1. N. Sukhanov, Zapiski o russkoi revolyutsii.
2. See in particular B. Souvarine, Staline: aperçu historique du bolchévisme; L. Trotsky, Stalin. An Appraisal of the Man and His Influence; T. Dan, Proiskhozhednie bol’shevisma: k istorii demokraticheskikh i sotsialisticheskikh idei v Rossii posle osvobozdeniya krest’yan.
3. No one apart from Lenin and Trotski was more condescending to him in the 1920s than Bukharin, who paid the ultimate price. It remains to be explained why fellow leaders omitted to recognise his potential importance in due time. The answer they themselves gave at the time was that they had overlooked his political cunning. Having dismissed Stalin as an ignorant office clerk, they did not anticipate his ruthless skills in conspiracy and manoeuvre. This will not do. The rudimentary point must be made that Stalin’s defeated rivals had an incentive to suggest they had been worsted by a master-deceiver who bore no similarity to themselves and had no talents of his own.
4. ‘Stalin (Dzhughashvili), Iosif Vissarionovich’.
5. Iosif Vissarionovich Stalin (1st edn).
6. G. Gorodetsky, The Grand Delusion.
7. R. Conquest, The Great Terror. Conquest, while highlighting Stalin’s psychological oddity, affirms that he was not insane.
8. The Trotskyist Isaac Deutscher’s Stalin after World War Two incorporated the basic ideas of pre-war Trotskyist and Menshevik analyses of Stalin’s career but, unlike Trotski’s biography, insisted that the personal dictatorship of Stalin had brought about institutional and educational changes which eventually could work to the favour of genuinely communist objectives. E. H. Carr in a biographical vignette offered a similar interpretation while emphasising, to a greater extent than Deutscher, the task discharged by Stalin in Russia’s general ‘modernisation’: Socialism in One Country, 1924–1926, vol. 1, pp. 174–86. Even Trotski, though, stressed that Stalin had presided over changes in the USSR which would have effects beyond his permanent control.
9. R. W. Davies, Soviet History in the Yeltsin Era.
10. R. Medvedev, Let History Judge.
11. D. Volkogonov, Stalin: triumf i tragediya.
12. E. Radzinsky, Stalin.
13. J. A. Getty, Origins of the Great Purges.
14. S. Sebag Montefiore, Stalin: At the Court of the Red Tsar; M. Kun, Stalin: An Unknown Portrait.
15. A. Ulam, Stalin; R. McNeal, Stalin. Man and Leader; R. Hingley, Stalin; R. Tucker, Stalin.
16. R. McNeal, Stalin. Man and Leader; R. Tucker, Stalin, pp. 133–7.
17. R. Slusser, Stalin in October: The Man Who Missed the Revolution.
18. R. Medvedev, Let History Judge.
19. R. Conquest, The Great Terror; R. Medvedev, Let History Judge.
20. J. A. Getty, The Origins of the Great Purges.
21. O. V. Khlevniuk, 1937–i.
1. Iosif Vissarionovich Stalin (1st edn), p. 5. In order to avoid chopping and changing in this early chapter I have transliterated Stalin’s Georgian surname as Dzhughashvili even though, strictly speaking, it should be rendered Dzhugashvili when taken from the Russian text of the official biography.
2. See the notes of the 23 December 1946 meeting taken by a participant, V. D. Mochalov: Slovo tovarishchu Stalinu, pp. 469–73. I owe to Arfon Rees the point about Bolshevik distaste for personal biographical accounts.
3. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 61, p. 1.
4. I am grateful to Stephen Jones for sharing his thoughts on this with me.
5. J. Davrichewy, Ah! Ce qu’on rigolait bien, p. 90. See also A. Ostrovskii, Kto stoyal za spinoi Stalina?, p. 90.
6. R. Medvedev, Sem’ya tirana, p. 5.
7. Ibid., p. 4.
8. J. Davrichewy, Ah! Ce qu’on rigolait bien, p. 27.
9. Ibid.
10. S. Beria, Beria, My Father, p. 21.
11. J. Davrichewy, Ah! Ce qu’on rigolait bien, pp. 27–8. Another person mentioned as Stalin’s biological father was a certain Dzhulabovi: ibid. R. Brackman has recently contended that Stalin was the bastard son of a priest called Egnatashvili: The Secret File of Joseph Stalin, p. 4; but most primary sources accurately refer to Egnatashvili as the local tavern keeper.
12. A. Mgeladze, Stalin, kakim ya ego znal, pp. 242–3.
13. J. Davrichewy, Ah! Ce qu’on rigolait bien, pp. 27–9.
14. R. and Zh. Medvedev, Neizvestnyi Stalin, p. 265.
15. I am grateful to Stephen Jones for discussing this matter with me.
16. Sochineniya, vol. 13, p. 113.
17. S. Allilueva, Tol’ko odin god, p. 313.
18. Ibid.
19. G. K. Zhukov, Vospominaniya i razmyshleniya, vol. 3, p. 215.
20. A. Ostrovskii, Kto stoyal za spinoi Stalina, p. 95.
21. Ibid.
22. Memoir of G. I. Elisabedashvili in Stalin: v vospominaniyakh i dokumentov epokhi, p. 12.
23. GF IML, fond 8, op. 2, ch. 1, d. 24, p. 191, cited in A. Ostrovskii, Kto stoyal za spinoi Stalina, p. 97.
24. Ibid.; and J. Davrichewy, Ah! Ce qu’on rigolait bien, p. 38.
1. This is the point made by A. Ostrovskii, Kto stoyal za spinoi Stalina, p. 97.
2. Ibid., pp. 100–1.
3. V. Kaminskii and I. Vereshchagin, Detstvo i yunost’ vozhdya, pp. 28 and 43–4; see also A. Ostrovskii, Kto stoyal za spinoi Stalina?, pp. 100–1.
4. F. Ye. Makharadze and G. V. Khachapuridze, Ocherki po istorii rabochego i krest’yanskogo dvizheniya v Gruzii, pp. 143–4. This part of the book was written solely by Makharadze.
5. Ibid., p. 144.
6. RGASPI, f. 71, op. 10, d. 275. See M. Kun, Stalin: An Unknown Portrait, p. 18.
7. There is an implicit account of Beso’s material woes in Sochineniya, vol. 1, p. 318.
8. Skating and wrestling incidents have also been blamed: see A. Ostrovskii, Kto stoyal za spinoi Stalina, p. 95. But the phaeton is by far the likeliest story.
9. A. Ostrovskii suggests that the accident might have preceded Stalin’s schooling: ibid., p. 99.
10. J. Iremaschwili, Stalin und die Tragödie Georgiens, p. 5.
11. J. Davrichewy, Ah! Ce qu’on rigolait bien, pp. 71 and 73.
12. See below, p. 522.
13. J. Davrichewy, Ah! Ce qu’on rigolait bien, p. 39.
14. Ibid., p. 82.
15. Ibid., pp. 43–4.
16. Ibid., p. 61.
17. J. Iremaschwili, Stalin und die Tragödie Georgiens, p. 18.
18. V. Kaminskii and I. Vereshchagin, Detsvo i yunost’ vozhdya, p. 48.
19. J. Davrichewy, Ah! Ce qu’on rigolait bien, p. 59.
20. Ibid.
21. Ibid.
22. RGASPI, fond 558, op. 4, d. 61, p. 1.
23. A. Chelidze, ‘Neopublikovannye materialy iz biografii tovarishcha Stalina’, p. 19.
24. I am not saying that his arithmetical supervision was exercised impartially. On the contrary, he deliberately manipulated official grain output figures in the late 1920s.
25. RGASPI, fond 558, op. 4, d. 61, p. 1.
1. Stalin in old age described his early time in Tbilisi to K. Charkviani. I derive this reference from the notes on Charkviani’s memoirs kindly shared with me by Simon Sebag Montefiore: p. 2a. See also Stalin: v vospominaniyakh sovremennikov i dokumentov epokhi, p. 18.
2. Istoricheskie mesta Tbilisi. Putevoditel’ po mestam, svyazannym s zhizn’yu i deyatel’nost’yu I. V. Stalina, pp. 30–1.
3. I am grateful to Peter Strickland for his advice on nineteenth-century European architecture.
4. See M. Agursky, ‘Stalin’s Ecclesiastical Background’, pp. 3–4.
5. Ibid., p. 6.
6. The original Russian was sobachii yazyk, literally translatable as ‘a dog’s language’. In either translation, however, it was very offensive to Georgians.
7. T. Darlington, Education in Russia, p. 286.
8. Ibid., p. 287.
9. N. Zhordaniya, Moya zhizn’, p. 8.
10. T. Darlington, Education in Russia, p. 288.
11. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 17, p. 1.
