the shouting of children playing outside mingled with the clock’s ticking to complete the day’s boredom. “I am 29 years old and presumably in the prime of life.” Weekdays were busy: “I’m still enough of a kid to become absorbed in my work, when I have to do it.” Relaxation allowed thinking about the future. The real priority, “timid government clerks that we are,” was to hang on until another career became possible. The Foreign Service had yet to decide what to do with him: “We may stay on here indefinitely. We may very well be transferred tomorrow.” Where? The chances were as good for Moscow as for Peking, Berlin, or even Washington.²⁷

It was not up to Kennan to decide such matters, but his superiors in the State Department had begun to notice him—despite neglecting his prophecy on the Soviet Union’s future. A report on Moscow’s gold and foreign currency accounts, prepared in the fall of 1932, elicited praise from Under Secretary of State William R. Castle, Jr. And a study of Soviet commercial treaties, prepared in April 1933, with the possibility of recognition in mind, made its way through the State Department to the White House itself. This was, however, an inauspicious initiation into the Washington policy-making process, because while negotiating terms of recognition with Soviet foreign minister Maxim Litvinov the following November, President Roosevelt suggested precisely the language—relating to the treatment of foreign nationals inside the U.S.S.R.—that Kennan had advised against using.²⁸

The Kennans were back in the United States by then, having left Grace with the Sørensens in Kristiansand. They had planned the trip chiefly for family reasons. Kent senior was eighty-one and in precarious health. “As one year after another is sliced off from our allotted span,” he had written George with mournful formality the previous winter, “we may well look with some misgivings at the diminished balance which remains.” It would be Annelise’s first visit: “To see America which I have heard and read so much about and to meet you all,” she wrote Jeanette, “will be ‘grand.’” The trip almost didn’t happen because the State Department grumbled about Kennan’s leaving the Riga legation understaffed, but Felix Cole, who ran the Russian Section, stood up for George, citing his family obligations together with the fact that he and Annelise had already given up their dacha, stored their furniture, and made all of their preparations.²⁹

Many years later Loy Henderson, a longtime Foreign Service colleague, insisted that Kennan had asked for leave and rushed home knowing that the Roosevelt administration was about to recognize the Soviet Union: “George never misses an opportunity.” This seems unlikely: the trip was authorized before anyone knew that Litvinov would be traveling to Washington. Kennan did spend three weeks in the Division of Eastern European Affairs helping to prepare for the upcoming talks, but he was no enthusiast for recognition, having convinced himself through his Riga research that the U.S.S.R. would violate whatever agreements were made with it. During the critical phase of the Roosevelt-Litvinov negotiations in mid-November, Kennan was not on the scene at all, but back in Milwaukee.³⁰

George had sent Annelise ahead of him to save money—Washington hotels were expensive. So, he wrote Jeanette, he was “entrusting my youthful wife to your care.” “[I]t’s a shame that you aren’t here to see the furor your wife is causing,” she replied a few days later. Men were commenting: “That young sister-in-law is certainly a peach.” George’s father, pleased that Annelise had come five thousand miles to see him, met her at the door and embraced her without a word. Louise did too, and “we all wiped our eyes.” She gave a tea that afternoon for the daughter-in-law she had just met, an occasion unusual enough to rate coverage in the Milwaukee Journal. Jeanette was “amazed at the amount of wisdom her sleek young head holds.” She was equally astonished “at what a good husband you’re making. I really thought you’d be quite a rotten one.” Then she added: “She’ ll keep you from becoming ‘queer.’ And people who are too queer are neither happy nor effective as a rule.”³¹

George’s own visit was brief. He found the house overheated, probably because the vitality of its occupants was so low. Kent senior received his son in bed, in a room that darkened as they talked. One of the old man’s legs kept sliding off onto the floor: George wanted to raise it to make him comfortable, but “some Kennan-ish repression made it impossible for me to follow even that little tender impulse, just as it has always made it impossible for me to tell him any of the things I should liked to have told him, throughout a number of years.” “When you bade me good bye last Saturday,” Kent wrote George on November 24, “whole waves and billows of sadness passed over me, …in view of my age, that I might never see you again.”³² The premonition proved accurate: Kossuth Kent Kennan died, not unexpectedly, on December 9. But by that time his son, quite unexpectedly, was on his way to Moscow.

IV.

“The ranks of American diplomatists have included, over the decades, many unusual people,” George F. Kennan wrote in 1972. Among the most striking, “both in his virtues and in his weaknesses,” was William C. Bullitt. A Philadelphia aristocrat and a Yale graduate, Bullitt had been an ardent supporter of Woodrow Wilson but also of the Bolshevik Revolution. The president’s principal adviser and confidant, Colonel Edward M. House, sent him to Moscow early in 1919 to try to establish contacts with the new Soviet government, but Wilson—ill and preoccupied with the Paris Peace onference—ignored Bullitt upon his return. So he turned on Wilson publicly, bitterly, and unforgivingly. In 1924 Bullitt married Louise Bryant, widow of the radical journalist John Reed, but divorced her six years later. By then he had become a patient of Sigmund Freud, with whom he collaborated on a highly critical psychobiography of Wilson—fortunately still unpublished when, in 1932, Bullitt met Franklin D. Roosevelt. The new president made Bullitt his unofficial agent on the issue of Soviet recognition. Shortly after signing the agreement establishing diplomatic relations, on November 17, 1933, Roosevelt nominated Bullitt to become the first U.S. ambassador to the U.S.S.R.³³

