Chapter Eleven Consequences

The fall of Küstrin was acknowledged in the Wehrmacht Report a day later. The breakout battle had cost the lives of 637 soldiers, with a further 2,459 wounded and 6,994 reported missing. One of those killed near the Tannenhof in the breakout was Major Otto Wegner, the 55-year-old Altstadt Defence Sector commander. His remains were removed to the military cemetery at Gorgast on 3 December 1953, having been identified by his identity disc.[1]

After the Volkssturm surrender in the Altstadt, the few troops still holding out in the ruins and glacis outside that had not been party to the surrender were captured and shot. The 200 or so wounded in the Main Dressing Station were supposed to have been honourably treated by the Soviets in accordance with the terms of surrender negotiated by the Volkssturm commander, Captain Gustav Tamm, but it appears that some of those who could not walk were also shot.[2]

However, a few Volkssturm men already on the Kietz side of the Oder got through to the German lines in the breakout. They were given ten days’ leave to help them recover from their wounds and had orders to report to Nedlitz in Potsdam on 21 April. They were then deployed in defence of Wannsee Island between the Jungfernsee and Weissensee, from where they took part in another breakout that got them as far as Stahnsdorf cemetery before they were captured.[3]

The 32 officers and 965 NCOs of the Wehrmacht who had survived the breakout from Küstrin were sent on by the narrow-gauge railway connecting the Oderbruch via Seelow with Fürstenwalde and accommodated in the Mars-la-Tour Barracks there on Good Friday, 30 March.[4]

Officer Cadet Corporal Hans Dahlmanns was one of the lucky ones:

As I recall, for three days we had special rations, even chocolate in round tins intended for airmen or U-boat crews. I was given new trousers, a summer field jacket, two handkerchiefs, and a set of underwear, a mess tin, a spoon and a knife, a gas mask in a canister and a canvas washing kit, but no boots, no overcoat, no cap, no steel helmet, no fork and no toothbrush. I was given a new pay book on 5 April, my 18th birthday, but without a photograph, which had to be dispensed with at this time. I was then given a few days to recover before I was sent to a company at Wriezen in which no one knew each other.[5]

Lieutenant Erich Bölke also survived the breakout, but his treatment at the hands of the Germans was hardly what he had expected:

With others that had broken through, I was taken to the Mars-la-Tour Barracks in Fürstenwalde. Next morning, Easter Saturday, we were issued with new clothing, and in the process I met Captain Langenhahn again and followed him into a room where I saw Captain Wüstenhagen. The Küstrin officers had had to give up their weapons and had been placed under guard. They were in a building with double sentries at the entrance. SS-Gruppenführer Reinefarth’s quarters were somewhere else. When going for a walk he was always escorted by two other SS officers. I often talked with Captain Langenhahn and he said among other things that he would ask the Führer for his officers to be released.

That Easter Saturday, 31 March, we celebrated our reunion with beer and schnapps, as originally it had been said that I had been killed. Other officers took part, including Major Fenske and a captain decorated with the Knight’s Cross. During our celebrations an ADC appeared and informed us that all officers from the former Küstrin fortress were to appear in the officers’ mess next morning at 0900 hours.

If I remember correctly, there were 30 or so officers in the Officers’ Mess on Easter Sunday. There the Führer-Order to continue the fight for the Küstrin fortress was read out to us. Then began the individual interrogations.

I was questioned two or three times. We were asked why we had not complied with the Führer-Order and had taken part in the breakout. When I said that in Küstrin basically we could only bring a few weapons against the Russians and in the end had hardly any ammunition left, the interrogating officer said: ‘It would have been better if you had had an assault knife on your back to slit the throat of a Russian and now lay dead in Küstrin rather than sit here before me.’ I then said that I had received an order to break out. I was not accused by him of other things at the further interrogations, but he upset me by saying that the Führer was disappointed with his officer corps. It went similarly with Captain Langenhahn.

After that we continued to remain under arrest while awaiting the decision of the Führer. Then it was at last said that we all had to serve afresh and should volunteer for front-line duty. Captain Langenhahn volunteered immediately and told me: ‘Bölke, you are coming with me!’ I obeyed his order. Captain Langenhahn had several times telephoned people he knew at a central location during the Fürstenwalde process and kept himself informed of what was going on. His idea was to be posted to the Werwolf in Thuringia, as he came from Friedrichroda, where his father was a priest. But that was not allowed and front-line engagement against the Russians was demanded. Captain Wüstenhagen and Major Fenske remained behind. The latter said to me that I should remain in Fürstenwalde and let Captain Langenhahn go ahead on his own, but I could not do that. Meanwhile several days had passed since our breakout from Küstrin.