12. T. Darlington, Education in Russia, p. 286.
13. J. Iremaschwili, Stalin und die Tragödie Georgiens, pp. 16–17.
14. J. Davrichewy, Ah! Ce qu’on rigolait bien, p. 113.
15. N. Zhordaniya, Moya zhizn’, p. 11.
16. Ibid., p. 12.
17. G. Uratadze, Vospominaniya gruzinskogo sotsial-demokrata, pp. 58–9.
18. N. Zhordaniya, Moya zhizn’, pp. 25 and 27. Zhordania had earlier turned down the invitation from Ilya Chavchavadze to edit Iveria: he wanted complete political autonomy.
19. Ibid., pp. 29–30.
20. Istoricheskie mesta Tbilisi, p. 25.
21. Iveria, no. 23 (1895).
22. N. Zhordaniya, Moya zhizn’, p. 31.
23. deda ena (ed. Y. Gogebashvili: 1912 edition).
24. I. Stalin, Stikhi, p. 3. Several biographies of Stalin wrongly assume that the dedicatee was Giorgi Eristava, the poet exiled to the Polish provinces of the Russian Empire in 1832.
25. M. Kun cites archives indicating that the Eristavi poem was recalled as ‘revolutionary’ in content by a fellow seminarist: see Stalin: An Unknown Portrait, p. 77.
26. A more plausible version of this story was that the seminarists borrowed the books in the normal fashion for a fee and took it in turns to copy them out by hand: M. Chiaureli’s memoir of a conversation with Stalin in A Fadeer (ed.), Vstrechi s tovarishchem Stalinym, pp. 156–7.
27. Stalin: v vospominaniyakh sovremennikov i dokumentov epokhi, p. 24.
28. J. Iremaschwili, Stalin und die Tragödie Georgiens, p. 20.
29. ‘I. V. Stalin o “Kratkom kurse po istorii VKP(b)”. Stenogramma vystupleniya no soveshchanii propagandistov Moskvy i Leningrada’, Istoricheskii arkhiv, no. 5 (1994), p. 12.
30. See the results in RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, dd. 48 and 665.
31. Y. Gogebashvili, deda ena (1912). The State House-Museum of I. V. Stalin in Gori also holds the 1916 edition in Hall I.
32. Pupils’ records from the Tiflis Seminary for 1898–9: RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 53, p. 1.
33. Stalin’s account in 1931, reproduced in Istoricheskie mesta Tbilisi, p. 29.
1. Iosif Vissarionovich Stalin: biografiya (2nd edn), p. 10. Since such an occupation was hardly to Stalin’s credit as a Marxist militant it is probably true.
2. Hall I, GDMS.
3. See the magnetic tape and various written records in Hall II, GDMS.
4. Istoricheskie mesta Tbilisi. Putevoditel’ po mestam, svyazannym s zhizn’yu i deyatel’nost’yu I. V. Stalina, pp. 30–1.
5. Ibid., p. 32.
6. Lado Ketskhoveli: Sbornik dokumentov i materialov, pp. 174–5.
7. J. Iremaschwili, Stalin und die Tragödie Georgiens, p. 24.
8. A. Gio, Zhizn’ podpol’nika, p. 25 (writing about the group led by Stalin’s acquaintance Silva Dzhibladze).
9. Ibid., p. 54.
10. J. Davrichewy, Ah! Ce qu’on rigolait bien, p. 111.
11. N. Zhordaniya, Moya zhizn’, pp. 29–30.
12. J. Iremaschwili, Stalin und die Tragödie Georgiens, p. 25.
13. Ibid.
14. G. Uratadze, Vospominaniya gruzinskogo sotsial-demokrata, pp. 66–7.
15. See E. Smith, The Young Stalin, p. 78.
16. See below, pp. 72–4.
17. See the forthcoming history of Georgian Marxism by Stephen Jones, chapter 4. A succinct summary of N. Zhordaniya’s ideas appeared in his ‘Nat-sional’nyi vopros’, Bor’ba, no. 2 (1914), pp. 26–31.
18. Stalin’s account at a Kremlin meeting of 28 December 1945, recorded by V. D. Mochalov: Slovo tovarishchu Stalinu, p. 461.
19. A. Yenukidze, ‘Istoriya organizatsiya i raboty nelegal’nykh tipografii R.S.D.R.P. (bol’shevikov) na Kavkaze za vremya ot 1900 po 1906 g.’ in Tekhnika bol’shevistskogo podpol’ya, p. 20.
20. L. B. Krasin, ‘Bol’shevistskaya partiinaya tekhnika’ in ibid., p. 10.
21. G. Uratadze, Vospominaniya gruzinskogo sotsial-demokrata, p. 193; A. S. Yenukidze, ‘Istoriya organizatsii i raboty nelegal’nykh tipografii R.S.R.P. (bol’shevikov) na Kavkaze’, pp. 20–5; N. Zhordaniya, Moya zhizn’, p. 35.
22. S. T. Arkhomed, Rabochee dvizhenie i sotsial-demokratiya na Kavkaze, pp. 81–4.
23. G. Uratadze, Vospominaniya gruzinskogo sostial-demokrata, pp. 66–7.
24. S. T. Arkhomed, Rabochee dvizhenie i sotsial-demokratiya na Kavkaze, pp. 81–4.
25. Stalin i Khasim (1901–1902 gg.). The importance of this account was established by M. Kun, Stalin: An Unknown Portrait, pp. 49–50. My thanks to George Hewitt for advice on Abkhazian nomenclature and on the peasant’s probable nationality.
26. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 1, pp. 11–31.
27. See Stalin’s account at a Kremlin meeting of 28 December 1945, recorded by V. D. Mochalov: Slovo tovarishchu Stalinu, p. 461.
28. Ibid., p. 462.
29. A. Yenukidze, ‘Istoriya organizatsiya i raboty nelegal’nykh tipografii’, p. 28.
30. Ibid.
31. N. Zhordaniya, Moya zhizn’, p. 30.
32. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 1, pp. 7 and 9.
33. S. Kavtaradze, tsareulis purtsebli, vol. 1, pp. 17–20. I am grateful to Zakro Megreleshvili for his help in translating this important memoir for me.
34. G. Uratadze, Vospominaniya gruzinskogo sotsial-demokrata, p. 70.
35. S. Alliluev, Proidënnyi put’, p. 109.
36. G. Uratadze, Vospominaniya gruzinskogo sotsial-demokrata, p. 68.
37. Ibid., p. 66.
38. Ibid., p. 65.
39. Ibid.
40. Ibid., p. 66.
41. S. Kavtaradze, tsareulis purtsebli, vol. 1, p. 17.
42. Ibid., p. 18.
43. Ibid., p. 20; Stalin’s account as given to a confidential meeting of leading official propagandists on 28 December 1945: see V. D. Mochalov’s notes in Slovo tovarishchu Stalinu, p. 463.
44. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 1, p. x: comment by the anonymous editorial group of the Institute of Marx–Engels–Lenin.
45. S. Kavtaradze, Tsareulis purtsebli, vol. 1, pp. 17–20.
46. Ibid., p. 18.
47. Ibid.
1. S. Kavtaradze, tsareulis purtsebli, vol. 1, p. 24.
2. Revolyutsiya 1905 goda v Zakavkaz’i, pp. 70–1.
3. Ibid., p. 89.
4. S. Vereshchak, ‘Stalin v tyur’me’, part 2, Dni, 24 January 1928.
5. Perepiska V.I. Lenina i rukovodimykh im uchrezhdenii RSDRP s mestnymi partiinymi organizatsiyami, 1905–1907, vol. 2, part 1, p. 294.
6. Pravda, 24 April 1920. Whether this had really been Stalin’s initial reaction to Lenin is a matter of speculation, for in describing Lenin positively in such terms he was implicitly recommending himself as well as Lenin to the audience in April 1920. Nevertheless it is not an improbable reaction.