Now back from Milwaukee, Kennan was walking through the corridors of the State Department one day with a friend, who suggested that he ought to meet Bullitt: “Let’s see whether we can find him.” The new ambassador was in his office, asked Kennan some questions about Soviet transportation and finance, which he was able to answer, and then inquired as to whether he spoke Russian well enough to interpret. Kennan replied that he did, whereupon Bullitt said that he was leaving in a few days for Moscow: “Could you be ready in time to come along with me?” “The room,” George recalled, “rocked around me.” The offer was “a thunder-stroke of good luck” after years of preparation, and the Kennans were ready to sail on the following Monday. They traveled with Bullitt on the SS President Harding, from where George wrote his family: “Bullitt is a splendid man; it is an education just to have him around. Besides that, …I can’t forget that it is a rare feather in my cap to be included on this expedition at all.”³⁴

“Oh, he was so excited,” Annelise remembered. But the passage was rough, so much so that Bullitt ruled out drinking red wine at dinner—“it’s been shaken up too much”—and insisted on providing everyone with champagne. George, who spent much of the voyage in his cabin nursing a cold, remembered vividly the afternoon Bullitt came in, sat on his bunk, and began to talk. “I was naturally curious about the character of this brilliant and fast-moving man who had so suddenly become my immediate superior.” He conveyed an impression of “enormous charm, confidence, and vitality,” but George also detected sensitivity, egocentricity, and pride, as well as “a certain dangerous freedom—the freedom of a man who, as he himself confessed to me on that occasion, had never subordinated his life to the needs of any other human being.”³⁵

Upon arrival at Le Havre, Annelise went on to Kristiansand to see Grace and await instructions, while the new ambassador and his entourage proceeded to Paris. There Kennan was surprised to be warmly welcomed by “fair-weather”—and no doubt envious—Foreign Service friends. The Bullitt group then went by train to Berlin, and from there through Poland to the Soviet border. A solemn representative from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was waiting, and a banquet was served “with a touching Russian mixture of good will and inefficiency.”

The next morning in Moscow there was a mix-up, with Bullitt and the official greeters going in one direction and the secretaries, servants, and baggage going in another. It fell to Kennan to reconnect them, which he did with sufficient efficiency “that we ended up with several more bags than we had when we started.”³⁶

That was December 11, 1933. On December 13 the new U.S. ambassador and his party were driven through the walls of the Kremlin to present credentials to the Soviet “president,” Mikhail Kalinin. While the ceremony was under way, an Associated Press photographer sneaked a shot of the coatrack outside, with five hats lined up on a shelf above it. The caption identified three, a derby, a fedora, and a military cap, as belonging to Foreign Minister Litvinov and his aides. The other two were shiny silk top hats, said to have been worn by William C. Bullitt and his “secretary George Kennan.” This was Kennan’s first experience with inaccurate journalism, for in fact “I was too cheap to buy one.” He did, however, appear in the official photographs, a tall, thin young man, standing politely behind the dignitaries in a cutaway and striped pants, ready to translate for them when needed. Even without his own top hat, it was the high point so far of his diplomatic career: “I almost fainted… to think where I was and what I was doing.”³⁷

V.

There was another reason to feel faint, though, because on December 12 George had received, through State Department channels, Jeanette’s telegram conveying the news that his father had died. “It is somewhat to my own horror,” he wrote her on the fourteenth, that he had been able to carry on “almost as though nothing had happened.” The shock was not the death so much as “the inadequacy of our last visit, and the feeling that he may never have realized how much I loved him.” It was the final episode of the tragedy that had begun when their mother died.

During the past few days in Moscow, George told his sister, he had been through “the most interesting and absorbing things I have ever experienced,” but they seemed nonetheless trifling and foolish. “I have no heart to write about them now.”³⁸

He did write later about the “kaleidoscopic” ten days Bullitt had spent in Moscow. Kennan went to the ballet with the Litvinov family, and then to a performance of Chekhov’s The Cherry Orchard accompanied by, improbably, Harpo Marx: there is unfortunately no record of what, if anything, they talked about. Backstage, however, they met the playwright’s widow—a thrill because Kennan already had in mind someday writing Chekhov’s biography. He called at the Foreign Office and other diplomatic missions, and then with Keith Merrill, the State Department’s specialist on overseas buildings, drove to the outskirts of the city to pace off prospective embassy construction sites, with the temperature at twenty below zero. Too excited to go to bed when the day’s activities were done, the Americans would sit around and talk until four or five in the morning. Kennan remembered it as a wonderful time, an example of “what Soviet-American relations might, in other circumstances, have been.”³⁹

He had Bullitt to thank for it all. “When I came back to Washington last fall,” Kennan wrote him at the end of December, “I was—like a number of other young men in the service—pretty well beaten down by the bureaucracy. I despaired of ever getting work of any genuine significance.” Bullitt could well understand, therefore, that “the events of the last few weeks took my breath away.” Kennan was grateful “for the confidence and responsibility you’ve given me. They’ve done me more good than anything could have, …[and] the beneficial effect will wear for a long time to come.” Bullitt too was pleased. “The men at the head of the Soviet Government,” he wrote President Roosevelt, “are extremely eager to have contact with anyone who has first-rate intelligence and dimension as a human being. They were, for example, delighted by young Kennan.”⁴⁰