We reported back to duty with the artillery in the Mars-la-Tour Barracks. We went to our allocated sector of the front between the Märkischer Schweiz and Wreizen via the Anhalter railway station in Berlin. The officer positions in the new unit were already taken, making us surplus to establishment.

When the Russians started their main offensive on 16 April, my last unit neared its end, in which I survived the following experience. I was supervising the change of position of the artillery train. Captain Langenhahn sent a sergeant as a dispatch rider back from the front that I could meantime send on a short journey. Then he was to report back to me and return immediately to Captain Langenhahn. I waited and waited for him. The sergeant turned up hours later. The Feldgendarmerie had arrested him and some others. Those not carrying weapons were shot in the presence of those carrying them. The latter were then sent into action and their previous orders declared invalid. The sergeant had used a suitable opportunity to escape with the motorcycle. Neither of us understood what was going on any more.

On 19 April 1945 I was captured in Reichenow, near Strausberg. We were surrounded and wanted to break out. Captain Langenhahn fell from a shot in the head during this action. His adjutant and I then occupied the servants’ quarters of a manor. Later the adjutant shot himself.

I met Major Hassler in Soviet captivity in the Posen and Dorpat camps. He had been the flak commander in Küstrin. He had not taken part in the breakout but had been captured. He told me that when he was captured, the Russians had already known his name and rank and even his last appointment.[6]

Ad hoc units formed from demoralised survivors of the Küstrin garrison were later deployed in the defence of Seelow main railway station at the foot of the Seelow Heights and were involved in the Soviet assault of 16 April 1945, when they were overrun on the first evening.[7]

SS-Gruppenführer Reinefarth clearly had a lot of explaining to do. His somewhat shaky account of his actions is to be found in Annex B. Luckily for him, it does not appear to have come under Hitler’s close scrutiny, presumably because the latter was engaged with more urgent matters by that time. The result was that Reinefarth got away with his failure to obey Hitler’s orders. As Norman Davies wrote:

In the final reckoning, relatively few of the Nazi murder-mongers who had operated in Warsaw met with the retribution that they had earned. SS-Gruppenführer Reinefarth, for example, escaped scot-free. After leaving Warsaw, he was appointed commander of the fortress of Küstrin. But in the chaos of the German collapse in March 1945 he was arrested for leaving his post. This incident no doubt helped his later claim to have been an anti-Nazi Resistance fighter. All attempts to have him extradited to Poland were vetoed by the Americans to whom he had surrendered and for whom he acted as an adviser on Soviet military methods. So he was free to pursue a political career in West Germany. He never stood trial, and publicly denied that he had ever been a member of the SS.[8]

Yet in Warsaw: ‘They concentrated on massacring every man, woman and child in sight. No one was spared–not even nuns, nurses, hospital patients, doctors, invalids, or babies. Estimates of the noncombatant victims in the suburbs of Ohota and Vola vary from 20,000 to 50,000.’[9] Worse still: ‘Reinefarth complained about the shortage of ammunition. “We just can’t kill them all,” he grumbled. On 5 August alone an estimated 35,000 men, women and children were shot by the SS in cold blood.’[10]

Reinefarth was released from captivity in June 1948 and later became mayor of the bathing resort of Westerland on the island of Sylt, where he died on 7 May 1979.[11]

Hermann Körner was later cleared by a denazification court and was for a long time mayor of Reinbek, near Hamburg.[12]

In all it is estimated that the defence and attempted relief of the Küstrin fortress had cost the Germans about 5,000 killed, a further 9,000 wounded evacuated to their own lines, and another 6,000, mainly wounded, taken prisoner, while the Soviets lost about 5,000 killed and 15,000 wounded.[13] The Soviets now had a bridgehead about 50 kilometres wide and 7–10 kilometres deep, the vital nodal point at Küstrin had been secured, and preparations for the next phase of operations could proceed from a far stronger base. Soviet engineers could now get on with their extensive preparations for the forthcoming Berlin operation, including the rebuilding of the heavy capacity bridges at Küstrin. However, some of these bridges were so badly damaged that a new road route had to be introduced. An aerial photograph dated 7 April 1945 shows the old bridges under repair with a new bridge across the Warthe between the damaged road and rail swing bridges, and another new bridge extending at right-angles from the Schloss across to the Island next to the Artillery Barracks.