7. B. Gorev, ‘Za kulisami pervoi revolyutsii’, pp. 16–17; I. V. Stalin, Pravda, 24 April 1920.
8. Editorial note by R. Markova, Chetvërtyi (ob”edinitel’nyi) s”ezd RSDRP (1949 edition), p. 34.
9. M. Stugart in his readers’ queries column, Dagens Nyheter, 22 March 2004.
10. Chetvërtyi s”ezd, p. 116.
11. Ibid., p. 224.
12. Ibid., p. 311.
13. Ibid., pp. 78–9, 81 and 116.
14. Ibid., pp. 78–9 and 224.
15. J. Davrichewy, Ah! Ce qu’on rigolait bien, p. 228.
16. V. Alliluev, Khronika odnoi sem’i, p. 108.
17. See the account by M. Kun, Stalin. An Unknown Portrait, pp. 342–3.
18. See below, pp. 92–4.
19. See below, pp. 75–6.
20. W. J. Fishman, East End 1888, pp. 131–72
21. Ye. Yemel’yanov in Stalin. K shestidesyatiyu so dnya rozhdeniya, p. 197.
22. See K. Weller, ‘Don’t Be a Soldier!’, p. 85.
23. Daily Express, 5 January 1950.
24. Pyatyi (londonskii) s”ezd RSDRP, p. 121.
25. N. Zhordaniya, Moya zhizn’, p. 53.
1. R. G. Suny, ‘A Journeyman for the Revolution’, pp. 373–4.
2. Diskussionnyi Listok. Prilozhenie k Tsentral’nomu Organu ‘Sotsial-demokrat’ (Paris), 24 May/7 June 1910, pp. 26–7. He had probably written this before being arrested. A rejoinder by Noe Zhordania was included in the same issue, pp. 28–30.
3. Ibid., pp. 26–8.
4. Krasnyi arkhiv, no. 2 (1941), pp. 14 and 17–18.
5. A. Allilueva, Vospominaniya, p. 109.
6. Pyatyi (londonskii) s”ezd RSDRP, p. 87.
7. J. Iremaschwili, Stalin und die Tragödie Georgiens, p. 40.
8. Ibid., p. 39.
9. Ibid. David Machavariani, one of Joseph Dzhughashvili’s school friends, corroborated — after the Second World War — the deep effects of his wife’s death: J. Davrishewy, Ah! Ce qu’on rigolait bien, p. 35.
10. See above, chapter 1.
11. J. Iremaschwili, Stalin und die Tragödie Georgiens, p. 39.
12. S. Kavtaradze, tsareulis purtsebli, vol. 1, p. 99.
13. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 1, pp. 314–15.
14. RGASPI, f. 71, op. 10, d. 275. See M. Kun, Stalin. An Unknown Portrait, p. 18 for a full account.
15. S. Talakvadze, K istorii Kommunisticheskoi partii Gruzii, p. 118.
16. R. Brackman, The Secret File, pp. 133–5, 186–93 and 281–9.
17. G. Uratadze, Vospominaniya gruzinskogo sotsial-demokrata, p. 67.
18. A. Gio, Zhizn’ podpol’nika, p. 67.
19. Ibid., p. 69.
20. Ibid., p. 70.
21. Ibid., pp. 70 and 72.
22. Ibid., p. 73.
23. J. Davrichewy, Ah! Ce qu’on rigolait bien, pp. 174 and 199. Stalin also acknowledged to Kandide Charkviani that ‘exes’ were carried out by his party group: see p. 14 of his unpublished memoirs.
24. Davrichewy, Ah! Ce qu’on rigolait bien, pp. 175–6 and 188–9.
25. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 13, p. 222: interview with Emile Ludwig.
26. See above, pp. 36–7.
27. RGASPI, f. 332, op. 1, ed.kh. 53. This source was first discussed by M. Kun in Stalin: An Unknown Portrait, pp. 77–9.
28. See B. Nikolaevskii, ‘K istorii “Bol’shevistskogo Tsentra”’, vol. 1, p. 68: Nikolaevskii Papers, St Antony’s College Library, Oxford.
29. R. Arsenidze, Novyi zhurnal, no. 72 (1963), p. 232; Yu. Martov, Vperë d, no. 51, 31 March 1918; Pravda, 1 April 1918.
30. See the memoir by Semën Vereshchak, ‘Stalin v tyur’me’.
31. K. S. [I. V. Stalin], ‘Pis’mo s Kavkaza’, Diskussionnyi listok. Prilozhenie k Tsentral’nomu Organu ‘Sotsial-demokrat’, no. 2, 24 May/7 June 1910, pp. 26–7.
32. An [N. Zhordaniya], ‘Po povodu, Pis’ma s Kavkaza’, ibid., p. 28.
33. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 2, pp. 50–1.
34. The significance of this linguistic switch was first noted by A. Rieber, ‘Stalin, Man of the Borderlands’, p. 1676.
35. S. Vereshchak, ‘Stalin v tyur’me’.
36. Ibid.
37. Ibid.
38. Ibid.
39. Ibid.
40. See M. Kun, Stalin: An Unknown Portrait, p. 98.
41. Ibid., pp. 115–17.
42. See the account of interviews conducted by L. Vasil’eva, Deti Kremlya, pp. 168–9 and 176.
1. See above, pp. 61 and 66.
2. N. Zhordaniya, Moya zhizn’, p. 53.
3. G. Uratadze, Vospominaniya gruzinskogo sotsial-demokrata, p. 234.
4. Vserossiiskaya Konferentsiya Ros. Sots.-Dem. Rab. Partii 1912 goda: see the introduction by R. C. Elwood, pp. xx–xxi.
5. See M. Kun, Stalin: An Unknown Portrait, p. 130.
6. V. I. Lenin, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, vol. 48, p. 53.
7. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 197.
8. deda ena (ed. Y. Gogebashvili: 1912 edn). The poem in question was ‘Morning’.
9. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 2, p. 219.
10. He had ceased to show his romantic aspect since leaving the Tiflis Spiritual Seminary: see above, pp. 40–1.
11. Easily the best work on the transmutation of Stalin’s political and ‘personal’ persona is A. Rieber’s ‘Stalin, Man of the Borderlands’, which highlights the artificial qualities of his self-representation from 1900 — and not just from 1912. My belief, though, is that Stalin after 1912, rather than becoming a sort of Russian, adopted a binational persona which at any given time might give emphasis either to the Russian or to the Georgian aspect.
12. V. I. Lenin, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, vol. 48, p. 162. For the contents of the booklet, see below, pp. 96–100.
13. S. Vereshchak, ‘Stalin v tyur’me’.
14. A. S. Allilueva, Vospominaniya, p. 115.
15. S. Vereshchak, ‘Stalin v tyur’me’.
16. Stalin related the story to A. E. Golovanov shortly before the 1943 Tehran Conference. Golovanov in turn related it to Felix Chuev: see Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 202.
17. A. S. Allilueva, Vospominaniya, p. 113.
18. Ibid., p. 115.
19. Ibid., p. 116.
20. V. I. Lenin, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, vol. 22, pp. 207–9. The article was unpublished at the time.
21. Bol’shevistskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1912–1927, p. 16.
22. Ibid.
23. Ibid.
24. Zastol’nye rechi Stalina, p. 301. He told a similar story to Kandide Charkviani: see his unpublished memoirs, p. 25.
25. N. Lenin, ‘Zametki publitsista’, p. 9.
26. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 647, p. 432.
27. See below, p. 441.
28. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 647, pp. 432–3.
29. Ibid., p. 433.
30. Ibid.
31. The contents of the booklet are discussed below, pp. 96–100.
32. F. Samoilov, ‘O Lenine i Staline’: RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 659, p. 1.
33. Prosveshchenie, nos 3–5 (1913).
34. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 1, pp. 368–72: ‘Polozhenie v sotsial-demokraticheskoi fraktsii’. It was published in Pravda on 26 February 1913.
1. Bogdanov developed ideas which, if he had become more widely known, would have given pause to thinkers since the 1960s who have become known as post-modernists. Although he insisted that ‘culture’ is never simply a reflection of economic production relations, he stipulated too that collective insights, indeed insights which reflect the interests of particular social groups, inform and condition what both is and can be thought in society. Bogdanov did not have all the answers. Yet his turn-of-the-century oeuvre was overlooked abroad and suppressed at home, and the neglect of his ideas has delayed the philosophical demise of fashionable postmodernism.
2. See below, pp. 357–8.
3. J. Davrichewy, Ah! Ce qu’on rigolait bien, p. 212.
4. Slovo tovarishchu Stalinu, p. 462: from notes taken by V. D. Mochalov at meeting with Stalin on 28 December 1945.
5. Even Davrishevi admitted this: Ah! Ce qu’on rigolait bien, p. 212.
6. See also below, p. 300.
7. See above, pp. 62–3.
8. See above, p. 63.
9. S. Shaumyan, Izbrannye proizvedeniya, vol. 1, p. 267.
10. I. M. Dubinskii-Mukhadze, Shaumyan, p. 156.
11. F. D. Kretov, Bor’ba V. I. Lenina za sokhranenie i ukreplenie RSDRP v gody stolypinskoi reaktsii, p. 141.
12. I. M. Dubinskii-Mukhadze, Shaumyan, p. 156.
13. ‘Sotsial-demokratiya i natsional’nyi vopros’ in I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 1, p. 295.
14. Ibid.
15. See above, p. 53. I am grateful to Stephen Jones for his help with formulating this paragraph. See also chapter 8 of his forthcoming history of Georgian Marxism before the October Revolution.
16. ‘Sotsial-demokratiya i natsional’nyi vopros’, Prosveshchenie, no. 5 (1913), p. 27.
17. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 1, p. 296.
18. See above, p. 38.
19. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 1, p. 307.
20. Ibid., p. 313.
21. Prosveshchenie, no. 5 (1914), p. 27.
22. Ibid.
23. Ibid., pp. 32–6.
24. An [N. Zhordaniya], ‘Natsional’nyi vopros’, Bor’ba (St Petersburg), no. 2, 18 March 1914, p. 31.
25. Ibid., p. 26.
26. Sotsial-demokratiya i natsional’nyi vopros’, Sochineniya, vol. 1, p. 340.
27. Ibid., pp. 340–1.
28. Ibid.
29. ‘K natsional’nomu voprosu: evreiskaya burzhuznaya i bundovskaya kul’turno-natsional’naya avtonomiya’, Prosveshchenie, no. 6 (June 1913), pp. 69–76.
30. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 258.
31. See R. Service, Lenin: A Biography, pp. 16–18.
1. B. I. Ivanov, Vospominaniya rabochego bol’shevika, p. 21.
2. N. L. Meshcheryakov, Kak my zhili v ssylke, p. 63.
3. A. V. Baikalov, ‘Turukhanskii “bunt” politicheskikh ssyl’nykh’, p. 56; Atlas aziatskoi Rossii, map 56.
4. Atlas aziatskoi Rossii, maps 48–51 and 54–5.
5. Atlas aziatskoi Rossii, map 58a; S. Spandar’yan (Timofei), Stat’i, pis’ma, dokumenty, 1882–1916, p. xxxviii (editorial note).
6. A. V. Baikalov, ‘Turukhanskii “bunt” politicheskikh ssyl’nykh’, pp. 51–2.
7. See the account of G. Kennan, Siberia and the Exile System, vol. 1, p. 329 and vol. 2, p. 43.
8. Bol’shevistskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1912–1927, p. 18.
9. N. L. Meshcheryakov, Kak my zhili v ssylke, p. 75.
10. A. V. Baikalov, ‘Turukhanskii “bunt” politicheskikh ssyl’nykh’, pp. 53 and 57.
11. A. V. Baikalov, ‘Turukhanskii “bunt” politicheskikh ssyl’nykh’, p. 53.
12. Report of 27 April 1914 in ‘K 20-letiyu smerti Ya. M. Sverdlova’, Krasnyi arkhiv, no. 1 (1939), pp. 83–4.
13. Bol’shevistskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1912–1927, p. 19.
14. Ibid.
15. See A. Ostrovskii, Kto stoyal za spinoi Stalina?, pp. 400–1.
16. Bol’shevistskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1912–1927, p. 19.
17. Ya. M. Sverdlov, Izbrannye proizvedeniya, vol. 1, p. 266.
18. This was made clear, if only implicitly, in S. Spandar’yan (Timofei), Stat’i, pis’ma, dokumenty, p. xxxviii (editorial note). As far as I know, no biography of Stalin has pointed out that Sverdlov’s letter contained a basic misapprehension or that Stalin therefore did not live on the River Kureika north of the Arctic Circle.
19. Yu. Trifonov, Otblesk kostra (Moscow, 1966), pp. 47–8 in R. Medvedev, Let History Judge, pp. 5–6.
20. Ya. M. Sverdlov, Izbrannye proizvedeniya, vol. 1, pp. 268–9.
21. Ibid., p. 268
22. Ibid., pp. 276–7.
23. Ibid., p. 289.
24. Izvestiya, 8 December 2000; ‘I. V. Stalin dal slovo zhenit’sya’, Istochnik, no. 4 (2002), p. 74. See also A. Ostrovskii, Kto stoyal za spinoi Stalina?, p. 407.
25. Ya. M. Sverdlov, Izbrannye proizvedeniya, vol. 1, p. 289.
26. Bol’shevistskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1912–1927, p. 18.
27. Ibid.
28. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 647, p. 434.
29. Ibid., f. 558, op. 1, d. 4235, p. 1 and d. 4337, p. 1.
30. Bol’shevistskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1912–1927, p. 20.
31. B. I. Ivanov, Vospominaniya rabochego bol’shevika, pp. 120–1.
32. A. S. Allilueva, Vospominaniya, p. 167.
33. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 298.
34. A. S. Allilueva, Vospominaniya, p. 168.
35. F. S. Alliluev, ‘V purgu’ (unpublished memoir): RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 663, p. 115. Alliluev’s account was based on what Stalin had told him.
36. Ibid., pp. 120 and 122.
37. A. S. Allilueva, Vospominaniya, p. 189.
38. F. S. Alliluev, ‘V purgu’ (unpublished memoir): RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 663, p. 123.
39. Zastol’nye rechi Stalina. Dokumenty i materialy, pp. 82–3.
40. Ibid., p. 83.
41. F. S. Alliluev, ‘V purgu’ (unpublished memoir): RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 663, p. 112.
42. Bol’shevistskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1912–1927, p. 21.
1. A. S. Allilueva, Vospominaniya, p. 166; V. Shveitser, Stalin v turukhanskoi ssylke, pp. 40–7.
2. B. I. Ivanov, Vospominaniya rabochego bol’shevika, p. 160.
3. A. S. Allilueva, Vospominaniya, p. 165.
4. B. I. Ivanov, Vospominaniya rabochego bol’shevika, p. 160.
5. Ibid.
6. A. V. Baikaloff, I Knew Stalin, pp. 28–9.
7. Ibid., p. 29.
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid., p. vii.
10. Ibid., p. 28.
11. See above, p. 84 and below, p. 361.
12. See below, p. 359.
13. A. Allilueva, Vospominaniya, p. 165: this was a memoir written nearly three decades later. Anna saw him later in the day on 12 March 1917.
14. F. Alliluev, ‘Ot Moskvy do Tsaritsyna. (Vstrechi s t. Stalinym)’: RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 663, p. 14.
15. A. Allilueva, Vospominaniya, p. 165.
16. Ibid.
17. ‘Protokoly i rezolyutsii Byuro TsK RSDRP(b) (mart 1917 g.)’, VIKPSS, no. 3 (1962), p. 143.
18. Ibid.
19. Ibid.
20. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 1, d. 55, pp. 1–2.
21. A. Allilueva, Vospominaniya, p. 166.
22. Ibid., pp. 168–70.
23. ‘Protokoly i rezolyutsii Byuro TsK RSDRP(b) (mart 1917 g.)’, VIKPSS, no. 3 (1962), pp. 146 and 148.
24. A. G. Shlyapnikov, Semnadtsatyi god, vol. 2, p. 180; Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastitelin, p. 214.
25. ‘O voine’, Pravda, 16 March 1917.
26. ‘Na puti k ministerskim portfelyam’, Pravda, 17 March 1917.
27. ‘Ob usloviyakh pobedy russkoi revolyutsii’, Pravda, 18 March 1917.
28. ‘Ob otmene natsional’nykh ogranicheniyakh’, Pravda, 25 March 1917.
29. Ibid. See also ‘Protiv federalizma’, Pravda, 28 March 1917.
30. ‘Protokoly Vserossiiskogo (martovskogo) soveshchaniya partiinykh rabotnikov, 27 marta–2 aprelya 1917 g.’, VIKPSS, no. 5 (1962), pp. 111–12.
31. Ibid., p. 112.
32. Ibid., no. 6, p. 137.
33. Ibid., p. 140.
34. F. F. Raskol’nikov, ‘Priezd tov. Lenina v Rossiyu’, Proletarskaya revolyutsiya, no. 1 (1923), p. 221.
35. See the cogent comments by R. Slusser, Stalin in October, pp. 49–50.
1. For a rudimentary examination of this under-researched phenomenon see R. Service, The Bolshevik Party in Revolution, p. 47.
2. See above, p. 63.
3. ‘Zemlyu — krest’yanam’, Pravda, 14 April 1917.
4. See, for example, ‘O voine’, Pravda, 16 March 1917.
5. On Lenin’s (temporary) movement away from such terminology, see R. Service, Lenin: A Political Life, vol. 2, pp. 223–8.
6. Ibid.
7. R. Service, The Bolshevik Party in Revolution, pp. 46, 53–4.
8. See R. Service, Lenin: A Political Life, vol. 2, pp. 223–8.
9. Sed’maya (aprel’skaya) vserossiiskaya konferentsiya RSDRP (bol’shevikov), p. 227.
10. Ibid., p. 225.
11. Ibid., p. 228.
12. S. Pestkovskii, ‘Vospominaniya o rabote v Narkomnatse (1917–1919 gg.)’, p. 126.
13. Ibid., p. 124.
14. See I. Getzler’s account of the significance of Sukhanov’s phrase in Nikolai Sukhanov, pp. 82–5.
15. See above, p. 120.
16. A. S. Allilueva, Vospominaniya, pp. 183–5.
17. Draft of A. S. Allilueva’s memoir: RGASPI, f. 4, op. 2, d. 45, p. 6.
18. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 216.
19. Ibid., pp. 216–17.
20. Ibid., p. 297.
21. A. S. Allilueva, Vospominaniya, pp. 184–5.
22. Ibid., pp. 169–70.
23. Ibid., p. 175.
24. Ibid., pp. 185–6.
25. Ibid., p. 187.
26. Ibid., p. 186.
27. Ibid., p. 190.
28. Ibid., p. 191.
29. F. S. Alliluev, ‘Ot Moskvy do Tsaritsyna. Vstrechi s t. Stalinym’ (unpublished typescript): RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 663, p. 15.
30. Ibid.
31. Shestoi s”ezd RSDRP(b), p. 250.
32. See below, p. 244.
33. Protokoly Tsentral’nogo Komiteta RSDRP(b). Avgust 1917–fevral’ 1918, p. 32.
34. Ibid., p. 39.
35. Ibid., p. 46.
36. Ibid., p. 49.
37. Ibid., pp. 52–3.
38. V. I. Lenin, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, vol. 34, pp. 239–41.
39. Ibid., p. 246.
40. Protokoly Tsentral’nogo Komiteta RSDRP(b). Avgust 1917–fevral’ 1918, p. 55.
1. Protokoly Tsentral’nogo Komiteta, pp. 84–6.
2. See R. Service, Lenin: A Political Life, vol. 2, pp. 252–4.
3. See their statement on 11 October 1917: Protokoly Tsentral’nogo Komiteta, pp. 87–92.
4. Rabochii put’, no. 32, 10 October 1917.
5. Ibid.
6. Protokoly Tsentral’nogo Komiteta, p. 99.
7. Ibid., p. 101.
8. Ibid.
9. Novaya zhizn’, 18 October 1917.
10. Protokoly Tsentral’nogo Komiteta, p. 113.
11. Ibid., p. 114.
12. Ibid., p. 115.
13. Ibid., p. 107
14. Ibid.
15. Ibid., p. 118.
16. Ibid., p. 117.
17. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 3, p. 389.
18. Ibid., p. 390.
19. L. Trotskii, Stalin. An Appraisal of the Man and His Influence, pp. 225–6.
20. R. M. Slusser, Stalin in October, p. 239.
21. Protokoly Tsentral’nogo Komiteta, p. 120.
22. M. P. Zhakov, ‘Pis’mo M. Zhakova’, pp. 88–93.
23. Ibid.
24. A. S. Allilueva, Vospominaniya, p. 61.
25. See R. Service, Lenin: A Political Life, p. 262.
26. I am unconvinced by R. Slusser’s attempt to downgrade Stalin’s role in October 1917 in Stalin in October, chaps 6–7. But I wish to record my appreciation of the book’s empirical research.
27. F. S. Alliluev, ‘Vstrechi s t. Stalinym’ (unpublished typescript, n.d.): RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 668, p. 39.
28. L. D. Trotski, Stalin. An Appraisal of the Man and His Influence, p. 352.
29. Protokoly Tsentral’nogo Komiteta, p. 134: co-signed statement of 3 November 1917.
30. GDMS, Hall 2.
1. F. S. Alliluev, ‘Vstrecha’ (unpublished typescript, n.d.): RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 668, p. 30.
2. See below, p. 359. Fëdor Alliluev’s memoir nevertheless remained unpublished, presumably because Stalin preferred to claim obscurity on his own behalf rather than to let others do it for him.
3. S. Pestkovskii, ‘Vospominaniya o rabote v Narkomnatse (1917–1919 gg.)’, pp. 129–30.
4. Ibid.
5. Ibid., pp. 127.
6. See the unpublished account by F. S. Alliluev: ‘V Moskve. (Vstrechi s t. Stalinym)’, RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 663, p. 18.
7. A. Allilueva, Vospominaniya, p. 187.
8. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 1, d. 5397, p. 2.
9. Collegium meeting, item 8, 21 April 1918: GARF, f. 1318, op. 1, d. 1, p. 11.
10. GARF, f. 1318, op. 1, d. 1, p. 3/1a: People’s Commissariat for Nationalities’ Affairs collegium, 15 February (2 March) 1918.
11. See the undated collegium discussion at an undated meeting: GARF, f. 1318, op. 1, d. 1, pp. 52–5.
12. Collegium meeting, item 5, 8 March 1919: GARF, f. 1318, op. 1, d. 2, pp. 94–5.
13. Tretii Vserossiiskii S”ezd Sovetov Rabochikh, Soldatskikh i Krestyanskikh Deputatov, p. 73.
14. Ibid., p. 74 and 78–9.
15. Commission for the Drafting of the RSFSR Constitution: GARF, f. 6980, op. 1, d. 3, p. 12 (5 April 1918).
16. Ibid. (10 April 1918).
17. Ibid., p. 22 (12 April 1918).
18. Pravda, 1 April 1918.
19. See above, p. 75–6.
20. RGASPI, f. 558, 2, d. 42. On this file see M. Kun, Stalin: An Unknown Portrait, pp. 82–3.
21. ‘M. I. Ulyanova ob otnoshenii V. I. Ul’yanova i I. V. Stalina’, ITsKKPSS, no. 12 (1989), p. 197.
22. See above, pp. 100–1.
23. Commission for the Drafting of the RSFSR Constitution: GARF, f. 6980, op. 1, d. 6, p. 38 (19 April 1918). The Russian phrase here was avtonomnaya oblastnaya respublika.
24. Ibid., p. 10.
25. Ibid., p. 12.
26. Ibid., p. 1.
27. Protokoly Tsentral’nogo Komiteta, p. 150.
28. Bol’shevistskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1912–1927, p. 36.
29. Protokoly Tsentral’nogo Komiteta, p. 173.
30. Ibid., p. 171.
31. Ibid., p. 172.
32. See above, p. 136.
33. Protokoly Tsentral’nogo Komiteta, p. 178 (19 January 1918).
34. Ibid., p. 200.
35. Ibid., p. 202.
36. Ibid., p. 212.
37. GARF, f. R-130, op. 2, d. 1(3), item 4 (3 April 1918).
1. F. S. Alliluev, ‘V puti. (Vstrechi s t. Stalinym)’, RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 663, p. 18.
2. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 4, p. 116.
3. See A. Zimin, U istokov stalinizma, 1918–1923, p. 134.
4. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 4, pp. 120–1.
5. F. S. Alliluev, ‘V Tsaritsyne. (Vstrechi s t. Stalinym)’, RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 663, pp. 20–2.
6. F. S. Alliluev, ‘Obed u Minina’: RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 668, p. 57.
7. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 4, p. 118.
8. If Stalin had repeated his risky behaviour after his trip to Abganerovo-Zutovo, there would surely have been fanfares about it in the memoirs written in the years of his supremacy.
9. F. S. Alliluev, ‘T. Stalin na bronepoezde’: RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 668, p. 90.
10. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 1, d. 258, p. 1.
11. F. S. Alliluev, ‘Vstrechi s Stalinym’: RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 668, p. 39.
12. Ibid., p. 38.
13. Ibid., p. 35.
14. S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu, p. 90.
15. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 297.
16. A. Allilueva, Vospominaniya, p. 170.
17. See below, pp. 289–91.
18. See the picture of her with her sister Anna and brother-in-law Stanisław Redens: RGASPI, f. 558, op. 2, d. 193.
19. For the marriage see below, pp. 230–1.
20. K. E. Voroshilov na Tsaritsynskom fronte. Sbornik dokumentov, p. 64.
21. Bol’shevistskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1912–1927, p. 52.
22. See report of V. P. Antonov-Ovseenko to Lenin: ibid., p. 60.
23. Pravda, 20 September 1963.
24. J. Davrichewy, Ah! Ce qu’on rigolait bien, p. 221.
25. ITsKKPSS, no. 11 (1989), p. 163.
26. Ibid., p. 169.
27. R. Service, Lenin: A Political Life, vol. 3, pp. 79–81.
28. K. Voroshilov, Stalin i Krasnaya Armiya, p. 104.
29. ITsKKPSS, no. 11 (1989), p. 157.
30. Ibid., pp. 161–2.
31. Bol’shevistskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1912–1927, p. 51.
32. ITsKKPSS, no. 6 (1989), p. 146 and no. 12 (1989), pp. 169–70; G. Leggett, The Cheka, pp. 162–3.
33. Stalin’s copy of N. Lenin, Gosudarstvo i revolyutsiya (Petrograd, 1919), inside flap: RGASPI, f. 558, op. 3, d. 156.
34. Ibid., p. 28.
35. Ibid., inside flap.
36. The Trotsky Papers, 1917–1922, vol. 1.
37. V. Alliluev, Khronika odnoi sem’i: Alliluevy. Stalin, p. 9.
38. See below, pp. 178–9.
39. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 1, d. 627, p. 1.
40. Ibid.
41. S. V. Lipitskii, ‘Stalin v grazhdanskoi voine’, p. 98.
42. See R. Service, The Bolshevik Party in Revolution, pp. 101–2 and 123–5.
1. V. I. Lenin, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, vol. 50, p. 186.
2. Ibid., pp. 285–6. See also the remarks by Béla Kun quoted from archives in V. M. Kholodkovskii, ‘V. I. Lenin i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya novogo tipa’, p. 88.
3. See Lenin’s speech to the Ninth Party Conference, RGASPI, f. 44, op. 1, d. 5, pp. 11–18, 20–1, 27–8; and his memoranda quoted in Izvestiya, 27 April 1992.
4. RGASPI, f. 17, op. 3, d. 15, item 3 and d. 103, item 8.
5. ITsKKPSS, no. 2 (1990), p. 158.
6. V. I. Lenin, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, vol. 51, p. 240.
7. ITsKKPSS, no. 1 (1991), pp. 119–22.
8. RGASPI, f. 17, op. 3, d. 96, item 2.
9. Ibid., f. 558, op. 1, d. 4200, p. 1.
10. R. Service, Lenin: A Political Life, vol. 3, p. 120.
11. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 4, pp. 332–3.
12. Bol’shevistskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1912–1927, pp. 149–50: telegrams to Lenin and Trotski.
13. See R. Service, Lenin: A Biography, pp. 406–8.
14. Bol’shevistskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1912–1927, p. 110.
15. K. E. Voroshilov, Stalin i Vooruzhënnye Sily SSSR, p. 23.
16. Istoriya SSSR, vol. 3, book 2, p. 364.
17. RGASPI, f. 558, d. 1470, p. 1.
18. V. I. Lenin, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, vol. 51, pp. 237–8.
19. Bol’shevistskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1912–1927, p. 142.
20. Ibid., p. 143.
21. Ibid., pp. 147 and 150.
22. Ibid., p. 150.
23. Ibid., pp. 150–1.
24. Ibid., pp. 151–2.
25. Speech by Stalin to the Twelfth Party Congress section on the national question, 25 April 1923: ITsKKPSS, no. 4 (1991), p. 171.
26. Ibid.
27. See N. Davies, White Eagle, Red Star, p. 200.
28. See the assessment by Norman Davies (shared with Piłsudski) in ibid., pp. 208–10.
29. S. M. Budënnyi, Proidënnyi put’, vol. 2, p. 304.
30. See N. Davies, White Eagle, Red Star, pp. 213–14.
31. S. M. Budënnyi, Proidënnyi put’, vol. 2, pp. 310–11.
32. Ibid., p. 303.
33. See N. Davies, White Eagle, Red Star, pp. 218–19.
34. RGASPI, f. 17, op. 3, d. 103, item 1a.
35. Ibid., item 5.
36. See above, pp. 172–3.
37. Thus he attended the Politburo on 25 and 26 August, 6, 14, and 15 September 1920: RGASPI, f. 17, op. 3, d. 104–9.
38. Ibid., d. 106, item 19.
39. Ibid., item 10.
40. Ibid., d. 107, item 2; d. 108, item 1.
41. Ibid., d. 108, item 9.
42. Ibid., f. 44, op. 1, d. 5, pp. 33, 35 and 36.
43. Devyataya Konferentsiya RKP(b), p. 26.
44. Ibid., p. 79.
45. C. Zetkin, Erinnerungen an Lenin (Vienna, 1929), pp. 20–1; I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 4, pp. 323–4 and 333.
46. Devyataya Konferentsiya RKP(b), p. 82.
47. This is essentially what Trotski did at the Tenth Party Congress at the end of the ‘trade union discussion’ and indeed what Lenin pre-emptively sought to do at the Ninth Party Congress.
48. See above, p. 170.
49. Birthday speech for Lenin: Pravda, 24 April 1920.
50. See R. C. Tucker, Stalin as Revolutionary, pp. 122–30.
1. A. Mikoyan, Mysli i vospominaniya o Lenine, p. 139.
2. See R. Service, Lenin: A Political Life, vol. 3, pp. 181 and 207.
3. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 1, d. 5193, p. 2.
4. Ibid. Stalin wrote on Rabkrin letter-paper, perhaps aiming to show to Lenin that he had plenty of other work to carry out: ibid., p. 1.
5. Politburo minutes, 24 November 1921: ibid., f. 17, op. 3, d. 234, item 10.
6. RGASPI, f. 46, op. 1, d. 3, p. 18.
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid., f. 5, op. 2, d. 8, p. 24.
9. See R. Service, The Bolshevik Party in Revolution, chaps. 5–7.
10. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 261.
11. Odinnadtsatyi s”ezd RKP(b), pp. 84–5; RGASPI, f. 17, op. 2 d. 78, item 1-i-b, p. 1.
12. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 240: this was Molotov’s recollection in old age.
13. See the discussion at the Central Committee plenum, 3 April 1922: RGASPI, f. 17, op. 2, d. 78, item 1 (i/b).
14. A. Mikoyan, Tak bylo, p. 369.
15. See above, pp. 63, 128 and 168–9.
16. Bol’shevistskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1912–1927, p. 214.
17. Ibid., p. 227.
18. N. A. Uglanov, ‘Vospominaniya’, Vospominaniya o Vladimire Il’iche Lenine, vol. 7, p. 72.
19. See R. Service, Lenin: A Biography, pp. 248 and 293–4.
20. RGASPI, f. 16, op. 3s, d. 20, p. 61.
21. ‘Vospominaniya M.I. Ul’yanovoi’: ibid., pp. 11–12.
22. Reports by the head of Lenin’s special guard unit: ibid., op. 2s, d. 39, pp. 26, 45, 55, 61, 76 and 89.
23. Ibid., f. 17, op. 2, d. 25993.
24. Ibid.
25. ITsKKPSS, no. 4 (1991), p. 188. Lenin was willing to allow Kamenev, Zinoviev and Tomski to become ‘candidate members’ only.
26. Politburo minutes, 10 November 1921: RGASPI, f. 17, op. 3, d. 228, item 2.
27. See above, pp. 179–80.
28. ITsKKPSS, no. 9 (1989), pp. 195, 197 and 198.
29. Ibid., pp. 195 and 197.
30. Ibid., pp. 198–9.
31. Ibid., p. 200.
32. V. I. Lenin, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, vol. 45, p. 211.
33. Ibid., pp. 211–12.
34. RGASPI, f. 64, op. 2, d. 7, p. 133.
35. ITsKKPSS, no. 9 (1989), p. 209.
36. For the argument that Lenin and Stalin in 1922–3 agreed on primary questions see R. Service, Lenin: A Political Life, vol. 3, pp. 298–303.
1. See above, pp. 63, 128 and 168–9.
2. S. Pestkovskii, ‘Vospominaniya o rabote v Narkomnatse (1917–1919 gg.)’, p. 128.
3. Ibid.
4. E. Olla-Reza, Azarbaidzhan i Arran, pp. 28–31. I am grateful to Ali Granmayeh for his advice on this matter.
5. GARF, f. R-130, op. 2, d. 2(5): Sovnarkom sessions of 7, 21 and 30 December 1918.
6. ITsKKPSS, no. 9 (1989), p. 199.
7. RGASPI, f. 17, op. 3, d. 15, item 3: joint session of Politburo and Orgburo, 19 July 1919.
8. Vos’moi s”ezd RKP(b), p. 425.
9. RGASPI, f. 17, op. 2, d. 48, p. 1; see also ibid., pp. 3–4.
10. See G. P. Lezhava, Mezhdu Gruziei i Rossiei, p. 69.
11. Definitive resolutions of territorial matters sometimes had to await Stalin taking the case to the Politburo: see for example RGASPI, f. 17, op. 3, d. 58, item 28.
12. ITsKKPSS, no. 2 (1990), 164 and no. 7 (1990), p. 163.
13. RGASPI, f. 17, op. 112, d. 93, p. 30.
14. Ibid., p. 33.
15. Quoted by R. Kh. Gutov, Sovmestnaya bor’ba narodov Tereka za Sovetskuyu vlast’, p. 469.
16. See also above, p. 169.
17. RGASPI, f. 17, op. 112, d. 43, p. 33.
18. Desyatyi s”ezd RKP(b), p. 184.
19. Ibid., pp. 184–5.
20. See below, p. 231.
21. Desyatyi s”ezd RKP(b), pp. 201–6 (V. P. Zatonski) and pp. 206–9 (A. I. Mikoyan).
22. Ibid., p. 213.
23. See J. Baberowski, Der Feind ist überall, p. 163.
24. See below, p. 231 for Stalin’s appendicitis.
25. See G. P. Lezhava, Mezhdu Gruziei i Rossiei, p. 92.
26. See S. Lakoba, Ocherki politicheskoi istorii Abkhazii, pp. 83–4.
27. Ibid., pp. 81–3.
28. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 5, p. 94.
29. Ibid., p. 95.
30. S. Kavtaradze, tsareulis purtsebli, vol. 1, p. 56. D. M. Lang describes the occasion as having been still more tumultuous but omits reference to a source: see A Modern History of Georgia, p. 239. See also S. V. Kharmandar-yan, Lenin i stanovlenie zakavkazskoi federatsii, p. 104, where he cites the personal files of G. A. Galoyan.
31. S. V. Kharmandaryan, Lenin i stanovlenie zakavkazskoi federatsii, p. 85.
32. Tainy natsional’noi politiki RKP(b), especially p. 100.
33. See R. Service, Lenin: A Political Life, vol. 3, p. 291–3.
1. Bol’shevistskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1912–1927, p. 268: 13 November 1922.
2. V. I. Lenin, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, vol. 45, pp. 343–8.
3. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 195.
4. V. I. Lenin, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, vol. 45, p. 345.
5. Ibid., pp. 344–5.
6. Ibid., p. 344.
7. V. P. Danilov, ‘Stalinizm i sovetskoe obshchestvo’, p. 170.
8. V. I. Lenin, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, vol. 45, p. 346.
9. ITsKKPSS, no. 4 (1991), p. 188.
10. I am grateful to Francesco Benvenuti, with whom I have discussed this matter for many years, for his persistence in getting me to clarify the interpretation.
11. V. I. Lenin, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, vol. 45, p. 356.
12. Pravda, 25 January 1923.
13. He told Kaganovich this in 1922: Tak govoril Kaganovich, p. 191.
14. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 283.
15. Dvenadtsatyi s”ezd RKP(b), pp. 164–6.
16. Ibid., p. 821.
17. ITsKKPSS, no. 4 (1991), pp. 179–91.
18. See R. V. Daniels, The Conscience of the Revolution, p. 208.
19. Sochineniya, vol. 6, p. 14.
20. RGASPI, f. 16, op. 2s, d. 39, pp. 16–124.
1. See the letter from Dzierżyń ski quoted by S. Lakoba, Ocherki politicheskoi istorii Abkhazii, p. 103.
2. Pravda, 30 January 1924.
3. See N. Tumarkin, Lenin Lives! p. 153.
4. RGASPI, f. 76, op. 3, d. 287, pp. 7 and 19.
5. See Lubyanka. Stalin I VChK–GPU-nOGPU–NKVD. Yanvar’ 1922–dekabr’ 1936, pp. 11–12.
6. See above, p. 188.
7. RGASPI, f. 12, op. 2, d. 41, p. 2.
8. Ibid., p. 3.
9. Ibid., pp. 17, 27 and 38.
10. Ibid., f. 558, op. 1, d. 3112, p. 1.
11. Ibid., f. 17, op. 1, d. 471: letter of A. I. Ulyanova to Stalin, 28 December 1932.
12. Ob osnovakh leninizma in I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 6, p. 71.
13. Ibid., pp. 135–7.
14. V. I. Lenin, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, vol. 45, pp. 593–4.
15. Rodina, no. 7 (1994), p. 72.
16. B. Bazhanov, Bazhanov and the Damnation of Stalin, pp. 34–5.
17. See above, p. 26.
18. The exception in this list was Kaganovich, who always used the formal ‘you’ (vy) in conversation and letter, and even in letters would address him as ‘comrade Stalin’: see Stalin i Kaganovich. Perepiska, 1931–1936 gg., passim.
19. See O. Khlevnyuk, Stalin i Ordzhonikidze, pp. 28 and 34–41; R. Service, The Bolshevik Party in Revolution, pp. 106–8.
20. Stalin i Kaganovich. Perepiska, 1931–1936 gg., p. 109.
21. Bol’shevistskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1912–1927, p. 256.
22. Ibid., p. 263.
23. Tak govoril Kaganovich, p. 35.
24. See R. Service, The Bolshevik Party in Revolution, p. 196.
25. L. Trotsky, Stalin: An Appraisal of the Man and His Influence, p. 22. I have adjusted the translation.
26. W. H. Roobol, Tsereteli: A Democrat in the Russian Revolution, p. 13.
27. See R. Service, The Bolshevik Party in Revolution, p. 196.
28. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 3, d. 93: Stalin’s personal copy of E. Kviring, Lenin, Zagovorshchestvo, Oktyabr’ (Kharkov, 1924).
29. B. Bazhanov, Bazhanov and the Damnation of Stalin, pp. 39–40.
30. Ibid., p. 37.
31. Ibid., p. 57.
32. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 6, pp. 257–8 and vol. 9, pp. 77 and 79. See E. H. Carr, Socialism in One Country, vol. 2, chaps. 11 and 16.
33. See R.V. Daniels, Conscience of the Revolution, p. 254.
1. This attitude endured. Stalin expressed it at length in an improvised speech to Georgi Dimitrov and others in November 1937 at the height of the Great Terror: see the summary by R. C. Tucker in Stalin in Power, p. 483.
2. This was Trotski’s recollection of what Kamenev told him about a conversation he had had with Stalin and Dzierzynski in mid-1923: Trotsky’s Diary in Exile, 1935, p. 64.
3. S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu, p. 90; V. Alliluev, Khronika odnoi sem’i: Alliluevy. Stalin, p. 9.
4. RGASPI, f. 134, op. 3, d. 36, p. 15. This comment comes in Kollontai’s 1920 diary. There must be some suspicion, however, about the authenticity of some parts of this source: certain entries for some years seem to have been modified in the light of later political developments.
5. A. S. Allilueva, Vospominaniya, p. 186. See above, p. 186.
6. RGASPI, f. 589, op. 3, d. 15904, l. 14.
7. Ibid., f. 2, op. 1, d. 14228. See also the direct-line conversation between Ordzhonikidze and Nadezhda Allilueva, 4 December 1920: ibid., d. 6404.
8. Ibid., f. 589, op. 3, d. 15904, l. 12.
9. Sergei Alliluev’s note on 1919: ibid., f. 4, op. 2, d. 46, p. 1.
10. See for example his telegram of 7 November 1919: ibid., f. 558, op. 1, d. 910, p. 1.
11. F. Alliluev, ‘Vstrechi s t. Stalinym’: ibid., op. 4, d. 663, p. 39.
12. Ibid.
13. Ibid., p. 40.
14. S. Kavtaradze, tsareulis purtsebli, vol. 1, p. 55.
15. Anecdote recounted to Felix Chuev by Yakov Dzhughashvili’s son Yevgeni: see Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 245.
16. G. Uratadze, Vospominaniya gruzinskogo sotsial-demokrata, p. 209.
17. Testimony of A. F. Sergeev to F. Chuev: Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 359.
18. V. Semichastnyi, Bespokoinoe serdtse, p. 39.
19. Letter to M. I. Kalinin: RGASPI, f. 78, op. 1, d. 46, p. 2.
20. Letter of 30 November 1918: ibid., f. 86, op. 1, d. 84.
21. GARF, f. 3316s/g, op. 64, d. 258, pp. 5 and 7.
22. V. Alliluev, Khronika odnoi sem’i: Alliluevy. Stalin, p. 131.
23. S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu.
24. RGASPI, f. 589, op. 3, d. 15904, pp. 12 and 15.
25. Ibid., pp. 16 and 19.
26. See above, p. 188.
27. RGASPI, f. 5, op. 1, d. 456: 18 October 1922.
28. Ibid., f. 558, op. 3, d. 4: B. Andreev, Zavoevanie Prirody.
29. Iosif Stalin v ob”yatiyakh sem’i, p. 7.
30. See above, chapters 6–7. See also S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu, pp. 24–5.
31. In strict terms, of course, the dacha was not Stalin’s property but the state’s.
32. S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu, pp. 26–9; ‘Bosco d’inverno a Zubalov’, Slavia (1997).
33. See Pis’ma I. V. Stalina V. M. Molotovu, p. 23 for an example.
34. A. Mikoyan, Tak bylo, p. 351.
35. Ibid., pp. 351–2; A. Mikoyan, ‘Iz vospominaniya A. I. Mikoyana’, Sovershenno sekretno, no. 10 (1999), p. 25. There is a doubt about the date of this advice: see A. Kirilina, Neizvestnyi Kirov, p. 305.
36. Letter of Stalin, 30 July 1922: A. Kirillina, Neizvestnyi Kirov, p. 305.
37. Pis’ma I. V. Stalina V. M. Molotovu, pp. 70 and 156.
38. I. A. Valedinskii, ‘Vospominaniya o vstrechakh s t. I. V. Stalinym’, p. 68.
39. S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu, p. 19.
40. I. A. Valedinskii, ‘Vospominaniya o vstrechakh s t. I. V. Stalinym’, p. 69.
41. Iosif Stalin v ob”yatiyakh sem’i, p. 22 ff.
42. Ibid., pp. 22–3.
43. Ibid., p. 19.
44. B. Bazhanov, Bazhanov and the Damnation of Stalin, p. 36.
45. RGASPI, f. 44, op. 1, d. 1, p. 417.
46. Ibid., p. 418.
47. Iosif Stalin v ob”yatiyakh sem’i, p. 23.
48. Ibid., pp. 31 and 35 for letter of 1929 and 1931.
49. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 365. The incident probably occurred in 1928.
50. B. Bazhanov, Bazhanov and the Damnation of Stalin, p. 38.
1. Chetyrnadtsatyi s”ezd Vsesoyuznoi Kommunisticheskoi Partii (b), pp. 427–31 and 503.
2. Ibid., p. 508.
3. Ibid., pp. 274–5.
4. Ibid., p. 455.
5. Ibid., p. 52. This number includes probationary members.
6. RGASPI, f. 44, op. 1, d. 5, pp. 37–8.
7. Iosif Stalin v ob”yatiyakh sem’i, pp. 30–1.
8. See Ye. P. Frolov’s recollection as adduced by R. Medvedev, Let History Judge, pp. 224–5.
9. See above, p. 244.
10. See R. Service, ‘Joseph Stalin: The Making of a Stalinist’, pp. 22–3.
11. See G. Gill, The Origins of the Stalinist Political System, pp. 125–34.
12. Bol’shevistskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1912–1927, p. 90.
13. Pis’ma I. V. Stalina V. M. Molotovu, p. 71.
14. Ibid., pp. 72–3.
15. Ibid., p. 74.
16. Ibid., p. 69.
17. Bol’shevistskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1912–1927, p. 90.
18. Ibid., p. 105.
19. Stalin v vospominaniyakh sovremennikov i dokumentov epokhi, p. 146.
20. Pis’ma I. V. Stalina V. M. Molotovu, p. 102.
21. Ibid., pp. 103, 104, 106, 107 and 116–17.
22. Ibid., p. 107.
23. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 10, p. 193.
1. See J. Baberowski, Der Feind ist überall, p. 561.
2. RGASPI, f. 17, op. 3, d. 667, pp. 10–12.
3. See J. Hughes, Stalin, Siberia and the Crisis of the NEP, p. 129.
4. Ibid., p. 138.
5. See A. Nove, An Economic History of the USSR, pp. 137–8 and 140–1.
6. See J. Harris, The Great Urals, p. 69.
7. See J. Baberowski, Der Feind ist überall, p. 564.
8. See J. Baberowski, Der Rote Terror, pp. 196–7.
9. Organisational report of the Central Committee: Pyatnadtsatyi s”ezd Veso-yuznoi Kommunisticheski Partii-(b), pp. 100–3. This number includes probationary members.
10. Pis’ma I. V. Stalina V. M. Molotovu, p. 35.
11. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 9, pp. 136–8. The significance of these early calls for faster industrialisation was established by R. Tucker, Stalin as Revolutionary, pp. 398–9.
12. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 11, pp. 1–9.
13. Pravda, 15 February 1928.
14. See E. H. Carr and R. W. Davies, Foundations of a Planned Economy, 1926–1929, vol. 1, part 1, p. 55.
15. Sovetskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1928–1941, p. 73.
16. Andrei Sokolov, ‘Before Stalinism: The Defense Industry of Soviet Russia in the 1920s’, pp. 12–14.
17. Kamenev’s summary of his conversation with N. I. Bukharin and G. Sokolnikov in Razgovory s Bukharinym, p. 32.
18. See A. Nove, An Economic History of the USSR, p. 145.
19. R. W. Davies, The Socialist Offensive, pp. 41–51.
20. I am grateful to Mark Harrison for sharing with me his knowledge of the final crisis of the NEP.
21. Razgovory s Bukharinym, p. 30: Kamenev’s summary of conversation with G. Sokolnikov.
22. Ibid., p. 35: appendix to summary of conversation of L. B. Kamenev, N. I. Bukharin and G. Sokolnikov.
23. Ibid., pp. 32–3: Kamenev’s summary of conversation with G. Sokolnikov.
24. Ibid., pp. 30–1.
25. Pravda, 28 September 1928. See also S. F. Cohen, Bukharin and the Bolshevik Revolution, pp. 295–6.
26. Razgovory s Bukharinym, p. 35: summary of conversation of L. B. Kamenev, N. I. Bukharin and G. Sokolnikov.
27. Ibid.
28. Razgovory s Bukharinym, p. 35: appendix of summary of conversation of L. B. Kamenev, N. I. Bukharin and G. Sokolnikov.
29. See above, p. 151.
1. See S. G. Wheatcroft and R. W. Davies, ‘Agriculture’, pp. 120–1.
2. See M. Lewin, Russian Peasants and Soviet Power, pp. 344–77.
3. Pravda, 7 November 1929.
4. See M. Lewin, Russian Peasants and Soviet Power, pp. 465–77.
5. Pravda, 29 November 1929.
6. See A. Luukkanen, The Religious Policy of the Stalinist State, p. 57.
7. Lubyanka. Stalin i VChK–GPU–OGPU–NKVD. Yanvar’ 1922–dekabr’ 1936, pp. 269–72.
8. See Lewin, Russian Peasants and Soviet Power, pp. 482–509.
9. See G. A. Krasil’nikov, ‘Rozhdenie Gulaga: diskussii v verkhnikh eshelonakh vlasti’, Istoricheskii arkhiv, no. 4 (1989), p. 143.
10. Akademicheskoe delo 1929–1931 gg., vol. 1, Delo po obvineniyu akademika S. F. Platonova, p. xlviii.
11. Pis’ma I. V. Stalina V. M. Molotovu, p. 224.
12. See I. Getzler, Nikolai Sukhanov, pp. 143–87.
13. B. Nahaylo and V. Swoboda, The Soviet Disunion: A History of the Nationalities Problem in the USSR.
14. D. Pospielovsky, The Russian Orthodox Church under the Soviet Regime, vol. 1, p. 175. See also D. Peris, Storming the Heavens: the Soviet League of the Militant Atheists; A. Luukkanen, The Religious Policy of the Stalinist State.
15. K. Bailes, Technology and Society under Lenin and Stalin: Origins of the Soviet Technical Intelligentsia, 1917–1941; N. Lampert, The Technical Intelligentsia and the Soviet State: A Study of Soviet Managers and Technicians, 1928–1935.
16. See T. H. Rigby, Communist Party Membership, p. 52.
17. See R. Service, A History of Twentieth-Century Russia, pp. 185–6.
18. Pravda, 5 February 1931.
19. Quoted from central party archives by N. N. Maslov, ‘Ob utverzhdenii ideologii stalinizma’, p. 60.
20. Ibid.
21. Ibid., p. 61.
22. Ibid.
23. R. W. Davies, The Socialist Offensive, pp. 252–68.
24. Pravda, 2 March 1930.
25. See A. Nove, An Economic History of the USSR, p. 171.
26. Ibid.
27. Ibid., p. 174.
28. Pis’ma I. V. Stalina V. M. Molotovu, p. 194: message, no earlier than 6 August 1930.
29. Ibid., p. 204.
30. Stalin i Kaganovich. Perepiska. 1931–1936 gg., p. 51.
31. Pravda, 5 February 1931.
32. Ibid.
33. Ibid.
34. Zastol’nye rechi Stalina. Dokumenty i materialy, p. 45.
35. Pravda, 5 February 1931
36. See J. Harris, The Great Urals, pp. 70–1.
37. See R. W. Davies, Crisis and Progress in the Soviet Economy, 1931–1933, pp. 302–16.
1. About his real birthday see above, p. 14.
2. The exception in the Politburo was Bukharin.
3. See W. Taubman, Khrushchev: The Man and His Era, p. 63.
4. