Senior Lieutenant Mikhail Isakov studied the children's drawings on the school wall. The primary school building near the Chaloupky Airfield had been taken over by his company for lack of enough space in the buildings at the base itself. Isakov could not speak Czech very well, but he could roughly make out the writing on the pencil drawings. The company commander, Maj. Nikolai Danilov, entered the classroom along with the company's zampolit, Capt. Aleksei Gelman.[30]
"Good morning, Misha. Where are the rest of the troublemakers?"
"Good morning, Comrade Major. The other platoon leaders will be here shortly," replied Isakov. As leader of the company's 1st Air Assault Platoon, Isakov always made sure his platoon came in first. He arrived at company meetings promptly to keep up the good name of the platoon with the company staff. The remaining platoon leaders trudged in a few moments later. At the head of the pack was the leader of the signals platoon, Sr. Lt. Ivan Varepa. He had been a fine sprinter while in the university, and his physique still showed it. The other two platoon leaders, Yegor Kostin of the 2d Air Assault Platoon, and Viktor Baladin of the 3d Platoon, were stockier. They were tough-looking characters, and Baladin had a broken nose from soccer.
"All right, you punks, we've got business to do," snapped Captain Gelman.
Obviously, the company political officer was annoyed at having to wait for the rest of the company officers. Two were still missing, Capt. Gennadi Vinik, the transport officer, and Lt. Pyotr Rushin, the company special weapons officer. The meeting began anyway.
Major Danilov began the briefing. "Soldiers, we have a tough assignment. But I am sure that the 404th Spetsnaz Company will make 4th Army proud. As you are aware, the 4th Army decided against using us for rear area raiding at the beginning of the war. The front's spetsnaz brigade is being used for this. We were being saved to spearhead a major operation. Today is it. The 4th Army should finally be breaking out of the damn forest by later today or tomorrow.
They need a crossing over the Danube River. The northern wing of our army has been the most successful, so they are being assigned the river crossing operation. It will take place here, between Deggendorf and Straubing." Major Danilov pointed to the map, and the lieutenants examined the 1:50,000 scale maps they had been issued.
The crossing was located at a bend of the Danube River. The northern bank was in the final foothills of the border region that 4th Army had been fighting through since the war began. The choice of the site made sense, since the area near the bend appeared to be flat and should prove to be a good staging area for all the equipment that would be needed to make a river assault. The terrain on the fer side of the river was flat and open— the kind of terrain the tankers and motor rifle boys had been praying for since the war began! The fighting in the forest had been miserably tough, from all the reports Isakov had heard.
"We will be parachuted over the Danube early tomorrow morning while it is still dark," continued Danilov. "There are three landing zones. Isakov, you and the 1st Platoon will have the one on the right, to the south-east, code-named Afrika. You will be dropped on the southern outskirts of Stephans-posching. Kostin, you will have the center drop area, here on the road between Wischlburg and Makofen, code-named Peru. And Baladin, you will be dropped in the northwest zone, here to the left, near Irlbach, code-named Kanada. We are going to break up the signals platoon to give each of you a squad. Two of the squad members will provide your radio communications, and the remainder can act as runners if you need them. Lieutenant Varepa, you and your senior sergeant will jump with the company headquarters into Landing Zone Peru along with Baladin's platoon. We will set up a company headquarters, probably around Makofen.
"Our mission is to scout this area for an air mobile assault. 'Ybu will notice that this area has no bridges. There is a rail bridge to the northwest at Bogen, and several bridges to the southeast around Deggendorf. We expect these areas to be heavily protected by the Germans. We expect the drop zones to be largely free of enemy troops. We will spend most of tomorrow scouting the area to check on enemy forces. Our job is to discover the enemy, not engage him. We will report back to the 4th Army staff tomorrow afternoon. If the area looks like we can secure it, they will send in an air assault battalion by choppers in the early evening.
"Now, if they do decide on the air assault, it will be our job to secure the landing zones. Isakov and Baladin will have the tough job: You two will have to secure the roads leading into the area and deal with any enemy vehicles. You will set up ambushes on the roads leading from the west from Straubing, and from the east, around Deggendorf. As soon as the Germans realize we're landing in their rear, they will try to stomp us out. The terrain here is very flat, so they can move their tanks and troop carriers across country if they wish. But they'll probably start by using the roads. It will be dark by then, and they won't want to risk going cross-country, You will hold the roadblocks until relieved by the air assault troops.
"Now, as far as weapons go. Everybody will carry the usual AKS-74s or AKS-74U carbines. But, I'm sure we are going to run into armor. So Pyotr Rushin will be issuing each of your platoons three Metis launchers.[31]
"You can either give each of your squads one of these, or you can give them all to one squad to form a tank-killer squad. Isakov and Baladin, you had better bunch them up in a special tank-killer squad. You two are the most likely to get hit by enemy tanks. In addition, everybody will be issued at least one RPG-22 antitank rocket.[32]
During the airdrop, we will also be dropping two canisters of antitank mines. This isn't an awful lot of mines, so you'll have to be careful where you place them.
"Now, as you can see, you're going to have a lot more hardware than usual. So each of your platoons will get three LuAZ-967 jeeps from the
company transport section, each with one driver. One of these should be assigned to your antitank squad, and the other two can be used to bring forward your supplies, mines, and other ammunition. You should not use these for scouting! They are for transport. When you land, keep your eye out for civilian automobiles and trucks. You should take some civilian vehicles. There are fairly good roads in the area, and the civilian vehicles will make you less conspicuous while you are reconnoitering.
"Now, in regard to uniforms. Everybody will wear normal Soviet battle dress. This is not a diversionary mission, it's a scout mission. So let's not play costume ball. I know several of you think you speak pretty good German. But I can assure you that nobody here speaks it well enough to be mistaken for a real German. So don't get cute and try to play 'lost German motorist' on the autobahn. If you can carry out your scouting faster using a car, fine. But don't get caught on the road.
"The Germans will probably have military police roadblocks set up. Deal with them quickly so they don't reveal our operation. Each squad has one SVD sniper rifle, and one night sight. Use them! But remember, we do not want to warn the Germans about our operation. So don't make any rash moves that will alert the German Army to our presence. Make sure you deal with the phone lines in your sector. You're bound to be spotted by German civilians, so make it impossible for them to warn the Army.
"We'll be making the jump at 0300 early tomorrow morning. Our departure time out of the airfield here will be at 0220. We will be jumping low, at 500 meters. Everybody gets one chute, no safeties. You all know that at that altitude, if the first parachute doesn't work, you'll never be able to use a second safety chute. Are there any questions?"
Isakov raised his hand. "Comrade Major, when the air assault troops arrive, what is our mission? Do we stay with them or regroup?"
"A good point, Misha. Look, we do not know how this mission is going to turn out. I think that once the air assault boys land, we will have a hell of a fight on our hands. Deggendorf and Platting are the major concentration points for the Bundeswehr and the U.S. Army in our sector. When they find out an air assault group has landed in their rear, they will try to rub us out before we can link up with our forces on the other side of the Danube. We can expect a heavy attack up Route 8 from the Platting-Deggendorf area. And we might get another attack from Straubing to the west. If the air assault boys can handle it, fine. We'll regroup. I'm sure the 4th Army has other missions for us. But if the fighting gets bad, the air assault battalion is going to need all the help it can get. And I'm sure they'll ask the army staff to keep our company under their command until the bridgehead has been achieved."
Lieutenant Varepa raised his hand next. "Comrade Major, what type of aircraft will we be using?"
"We'll be using An-26s," answered Danilov. There was a sigh of relief from the group. The Antonov An-26 was good and fast, and wouldn't make a big target like the An-12 or Il-76s that the normal airborne divisions usually used.[33]
"Gennadi Vinik will be jumpmaster, so he will assign you aircraft. At the moment, it looks like we will have eight aircraft. Well probably have one aircraft for each platoon, three for the vehicles, and two for the other supply canisters. If that's it for questions, get your platoons ready for action!"
Misha Isakov's platoon was stationed in one of the schoolrooms on the floor below. By now, they had finished a quick breakfast of bread and tea, and were milling around. The platoon had twenty men including Isakov. His deputy was a senior warrant office (praporshchik), Grigorii Varakin. Although he was called a warrant officer, Varakin's rank was more comparable to a senior sergeant in the British Army. The three squad leaders, Ivan Gudkov, Bohdan Donchuk, and Vladimir Konchin, were also praporshchiks. They were of the new generation of professional NCOs added to the Ground Forces in the late 1980s in the wake of the Gorbachev reforms. Varakin had been in the spetsnaz for six years, while the other squad leaders had each completed four years of duty. Each of the squad leaders had five men under him. These squads were smaller than normal motor rifle or paratrooper squads, but they were better trained.
The spetsnaz received high priority in recruitment, unlike regular Ground Forces branches. Political reliability and loyalty were demanded, and the majority of the troops were Russians or Ukrainians. You didn't find many Muslims or other minorities in the spetsnaz units, although there were exceptions. In the Far East facing China, units usually had Asian contingents, and units opposite Alaska had Inuit (Eskimo) troops. Athletic ability was a prime concern, and many of the troops had promising records in secondary school athletics. The squad leaders were often
recruited from the ranks of school captains of soccer and other sports, which provided an indication of leadership skills. Certain spetsnaz units used for diversionary missions had language requirements, but not the army-level companies like the 404th. The 404th Special Operations (Spetsnaz) Company was typical of these units. Its main mission was scouting and raiding. This company often acted as the spearhead for critical missions by army or front airmobile units. Or it could be used for special commando missions against critical NATO objectives.
It would take the company about ten hours to ready itself for the mission. Parachutes would be prepared, and repacked if possible. Weapons would be inspected, and special issue weapons and explosive would be carefully prepared. When jumping into action, Soviet airborne troops carried a much heavier load than the average infantryman. They were the only troops to regularly use rucksacks, since their food and bedding was not carried on vehicles as in the case of the motor rifle infantry. They carried more ammunition into combat, usually 300 rounds versus the usual 90 for motor rifle troops. For missions like this one, where tanks were likely, they carried one or two RPG-22 antitank rockets. Usually one of the six squad members carried an SVD sniper rifle, with an attachable image-intensification night sight. Each paratrooper's weapons were contained in a weapons bag. During the jump, the bag fell on a tethered line below him, hitting the ground first, which prevented the paratrooper from felling on his weapon and damaging it or injuring himself.
Parachute preparation took most of the morning and was done in one of the hangars at the nearby airfield. The An-26 transport aircraft began arriving at about 1100. To the chagrin of Captain Vinik, the jumpmaster, most were regular Aeroflot cargo aircraft without the military cargo handling equipment. For reasons of economy, civilian aircraft were absorbed by the Air Force in time of war. Although inconvenient, these were still usable for dropping the paratroop squads themselves and the weapons canisters. The three militarized An-26s would have to make do for the LuAZ jeeps. The other problem was that the Aeroflot aircraft arrived in Aeroflot livery: white upper fuselages with blue trim and unpainted aluminum wings and lower fuselages. This was completely unacceptable for clandestine operations. After a few hours of searching, Vinik found a supply of flat black paint, and Donchuk's squad was assigned to assist the ground crews in giving the aircraft a hasty paint job. It was done with few of the niceties, and no one had time for the national insignia.
The afternoon was spent preparing the weapons canisters and the load platforms for the LuAZ jeeps. The load platforms usually used retrorocket braking systems to slow the platform at the last moments before impact. But Vinik decided this would be a bad idea for a night drop: The bright blast of the retrorockets would be visible for miles in the flat terrain of the drop zones. Instead, the jeeps would be dropped from higher altitudes with a larger number of chutes. The LuAZ-967 was pretty light anyhow. By late afternoon, in a flurry of activity, the last of the Antonov transport aircraft were loaded and ready for operation.
Isakov brought his platoon together for final instructions. The drop zone was a field about two kilometers on either side, immediately to the south of the small village of Uttenkofen, and north of the hamlet of Freundorf. The airdrop would take place at about 0300, and Isakov estimated the linkup would take only about a half hour, since the whole platoon, plus the added signals team, would drop from a single aircraft. Isakov, on Major Danilov's instructions, assigned Sgt. Vladimir Konchin's 3d Squad the task of linking up with company headquarters to collect the LuAZ jeeps, mines, and other heavy equipment. These would be dropped into LZ Peru to the south of Wischlburg along with WO Yegor Kostin's 2d Platoon. In the meantime, Ivan Gudkov's 1st Squad would begin scouting forward toward the river around Stephans-posching and Uttenkofen, while Bohdan Donchuk's squad would patrol south toward the junction of Route 8 and the A92 autobahn. If the tiny hamlet of Freundorf was abandoned, Isakov decided he would use the buildings to establish the platoon's base of operations.
The platoon received a hearty meal before departure. The political officer, Aleksei Gelman, along with a couple of the members of the company headquarters, had decided to do some improvised "scouting" in the nearby Czech village. They managed to "liberate" about a dozen kilos of good Czech smoked sausages and a jeep full of other sundries, which were served up in one of the hangars where the parachute packing had taken place. The company numbered more than a hundred men, so the food didn't go far. But it was a delightful change from the wartime dry rations.
The aircraft were loaded up with troops at 0130 in the early morning of 6 October. The weather was the usual for this time of year — broken clouds, cold, and damp. As the night went on, the cloud cover broke open, and a crescent moon occasionally broke through. This would make it easier for the company to operate at night, but it would also make their jump more visible. The jump had been coordinated with army artillery, which would lay down artillery fire strikes on German positions around Metten and Bogen to keep them distracted. The An-26s were instructed to make a direct approach to the landing zones down along the Schwarzach Valley, to keep away from the artillery.
Isakov's platoon entered the aircraft from the rear ramp. Counting the added signal troops, there were twenty-five paratroopers in the cargo hold, plus three weapons canisters. The canisters would go out first, followed by Isakov, his deputy platoon leader, and the 1st Squad. The aircraft had elementary folded bench seats, since it was usually used for Aeroflot cargo runs. This was not the best arrangement, but the platoon made do. Isakov made sure that everyone was settled in position and then went up to the cockpit to chat with the crew. There was a crew of four, the pilot, copilot, radio/navigator, and shturman (loadmaster). The crew members were all reservists and older than Isakov had expected. The pilot was at least forty-five. They were all Aeroflot personnel in peacetime, but had served in the VTA (Military Transport Aviation) during their service. They had received special training for the past two days in paratroop delivery, and assured Isakov that it would be no more difficult than their usual missions, which involved flying in supplies to arctic teams in northern Russia.
The planes began lifting off at 0215, and when the last of the nine met the formation, they departed to the southwest, in a box formation, three aircraft wide and three deep. The shturman on Isakov's aircraft let him look out the small blister window on the left side of the forward fuselage. His view was a bit obscured by the NKPB-7 sight used to calculate airdrops. At first the scenery was monotonously dark and lifeless. But in a few minutes, the eerie signs of the war became evident on the horizon. The sky in front of the aircraft was lit up by illumination flares, explosions, and fires. From fifteen or twenty kilometers away, nothing was very clear. But obviously, a considerable amount of fighting was going on on the ground below. The shturman told Isakov that the drop would be in five minutes, so he returned to the cargo compartment to prepare his men. He went up to each soldier and checked to see that his parachute harness was snug and his ripcord attached to the static Une. He knew that the men had already checked this repeatedly, but it was a good opportunity to show his concern. Isakov took his place toward the rear of the fuselage.
Two minutes before the drop, the rear cargo door was lowered. The An-26 had a system to permit the cargo door to be hinged down below the aircraft to facilitate paratroop drops. The gears and servos whirred away as the door cleared. There was a rush of cold outside air into the compartment, and soon the paratroopers near the rear could see the ground below. Fighting could be seen around the town of Schwarzach. The shturman flicked on the amber warning light, meaning thirty seconds until the drop. At the green signal, Isakov and two of the other men kicked the weapons canisters free. Isakov and his deputy, Warrant Office Varakin, stood at either side of the cargo door and signaled the men to jump in waves of three in quick succession. The jump went without a hitch, and Isakov and Varakin leapt out last.
Isakov was an experienced jumper, but night drops are always frightening. It's very difficult to judge how fer you are from the ground as you are falling. There is the overwhelming fear that you may smash into the ground any second. Fortunately, on this jump, there was enough moonlight to see the ground. The view to the north had a strange sort of beauty. There appeared to be tank battles going on in the valley near Schwarzach. The northern landscape was bathed in the unnatural light of artillery illumination rounds. The ground shimmered from the frequent salvos of tank fire. Isakov could see the Danube River about a kilometer to the north. At night, its surface had a metallic sheen against the dark, colorless earth.
Isakov could start to see details on the ground below. Impact any second! He hit the ground hard, but instinctively he rolled. There was little wind, so he had no problem controlling the chute and gathering it up. It was critical that the platoon hide the parachutes, so as not to disclose their presence to the enemy.
Varakin had landed less than a hundred meters away, and was walking toward Isakov with his parachute neatly wrapped in his arms. "Comrade Lieutenant, I would suggest we deposit these in that building to the east."
Isakov agreed. Burying them in a plowed farm field was out of the question. Using a small flashlight, Varakin signaled to the squad leaders to move eastward toward Uttenkofen. The squad leaders reported to Isakov as the platoon coalesced. They had been lucky. No casualties beyond a few sprained ankles and bruises. The bright night had made the jump easier, even if it did expose them to discovery. But judging from the intensity of the fighting to the north, it didn't seem that anyone was paying attention.
At the outskirts of the town was an old garage. Using the night scope on an SVD sniper rifle, Varakin surveyed the edge of the village. There was no evidence of any movement. Varakin and two soldiers from 1st Squad carefully checked out the building. It was abandoned, probably at the outbreak of the war. The same seemed true of the rest of the village.
While the platoon hid their parachutes in the attic of the garage, Ivan Gudkov led three of his men from 1st Squad through the village looking for signs of life. Several of the houses had their doors open, suggesting they had been abandoned in some haste. They carefully snipped any phone lines they could find, taking trouble to avoid electrical lines. There were only about twenty buildings in the village, and within a half hour, the platoon had searched through them all. From signs, this was the village of Uttenkofen. It was completely abandoned.
Isakov had planned to use one of the villages to the south as a base, but this village would do. He had one of the new radiomen raise Major Danilov. "Aztek, this is Bantu, over."
"Bantu, this is Aztek, over." The radio call signs for the unit were Aztek for the HQ, Inka for the 2d Platoon (LZ Peru), Eskimo for 3d Platoon (LZ Kanada), and Bantu for 1st Platoon (LZ Afrika).
"Aztek, need grid to pick up packages, over."
"Bantu, send hunters to southeast Peru, over."
Isakov told Vladimir Konchin and his 3d Squad to march over to the southeast corner of Landing Zone Peru, near the Stephans-posching rail station. It was a good three kilometers away. Isakov warned them not to return on the roads, but to go over the fields, which were flat and easy to traverse in a LuAZ jeep. At the same time, he gave orders to Grigorii Varakin, the deputy platoon leader, to take Gudkov's 1st Squad to patrol the town of Stephans-posching itself, as well as Steinfurth. Isakov would lead 2d Squad in inspecting the southeast, toward Freundorf and Michaelsbuch. It was now 0330. Dawn would be about 0615. Each detachment would take one of the new radiomen along, and leave two more to keep in control of Uttenkofen.
In Uttenkofen they had found two operable vehicles, a beaten-up old Unimog truck used for farm work, and a van from a local bakery. Varakin took the van. Isakov and 2d Squad got into the truck. The squad leader, Bohdan Donchuk, took the driver's seat, with Isakov next to him. The other six soldiers piled into the open rear flatbed. Much to their chagrin, its last duty appeared to have been manure hauling, and the flatbed stank. The Unimog slowly clattered its way down the road, without lights, passing a small cemetery. The road intersected Route 11, which ran east and west, about a kilometer from the village, before entering Michaelsbuch. Donchuk pulled the truck off the road before the intersection, and the squad dismounted. There didn't seem to be any traffic on Route 11 at the moment. Michaelsbuch was a good deal larger than Uttenkofen. It was very quiet, but there seemed to be more vehicles. There was no evidence of military vehicles.
The squad cautiously advanced through the town, reaching the southern edge in a few minutes. A few hundred meters to the south was the A92 autobahn. Some military traffic was moving on it, mainly eastward toward Deggendorf. Michaelsbuch probably had some occupants still in it, but the town did not seem to pose any threat to the landing scheduled for later in the day.
Isakov decided to survey the other towns from the truck. It was a quiet night, and anyone seeing the truck would probably mistake it for one carrying NATO troops. The spetsnaz wore the new camouflage battle dress of the airmobile brigades, which was close to the American woodlands pattern camouflage. The squad mounted up again and set off down Route 11 toward Freundorf and the junction with Route 8. Freundorf was much the same picture — a small village either abandoned or with few occupants. On approaching Route 8, it was obvious that there was some military traffic. Route 8 connected Straubing, and the other towns to the northwest, with Deggendorf. After observing the traffic for a few minutes, Isakov had Gudkov turn the truck around to reconnoiter through Rettenbach and Mainkofen. They too were abandoned.
Isakov decided to leave two observers with a radio near the junction of Routes 11 and 8, overlooking the autobahn. This would keep most of the traffic at the southern end of the landing zone under watch. Another team was assigned to Michaelsbuch, stationed in the village's church belfry. This team could monitor any traffic coming off the autobahn toward the landing zone. Finally, one team was left in an industrial building near the Mainkofen railroad station to keep an eye on the autobahn and rail lines. This scattered the 1st Squad over a large area. But most of the teams could probably scrounge a car later in the day. It was important to cover all the likely avenues that enemy forces might use to attack Landing Zone Afrika.
With the teams in place, Isakov returned to Uttenkofen in the truck. Isakov was more familiar with German trucks than was the rest of the platoon. As a regular spetsnaz officer, he occasionally had been assigned to drive Soviet Avtotransport commercial trucks into West Germany while in civilian clothing. It gave him a clearer picture of the road nets and terrain than was ever possible from the sparse material provided in spetsnaz courses. Isakov reached Uttenkofen as dawn was breaking. Konchin and the 3d Squad had returned from the supply site. There were only two LuAZ jeeps, instead of the promised three, but they were heaped with supplies.
"Comrade Lieutenant, beg to report!" said Konchin. Isakov nodded.
"Comrade Lieutenant, we met Captain Vavilov near the station about a half hour ago. He instructed me to tell you that our platoon would be receiving only two jeeps. They lost three jeeps, probably an overshoot of the drop zone. We have our full complement of Metis missile launchers and other supplies."
Isakov responded. "Konchin, your men will be our unit reserve and remain here for the time being. Prepare the missile launchers. We will deploy them later in the day. Unload the other supplies into that garage."
Isakov found one of the other radiomen he had left behind and instructed him to raise Grigorii Varakin with the 1st Squad.
"Bantu 1, this is Bantu 4, over."
The radioman was unable to raise the other squad. The channels seemed to be jammed. He tried several different frequencies, without luck. Isakov decided to drive down toward Stephans-posching to determine the situation, and the radioman accompanied him. The road led toward the hamlet of Steinkirchen, breaking off at the last minute toward Stephans-posching. At the intersection, Isakov spotted two of the 1st Squad soldiers signaling him. He pulled the truck over. It was WO Ivan Gudkov, the squad leader.
"Comrade Lieutenant, Warrant Officer Varakin is over in Stephans-posching with three more men. There are some German troops in the town. It looks like some sort of engineer unit with bridging equipment on trucks. Varakin said he thinks they are only staying there for the evening."
Isakov told Gudkov to sent a runner to Varakin and tell him of the radio problems. If the problems continued, Varakin should send a runner with a report to Uttenkofen. Isakov got back into the truck and drove back down to Uttenkofen. He wished his men had not been so methodical in ripping down phone lines. It might have been possible to use them to communicate with his scattered scouts.
At about 0815, a tan German taxi began approaching Uttenkofen. Konchin's squad prepared to ambush it if necessary, but guessed it was a runner from the 1st Squad. It was Varakin himself.
"Good morning, Comrade Lieutenant!" Varakin seldom used the prescribed military greetings, but he and Misha Isakov were good friends. "The Germans have left Stephans-posching. But we will have to keep an eye out there. They seem to use that road pretty regularly. There are still some Germans in the town, mostly around a hotel and filling station. I've positioned one team in the church belfry, which looks out over the Danube River ferry. I've left another at the other end of the town, and one near the ferry. I've told them to stay under cover and keep their eyes open. I'm sorry I had to drive up here myself, but I was the only one who knew how to drive except for Gudkov."
Isakov nodded. "Nice car you picked out."
He turned to the map and pointed out the disposition of the squads. The unit was very scattered — too much so if there was any fighting to be done. The two men talked over plans to hold this sector while the airlift brought in troops later in the day. The drop area seemed suitable. There was very little evidence of German forces here. But things might change if the Soviet tank forces on the other side of the river began approaching. The fields would provide little defense against tanks. But it would probably be possible to hold a narrow bridgehead at the river itself from the small towns dotting the riverbank.
To get around the radio jamming, Isakov instructed one of the radiomen to use the R-350 burst-communication set to reach the HQ. A message came through about five minutes later indicating that someone from HQ would be visiting Uttenkofen in a short time to determine the situation. They requested information on whether it was safe to pass through Stephans-posching. Isakov had the cipher operator reply that there were civilians present, but no military.
About thirty minutes later, a small postal truck appeared on the road from Steinkirchen, and the company zampolit, Captain Gelman, stepped out. He was brought into the small house where Isakov had set up shop. "Good morning, Misha!"
"Good morning, Comrade Captain." Isakov was more polite in his response. He was always careful with the "organs," as they called the "Organs of State Security." Zampolits were often a contact point between smaller army units and the KGB.
Isakov explained the situation of his unit. So far, so good. Very few signs of heavy enemy military presence. Considerable evidence of enemy activity all around the area. Heavy artillery firing, jet aircraft, and truck traffic on the autobahn. The area over the river seemed to be the scene of very heavy fighting, judging from the smoke and sound. Gelman indicated that the situation in the other sectors also seemed favorable. The only problem area was the main town of Strasskirchen, a large town that sat astride Route 8 at the northwest edge of the area. There was a lot of military traffic through the town, MPs to control traffic, and some permanent military presence. However, Irlbach, near the river, was quiet. Gelman indicated that Major Danilov was recommending that the air assault proceed on the basis of the scouting, but they would have to wait until later in the afternoon for the final verdict. The Germans might move more equipment into the area later in the day.
Aside from a few German military trucks passing through Stephans-posching, the day was mostly quiet. The scouts near the A92 autobahn reported continuing military traffic-mostly trucks, but an occasional tank column. Most were moving toward Deggendorf, where a major fight seemed to be brewing. In the early afternoon, a German Bo-105 scout helicopter appeared in the area, snooping around, but it continued on without incident. Isakov pulled back some of the scout teams from the southeast edge of the area, and deployed Konchin's missile teams to cover the A92 autobahn exit near Michaelsbuch and the approach from Deggendorf on Route 11.
Trouble showed up at about 1430, when a German artillery unit pulled off Route 8 and began setting up shop outside the Stephans-posching train station. The enemy unit consisted of a battery of M109 self-propelled howitzers, a command vehicle, and a few trucks. At 1500, the company headquarters radioed Isakov to get a final situation report before the decision was made to proceed with the assault. Isakov mentioned the artillery. Major Danilov recommended that he keep an eye on it. Once they fired, they would probably move, to avoid counterbattery fire. If the artillery remained in the area, Isakov's platoon would have to eliminate them before the helicopters arrived at 1600. They would have to act quickly, and probably would have surprise in their favor at least.
Isakov drove into Stephans-posching in the Unimog truck. He assumed the Germans would treat the truck as a "friendly." Isakov collected four more riflemen to add to the two in the back, along with Warrant Officer Varakin. Gudkov was instructed to capture any remaining German civilians in the area over the next few minutes, in anticipation of the helicopter assault at 1600. The artillery battery was located in a small clearing on either side of the road. The building hid the road the Soviets were traveling on from their view. The Germans had been very careless. Scanning the area with his binoculars, Isakov could see no evidence of a perimeter defense. His plan was to drive to the edge of the railroad station buildings and dismount the squad there, where a clearer view would be possible. His squad would be considerably outnumbered, but a lot of the artillerymen would probably not be carrying their small arms.
The Unimog bumped along down the road. It was a little more than a kilometer from Stephans-posching to the railroad station, but the drive seemed much longer. After crossing the railroad tracks, Varakin pulled the truck into a small parking lot, and the troops disembarked. Isakov entered a switching building that overlooked the enemy artillery unit, and went upstairs. The artillery battery was scattered in a field unloading ammunition and preparing to fire. They were about fifty meters from the road at the closest. If they tried to attack the artillery on foot, they would have to cover a fair amount of open field, and they'd probably be spotted by the Germans. Isakov and Varakin decided instead to drive the squad out to the side of the German position. Four of the men were told to get their RPG-22s ready by pulling out the tube and cocking them. As they got off the truck, they were to fire at the self-propelled howitzers. The rest of the squad would use their assault rifles and charge the German positions.
Varakin was driving the truck as they pulled out into the open. The Germans seemed to be paying no attention at all. They probably did not suspect that any Soviet troops were operating on this side of the river, and so had not taken even elementary defense precautions.
"Misha, what do you say we try to get closer?" asked Varakin.
Isakov nodded. Varakin drove the truck off the side of the road, and across the field toward the artillery battery. They headed toward the side of the German position. The M109 artillery vehicles were to the left and the German trucks to the right. When they were about thirty-five meters from the nearest vehicle, Varakin stopped. A German soldier, apparently an officer, began walking toward them. Varakin carefully got out of the cab, keeping the door open to hide his uniform. The troops jumped out of the rear, and the grenadiers deployed quickly. Isakov shouted to them to fire. The rockets hissed off in an ear-piercing roar, accompanied by the clatter of AK-74 assault rifles. The troops were bunched up at first, but when Varakin shouted "Urra!" and began running forward, they followed.
The Germans were in complete confusion. The rockets had hit three of the artillery vehicles. A great deal of ammunition and propellant were lying about, and it began to ignite. A second salvo of rockets hit the M577 command post and one of the trucks. Few of the artillerymen had their rifles at hand, and they were cut down by the charging Soviet troops. Two Bundeswehr soldiers near the truck did have their assault rifles and fired at the Soviets. Two spetsnaz were hit, but in turn they drew fire from a Soviet grenadier with a BG-15 grenade launcher. Varakin had spotted the two Germans and hit one with rifle fire. He then hurled a grenade, starting a fire in the trucks and wounding the other German soldier. Isakov tossed a grenade into the undamaged M109. There was a muffled blast, and the vehicle began to burn. He directed his squad away from the burning vehicles toward the trucks. By now some of the unarmed German soldiers were fleeing across the field, and a small group of German soldiers managed to escape in a jeep. There was a flurry of raised arms as the surviving artillerymen surrendered. Of the sixty German troops, about twenty-five were wounded or killed, ten or twelve escaped, and the rest surrendered. Surprise had worked in the Soviets' favor.
Isakov ordered the squad to remain near the station during the upcoming air assault. They managed to salvage one truck from the German vehicles. The prisoners were herded into one of the nearby station buildings and frisked down. Varakin remained with this group, while Isakov drove back to the main platoon positions at Michaelsbuch. The two wounded Soviet paratroopers stayed behind. One had been hit in the arm and was in considerable pain. The other soldier had been hit in the chest and was in shock. Varakin and one other soldier attempted to administer aid as best they could.
Isakov arrived in Michaelsbuch as the first signs of the air assault began. A flight of Mi-24 Gorbach attack helicopters flew overhead, attacking the traffic along Route 8 and the A92 autobahn. They were low to the ground and firing rockets. It was comforting to see the big attack helicopters. Their size and high speed made them seem omnipotent. Isakov went over to the church and climbed into the belfry to get a good view of the action. The Mi-17 transport helicopters were approaching the landing zone (LZ). He could see the first helicopters land, and several of his own men run out to give them directions.
The force setting down in LZ Afrika was the 1st Company of the 123 d Air Assault Battalion.
The air assault troops were well trained like his own men, and began to deploy rapidly. The Mi-17s seemed to be on the ground for only a few seconds before they were fully unloaded and off in the air again. Isakov climbed down from the belfry to greet the new arrivals. The officers from the l/123d Air Assault Battalion were easy to pick out. A cluster of radiomen followed in their footsteps, with the whip antennas of their radios all too obvious. It was a good thing no enemy snipers were in the area.
The company commander, Capt. Vasily Bondarchuk, told Isakov that his company had been put, temporarily at least, under his command. Isakov led him to the Michaelsbuch church, where he had reestablished his command post. Using the maps, he explained his deployment. Bondarchuk told him to reassemble his platoon; it was too widely scattered to be useful in the upcoming fight. The 123 d Air Assault would take over their positions in Stephans-posching. Bondarchuk indicated that the battalion commander expected the main attack to come in this sector from the southeast. Once his men reassembled, Bondarchuk wanted Isakov to position his platoon in the small hamlet of Hettenkofen, which was on the outskirts of Michaelsbuch. After asking about his antitank equipment, Bondarchuk reminded Isakov how important antitank defense would be in the forthcoming fight.
Isakov radioed to his squads, and by 1800, they had all reported to Hettenkofen, which was not so much a village as a collection of houses and other buildings along a secondary road. The houses would offer a certain measure of protection against enemy tanks, but not much. Basically, the idea was to hold the river perimeter until the main Soviet forces arrived on the northern bank. Then, a bridging operation would link up and seize the main A92 autobahn intersections. The main Soviet force was expected to arrive the next morning and begin bridging operations. Until then, Isakov's platoon would have to hold the easternmost edge of the bridgehead.
Isakov had the soldiers plant antitank mines along Route 11 to deny the road to enemy tanks. Some more were laid in front of their positions, but there were not enough to make effective barriers. The three Metis anti-tank guided missile teams were evenly spaced along the 500 meters of the perimeter. All troops were issued RPG-22s. There were about 30 RPG-22s left, enough for one man each, plus a half dozen extra. There was little point in trying to set up ambushes, since the terrain was too flat and exposed to permit it.
As night settled in, the fire over the river grew more intense. The night sky was illuminated by artillery flares and explosions, which was some comfort, since it was evidence of the approaching Soviet forces. Isakov was very pleased by the performance of his men against the German artillery position. But fighting tanks would be harder. The Germans obviously were preparing something. There was activity in the neighboring hamlet of Rettenbach and Mainkofen, and tanks were operating in the area, judging from the high-pitched metallic squeal of their tracks.
In the adjacent village the enemy was preparing a counterattack. The Germans were following an absolute rule learned at officer school. Soviet bridgeheads must be smashed as soon as they are formed. The one lesson learned five decades before during the war on the Eastern Front was that Soviet bridgeheads had to be rooted out, not just isolated. Reconnaissance had indicated that the Soviet airmobile force was located between Deggendorf and Strasskirchen. It would be light on armor, if it had any at all. And it would probably be light on antitank weapons. The Germans decided to hit it with a night tank attack supported by infantry. Artillery would be a dicey proposition due to the proximity of the German forces. Several scattered tank companies were rounded up, along with some mechanized infantry originally slated for the front against the main Soviet attack.
The German attack force began moving at about 2200. The night was nearly pitch black, owing to the clear skies and lack of moonlight. This was a serious problem for Isakov's ATGM teams. Their launchers had passive night sights, but a little moonlight or starlight was needed to make them work properly. There was damn little tonight. Flare pistols could provide some light, and Bondarchuk promised to get a little illumination from the battalion's mortars. There was considerable tank noise coming from the autobahn. About 2215, the attack began.
German tanks spilled off the autobahn in a wave aimed at cutting through Michaelsbuch and pushing to Stephans-posching. A similar attack was launched from the other side out of Strasskirchen toward Irlbach. The attack in this sector consisted of about two companies of tanks, numbering twenty-six in all, supported by thirty-four troop carriers and sundry other armored vehicles. There were three companies of infantry, although not enough vehicles to carry them all. The tanks were a mixed bag of twelve Leopard 2s, and various models of Leopard Is culled from stragglers or units that had gotten separated from their original units. The plan was to envelop the area in smoke, with the Leopard 2s sitting back and using their thermal imaging sights to pick out targets. The smoke should blind the enemy gunners, giving the other tanks and infantry time to close rapidly on the Soviet positions. No one looked forward to street fighting at night, but neither town was very large.
Isakov's platoon could not see the German tanks, but could hear them. There was a slight flash of light as the smoke mortars were fired. Isakov gave Varakin the signal to fire several flares. All that was evident was a billowing white cloud from the German smoke grenades. One flare dropped slowly to the ground, casting an eerie glare on the scene. From out of the mist came the ugly snouts of several tanks. One of Konchin's Metis crews fired at it, but lost the tank due to the lack of light. Varakin tried firing more flares, but it was too late. The missile impacted harmlessly on the ground. Konchin's fire provoked the German tanks to begin firing. A Leopard 2 had spotted Konchin's missile team and obliterated it with a single 120mm high-explosive round. The German tanks alternated between cannon fire and machine guns as they charged forward. Another Metis team fired at a Leopard 1 tank that had outrun the smoke cover. It made a solid hit on the hull, stopping the tank. But again, the missile launch gave away the team's position and it was hammered mercilessly by tank fire.
The platoon had lost two of its three ATGMs in the first minute of fighting, and the German tanks were still 800 meters away. The RPG-22s were useless at more than 150 meters, especially at night. The German fire seemed to be directed mainly at Michaelsbuch, but three tanks had peeled off and were heading for Hettenkofen. All three were out of the smoke cloud and completely exposed, and the last surviving Metis team could see them clearly as long as the flares lasted. The missile spurted out of its tube and strack the Leopard squarely on the turret. It was a Leopard 2, however, and the puny nnssile warhead was ineffective against the thickskinned beast. The Leopard 2 swung its turret toward its tormentor and snuffed out the last Metis team with a single fiery blast. As the German tanks continued to fire, the buildings where Isakov's troops were crouched were relentlessly pulverized. Casualties were mounting fest. The lightly armed infantry was unable to respond until the tanks reached point-blank range, if any of them survived that long!
The tanks reached the edge of the village in another minute, firing all the way with machine guns. Three RPG-22s were fired, one hitting. It did little damage, and the machine gun fire from the tanks intensified. The tanks seemed to be probing for a location to pass through the village. Eventually they headed for the opening between Hettenkofen and Michaelsbuch. Varakin was at the southern edge of the perimeter where the German tanks were passing through. He got a clear shot against the rear of a Leopard, setting its engine on fire. But the blast from the rocket gave away his position, and he was cut down by a Marder infantry transporter that had been following behind. The German infantry transporters then disgorged their foot soldiers, who charged into the village. Isakov was in the center of the perimeter. He fired his RPG-22 at one of the infantry carriers, without success. The Marder turned its 20mm cannon on the building he was in. One round clipped away a large chunk of masonry, which smacked Isakov in the head.
He was knocked unconscious.
Lieutenant Misha Isakov regained consciousness about twenty minutes later. He could feel the sticky traces of blood congealed on bis forehead. Standing in front of him was a German soldier with an assault rifle pointed squarely at his face. The German motioned him to move over to the wall. Sitting there were three members of his platoon, including Bohdan Donchuk of the 2d Squad. For Misha Isakov, the war was over.
The Soviets have a wide range of special forces, many of which would be used in any war with NATO. The fictional scenario takes a look at two of these forces, the spetsnaz and the heliborne air assault units. Of the two, the spetsnaz are the more controversial. Elite forces are an enduring source of fascination, even though their actual combat records are often dubious. In an age of computerized precision-guided munitions, it's satisfying to think that a well-trained band of brave men can change the course of wars.
Spetsnaz comes from the Russian words spetsialnoye naznacheniye, which roughly translated means "special purpose." Spetsnaz are the special operations forces of the Soviet GRU. The Soviet Union, like the U.S., has two intelligence agencies, the GRU, which corresponds to the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), and the KGB, which corresponds to the CIA and FBI all wrapped up in one. The GRU is a part of the military establishment, while the KGB is separate from both the Communist party and the Soviet Army, although deeply involved with both. The spetsnaz forces are intended to bridge the gap between conventional intelligencegathering personnel such as spies, and tactical reconnaissance units attached to tank and motor rifle divisions.
The exploits of spetsnaz have been trumpeted by Viktor Suvorov, a former Soviet GRU officer who defected to the West in the late 1970s. Until Suvorov began writing his books on the subject, little attention was paid (publicly at least) to Soviet special forces aside from rather obvious elite units like the Soviet airborne divisions. Certainly, there has always been some appreciation for Soviet partisan warfare and unconventional tactics, but not for the extensive types of special operations portrayed by Suvorov. He luridly depicts spetsnaz as a bunch of highly trained professional, multilingual sportsmen-killers, with a bent for assassination and other mayhem. He has elevated spetsnaz to mythical proportions, suggesting that they will be used in missions to eliminate VIPs within NATO in the event of war, as well as to carry out more conventional commando-style operations against key NATO facilities. However, there is a lack of evidence as to their real importance, and many contradictions can be found in his claims about their activities.
Suvorov has suggested that the Soviet Army would have up to 30,000 spetsnaz troops available for operations in the event of war with NATO. These consist of spetsnaz brigades at front level, spetsnaz companies at army level, and various types of naval spetsnaz forces. In judging the quality of special forces, there is always a conflict between size and elite training. The larger the force, the more likely that its recruitment and training will be less demanding. While no one would deny the quality of the U.S. Marines as a fighting force, they do not compare in training and specialized skills to a unit like the Navy's SEALs. Likewise, British Paras are among the world's finest light infantry, but they are not equivalent to the SAS (Special Air Service), nor are they intended to be. The type of force described by Suvorov is an elite force, but its sheer size suggests that it is more like the U.S. Army's LRRPs (long-range recon patrols) or Rangers, rather than a Delta Force, and probably not even that well trained.
It must be remembered that spetsnaz, like most of the rest of the Soviet armed forces, is still largely a conscript force. In a spetsnaz company like the one depicted in the fictional scenario, fifteen of the twenty men are conscripts, three are conscript sergeants, and only two are professional soldiers. The scenario presumes that the Soviets will gradually upgrade spetsnaz training by including professional praporshchiks (warrant officers) rather than conscript sergeants. But it's worth noting that in the late 1980s 90 percent of spetsnaz tactical units were made up of eighteento twentyyear-old conscript soldiers with less than two years of military training. This does not imply the sort of James Bond characters that many people in the West now associate with the word spetsnaz.
To better understand how spetsnaz fits into Soviet special operations, it's necessary to briefly examine the many major components of Soviet special forces. It is a complicated matter, since special operations have been undergoing a major change due to the lessons of the Afghanistan war and to the introduction of special helicopter assault units. The Air Assault Force (VDV)
The largest Soviet special force is called the VDV, which is the Russian acronym for Air Assault Forces. The VDV is a semi-independent branch of the army, under central Moscow control for strategic operations. The core of the VDV is the seven air assault divisions stationed around the Soviet Union. The air assault divisions are paratrooper formations, like the U.S. 82d Airborne Division or the British Army's Parachute Regiment. The VDV is a select, elite force and receives a high priority in recruitment. Emphasis is placed on a clean record, and most Soviet paratroopers are recruited out of the Slavic majority: Russians, Ukrainians, and Byelorussians. Athletic ability is prized, especially evidence of leadership skills, such as team leaders in secondary school sports teams. The training is much more rigorous than that in ordinary Soviet units, and is similar to U.S. Marine or airborne training.
Soviet air assault divisions are smaller than tank or motorized rifle divisions but are more heavily mechanized than American or British airborne units. The Soviets use the airmobile BMD armored infantry vehicle as the basis for these formations. However, the Soviets have significant shortages of large transport aircraft to carry so much equipment in a single sortie. So the VDV troops are trained for operations with little mechanized equipment. They are a light infantry force first and foremost, capable of using mechanized equipment if available.
The role of the VDV divisions is to provide the Soviet General Staff with a deep operations force for special missions. A typical operation might involve seizing a bridgehead in advance of a mechanized column. The usefulness of an airborne division is constrained by two factors.
Soviet airlift has decided limits, which probably means that airborne divisions will be used minus their BMDs. When used as light infantry, airborne divisions, in spite of all their fine training, suffer from serious military weaknesses compared to mechanized infantry divisions with less vigorous training. Light infantry divisions are only as mobile as human feet will carry them, and so are less mobile than mechanized infantry in most Western European terrain. More importantly, airborne divisions are very light on firepower. Airborne divisions have little capability to withstand tank attack. They cannot carry sufficient weapons for this contingency by the very nature of their organization. The best enemy of the tank is another tank, and airborne tanks have never really panned out. As was suggested in the fictional scenario where tanks overran Isakov's unit, this problem is endemic to light infantry, and not peculiar to airborne forces alone.
The Soviets concluded as much after World War II. Their study of World War II operations suggested that airborne units are valuable only when used against enemy forces that are already broken, or in peripheral operations. The battle for the Arnhem bridges was one of the clearest examples of the severe limitations of airborne forces during World War H, and the Soviets had several of their own examples with similar outcomes. So in view of these limitations, why do the Soviets still have seven airborne divisions?
The VDV still has its use as a Praetorian Guards. They are an elite force that is more reliable than the rest of the army rabble in the eyes of many Soviet leaders. Like most NATO leaders, the Soviets do not think that a war in Europe is particularly likely. More likely are wars outside of Europe. It is for these wars, not a confrontation with NATO, that the VDV is most useful. The VDV is used in ticklish situations where regular Ground Forces units might be a bit too clumsy. In 1968 in Czechoslovakia, it was the VDV that took over the Prague airport and captured much of the Czech leadership. It is significant that no VDV division is stationed in Central Europe. They are stationed in the USSR itself, and while they may be used in Europe, their orientation is worldwide.
In Afghanistan in 1979, it was a VDV task force that spearheaded the invasion. The VDV units also formed the heart of Soviet counterinsurgency forces in Afghanistan. Many of the regular Ground Forces units were good for little more than guarding towns or conducting futile sweep operations. It was the VDV, with its combination of rugged training and high expectations, that carried out the more successful missions against the mujihadeen.
A recent study of the Afghanistan fighting by the Rand Corporation provided a good example of VDV skills. A mujihadeen unit in Nangrahar province had taken up positions in a mountain overlooking a Soviet base. They had laboriously moved rocket launchers and mortars up the mountain and in September 1986 were bombarding the Soviet base in the valley below. One morning, the mujihadeen was suddenly surprised by a group of about ninety VDV troops, who had scaled the mountain the previous night. One of the soldiers fighting them remarked: "Before that I had thought that the Soviet soldiers are not worth anything, but I must say that I have never seen anything like that. We had good food there and I was in good shape, but I would not have been able to climb that mountain. It was simply impossible for me. These were really tough guys."[34]
The Soviet leadership uses the VDV where the other tough guys fail. The Soviets have a special paramilitary Interior Army (VV), which acts like a state police force. If they need to bust heads during urban disturbances, they call in the Interior Army. But in situations where the Interior Army is unable to quell the rioting, the VDV is put into action. Soviet citizens know when they see the blue berets of the VDV that party time is over. In Azerbaijan and Armenia in 1987, ethnic disputes got out of the control of the local police. The Interior Army was called in. They couldn't handle it. The VDV was called in.
The VDV are classic examples of cold war soldiers. Their training is the best traditional sort— tough, demanding exercises with a focus on the basics of light mfantry. This might not be so useful on a mechanized battlefield, but a mechanized battlefield in Europe is not very likely. Low-intensity wars are probable, and the VDV is the Soviet shock force for these contingencies.
The problem with paratroop operations is the method of delivery. It is strictly one way. You drop them in, then they fight their way out. Or you have to fight your way in to get them out. The Soviets had several airborne operations in World War II in which they dropped a force in and then could not extract it. Helicopter technology is a better solution. Helicopters provide the ability to deposit forces deep behind enemy lines with considerable precision — even better than parachutes, since you don't have to worry about the wind. And better yet, you can extract them once they have completed their mission, or if the going gets too tough.
The Soviets began playing around with airmobile forces in the 1970s. These units are called Desantnaya Shturmvaya (assault landing forces). The concept is closest to U.S. air cavalry or airmobile forces. These forces are organized into brigade-sized formations rather than divisions, called DShB (Day-Shah-Bey) for assault landing brigades. The Soviets have tried a variety of different organizations. The DShB troops are recruited and trained like VDV troops, and appear to be under a similar organization. They are trained in parachuting, but their main means of delivery is the helicopter. There are at least two types of DShB brigades: units that have their own helicopters, and units that depend on regular air force helicopter units to provide the lift.
The 123d Airmobile Battalion depicted in this fictional scenario is a DShB formation.
The DShB do not have the long lineage of the VDV paratroopers, but their combat role in Afghanistan was every bit as bold. Afghanistan became a helicopter war favoring Soviet airmobile forces just as Vietnam spurred American interest in helicopters. Helicopters give the infantry an incomparable degree of mobility in the worst terrain. Although physical training is still important, an airmobile unit in a helicopter will be better ready for battle than a crack special forces unit that has just trudged up and down the mountains.
It remains to be seen what the Soviets will do in the wake of Afghanistan with the VDV and DShB. The VDV has lost at least one division, disbanded after Afghanistan. The trend seems to be in favor of the heliborne forces. The question is not one of combat role or training, only the mode of delivery. The traditional silk, or the contemporary rotor?
Although not a distinctly different branch of the Ground Forces, Soviet reconnaissance units have long been treated as an elite force. Called razvedchiki in the Soviet Ground Forces, they are the finest troops in their division or regiment. Razvedchiki are recruited from the conscripts on the basis of their athletic skills, intelligence, and composure under stress. They receive continual and more vigorous training than normal Ground Forces troops. Each regiment has a company of razvedchiki, and each division has a battalion. The razvedchiki are scouts. They are placed in the vanguard of the attack to determine the location of enemy positions, or to locate undefended avenues of advance. They are more lightly armed than other combat forces since their main role is to locate the enemy, not engage in battle.
Because of their superior training and leadership, the razvedchiki are also used for any especially demanding missions. For example, if a forward detachment is needed to seize an objective in advance of the main formation, it will usually be assigned to the razvedchiki. If a division plans a sneak raid against enemy positions, the razvedchiki will be the basis of the raiding force.
The practice of incorporating an elite formation within the ordinary divisions is due to several factors. On the one hand, the organization of large numbers of "elite" formations with an armed force has a detrimental effect on the quality of the army as a whole. Elite units tend to draw away the more adventurous and talented soldiers who seek the prestige of the specialist units. These units often boast that their privates are as good as the sergeants in regular units. This is precisely the problem. Elite formations concentrate the best soldiers and leave the main combat formations with mediocre soldiers. This is especially critical in the Soviet Ground Forces, where the NCO ranks are weak already due to the lack of a professional cadre. By establishing an "elite" formation like the razvedchiki within the ordinary divisions, the normal formations can continue to attract talented young soldiers who might otherwise be lured away into specialist units.
In addition, the Soviet Army has severe training shortcomings due to its sheer size and the turmoil of its draft system. The razvedchiki units allow the Soviets to isolate a portion of the combat units and lavish more attention on it. It gives the divisional or regimental commander an especially capable force for occasions when normal motor rifle troops might be too clumsy.
Like the VDV and DShB, the razvedchiki were extensively deployed in Afghanistan. They are more difficult to distinguish than the VDV and the DShB, since they do not wear distinctive uniforms or an insignia, but they are often mentioned in the Soviet military press.
Much has been written about the spetsnaz, but much of it has been fanciful. The role of the spetsnaz appears to bridge the gap between elite special force combat units like the VDV and DShB, and the divisional razvedchiki. The fact that the spetsnaz are under GRU intelligence control suggests that their main role is operational reconnaissance. Spetsnaz units exist at two levels, companies at the army level and brigades at the front level. The unit described in this fictional scenario is an army-level spetsnaz company.
The composition of these units undermines many of the exaggerated tales that have been told about them over the past few years. As mentioned before, they are conscript units, much like any other Soviet unit, but with higher priority in recruitment and training. They are undoubtedly high-quality units. But it is difficult to believe that they are sophisticated enough to carry out disguised sabotage missions. It is highly unlikely that these troops have either the language skills or experience to convincingly blend into a Western European environment. This is not to say that the Soviets do not possess such forces. But such forces demand long-term, professional personnel and are inevitably much smaller in number than the 20,000 to 30,000 figure quoted for spetsnaz. It is more likely that such forces are under the jurisdiction of the KGB due to its control of intelligence and agent networks outside the USSR.
The role of spetsnaz is probably more akin to American LRRP units. That is to say, the units carry out deep reconnaissance missions, far behind enemy lines, but still in uniform. While they may be used in sabotage missions, their primary task is scouting. It is pointless to send a small, highly trained company with modest firepower to attack a large NATO installation when it could be more effectively neutralized by air or missile attack.
Spetsnaz finds the target and can conduct post-strike damage assessment. Spetsnaz may be used to attack smaller, high-value targets such as nuclear delivery systems (Lance missile units), nuclear storage facilities, or vulnerable ammunition dumps. They could also be used to carry out selected commando-style operations such as attacks on key communications links like bridges.
Nevertheless, front and army commanders will probably be reluctant to fritter away a valuable special force unit on a lot of pinprick commando attacks that may have little if any consequence on the conduct of the ground operations. For this reason, they may be consolidated for special high-risk missions directly connected with the offensive ground operations. As the scenario suggests, one such mission would be to act as the vanguard of army-level special forces operations, such as scouting and securing landing zones for critical air assaults.
It should be noted that there was hardly any evidence of spetsnaz operations in Afghanistan. Many of the operations associated with the spetsnaz were simply VDV or DShB operations, or the activity of the razvedchiki. Spetsnaz operations may have been few because of the small number of large-scale (army and front) operations. Assassination of mujihadeen leaders in Pakistan was mostly in the province of the KGB and their Afghan counterparts, the KHAD, not spetsnaz.
The scenario suggests that special forces, whether VDV, DShB, or spetsnaz, have distinct limitations on a mechanized battlefield. In spite of all their training, special forces units are invariably poorly equipped to deal with tanks, armored vehicles, and artillery. The histories of special forces units are filled with examples of elite formations being sent into missions where their reputations offered no protection against superior firepower and mobility. The attempt to seize the Arnhem bridges is one of the more obvious examples, but the Soviets have their own bloody reminder, the ill-fated Dnepr River operation of November 1943. The primary advantage of a special forces operation is surprise. And once that precious commodity has run out, special forces units had better hope for quick relief from regular, more heavily armed formations.
The Soviet Navy has its own special forces, the Naval Infantry and the naval spetsnaz. The Naval Infantry is the Soviet equivalent of the U.S. Marines or Royal Marines. Each of the Soviet fleets has a Naval Infantry brigade or, in some cases, a division. The Soviet Naval Infantry has much the same task as other marine forces: Their primary role is the conduct of amphibious landings. However, Soviet Naval Infantry forces are very small compared to their U.S. counterparts. While the U.S. Marines have about a third the number of divisions of the U.S. Army, the Soviet Naval Infantry is only about one-hundredth the size of the Soviet Ground Forces. This is largely due to the landlocked nature of the USSR, and the lack of a clear mission for the Naval Infantry in a European war.
In the event of a war with NATO, the Soviet Naval Infantry would probably be involved in peripheral operations. The 36th Naval Infantry Brigade of the Baltic Fleet most likely would be used in operations against Denmark in conjunction with similar Polish and East German naval assault units.[35]
The 63 d Guards Kirkenneskaya Naval Infantry Brigade of the Northern Fleet would probably be used in operations against northern Norway.
The Soviet Navy also deploys a spetsnaz diversionary brigade with most of the fleets. These units have a variety of roles, including special reconnaissance, like their land-based counterparts. The units are trained in underwater demolition and coastal raiding. The naval spetsnaz brigade of the Baltic Fleet probably has had the most active "peacetime" career of any spetsnaz unit; it has been used in a peculiar series of special reconnaissance operations along with Baltic Fleet submarines in Swedish coastal waters since the early 1980s. The actual mission for these deep-penetration operations is unclear. It is not certain whether the missions had a distinct military purpose, such as scouting Swedish ports and coastal waters, or whether the missions were of a more political nature, intended to intimidate the Swedish government.
The depiction of the spetsnaz here is a good deal less exotic than in many other published accounts. As mentioned earlier, this is not intended to discount the possibility that the Soviets have specialized deep-cover assassination squads, but to suggest that a large force like the spetsnaz is unlikely to have such a high level of sophistication.
The Soviet KGB and its predecessor organizations, the NKVD and OGPU, have a long tradition of special units for "wet" operations such as assassination. It is worth noting that when the Soviets decided to kill the Afghan leader Hafizullah Amin before their invasion in 1979, it was the KGB that headed the operation. There is a certain competitive tension between the KGB and the military GRU, which might lead the GRU to encroach on this KGB territory; but it is the
KGB that would organize most deep-cover sabotage and assassination operations in the support of combat operations in Europe.
Another question is whether the Soviets have organized special operations forces, disguised in NATO uniforms, to disrupt NATO rear areas. The German Wehrmacht in World War II was very active in such operations, with its Brandenburg units. However, the best-known example was Otto Skorzeny's improvised "Operation Griffon" during the Battle of the Bulge in the Ardennes in December 1944 with German troops dressed in American uniforms. The Brandenburg and Skorzeny operations highlight the difficulty of such missions, as well as their potential. It does not take a great many soldiers in disguise to seriously confuse and disrupt an opponent's operations, but it is difficult to organize large diversionary units of this type due to language barriers. Few soldiers have the language skills or the experience to convincingly pass themselves off as soldiers of another army.
The Soviets have another alternative in this respect, and that is to use East German troops to mimic West German troops. There have long been reports that the East German Army does indeed have a special diversionary battalion, equipped with M113 APCs and M48 tanks captured in Vietnam, and in German markings.
Soviet special forces are large and diverse. Some seem better suited to the demands of cold war contingencies, and not to confrontations with NATO. Others play an important part in Soviet operational planning, like the new DShB. The KGB special units, and to a lesser extent the spetsnaz, follow a long Russian tradition in rear area sabotage and diversion. And the razvedchiki, while not a special force by uniform and insignia, represents a Soviet counterpart to American Rangers. Nevertheless, their importance should not be exaggerated by romantic delusions of heroic derring-do. They have their place, but they have distinct limitations on the deadly modern battlefield.