The Luftwaffe’s Kamikaze pilots made thirty sorties against the Soviet bridges across the Oder with their Mistels and claimed to have destroyed 17 of them on 17 April, including one of the Küstrin railway bridges, for a loss of 22 pilots.[14] In fact they destroyed both the Küstrin railway bridges, as Lieutenant-General N. A. Antipenko, chief of Zhukov’s Rear Services, later wrote:

On the night of 17/18 April, just as the work on the railway bridges over the Oder and Warthe was finished, the enemy made a strong air attack and destroyed both bridges. Troops of the 29th Railway Brigade and Moskaliov’s bridge-building unit restored both bridges under continuous bombardment within a week, so that they were ready by 25 April. So the first train carrying heavy artillery was able to make its way to Berlin-Lichtenberg simultaneously with the entry of our troops into Berlin at 1800 hours on 25 April.[15]

Thus the Soviets were able to bring up the necessary supplies, ammunition and artillery, including captured German siege artillery from the Crimea firing shells weighing half a ton each, to deploy in the marshalling yards of the Schlesischer station (today’s Ostbahnhof) and pound the city centre.[16]

A young Küstrin boy passed through the town on 21 June 1945:

I arrived at the goods station in an adventurous manner in the brake cab of a goods wagon. It was said that those caught at the Oder were put into a camp, but those that got across remained unmolested, and so it seemed to be the case. A wide wooden bridge had been erected next to the destroyed Warthe Bridge. It led from the crane on the Warthe quay across to the winter harbour quay. The railway crossing at the GAGFA buildings was guarded by a Soviet Army female soldier, who had made herself comfortable under a sunshade. There were still two allotment huts standing left of the railway. The nave of the Catholic church was only slightly damaged, but the tower had been destroyed. The block of flats opposite the church had been reduced to blackened walls. The Wendrichs’ family home on the corner of Wallstrasse was almost undamaged. Voices coming from there led me to believe that someone was living there, but they might have been looters. I got away from there. All the buildings in Wallstrasse were shot-up or burnt out, the ruins partly collapsed. The law courts on the corner of Friedrichstrasse appeared, but were fully destroyed beyond the first floor, the surrounding walls of rough field stones shot through with several metres missing. The adjacent officers’ block, as we called it, is now only a flattened heap of rubble, revealing only the iron central heating boiler. Scraps of paper waved at me, a page from a children’s songbook. Only the yellow compound walls of the Senior School survived the chaos; the janitor’s house and the gymnasium were destroyed, as well as the nearby petrol station with Pritzel’s Garage. Three vast bombs had completely smashed the youth hostel area. The onetime public air raid shelter, later the Front Cinema, had taken a direct hit on its entrance. In an earthen bunker on the Wallkrone I found boxes with thousands of rounds of rifle ammunition–away from here! On the grass in front of the old prison, the area of the ‘Hohen Kavalier’, stood cars and even guns that had become unserviceable and been towed here during the fighting. Next to them was a double-decker Berlin bus that had brought the flak gun crews here in January and had been used as an anti-tank barrier on Kurzen Dammstrasse. There was no petrol for the return journey. Schulstrasse was a picture of horror. The burnt-out ruins had been ploughed through by bombs and shells, and there were the skeletons of vehicles that had been brought to this narrow street thinking that they would be safer here. The masses of debris from the buildings in Kurzen Dammstrasse had piled up into a hill. Bulldozers or other equipment had flattened it out a little so that the ‘street’ was usable again. The war memorial still stood in the middle of the Marktplatz, only lacking the eagle on top. Only a few metal scraps remained of the telephone box on the tram stop island. The words ‘Town Department of Works’ were still visible on the barely 2-metre-high wall of the Ration Office in the Danziger House. Of the town hall there was still a quite high section of the Kommandantenstrasse façade, otherwise only rubble. The skeletons of burnt-out German armoured personnel carriers stood in the street, distinguishable from the piles of rubble. The buildings here fell relatively early, well before the middle of March’s bombs and shells. The ruined landscape was depressing. Bits of walls threatening to collapse warned me not to go any further. I returned to the Neustadt, where I met a woman who was afraid to go back alone to her former home in the Altstadt, so I escorted her. The building lay next to Pritzel’s Garage, naturally only rubble, but the woman identified a few plates lying around as her property. Who knows who took this crockery out of the apartment before it collapsed. On the way back I stumbled upon a tin of jam and picked it up. My companion also found two cans–both without labels, a little eerie, but later the contents proved to be an expensive pea soup. The woman also found a frying pan, but now we could not stay any longer in this desert that was once our home.[17]

One day later the expulsion of the remaining Germans from this now Polish-administered area began, and Küstrin became Kostrzyn. The ruins of the Altstadt were stripped of suitable material to assist in the rebuilding of Warsaw and the site abandoned, but now there are plans for the possible reconstruction of the former Aldstadt in 2015.[18]

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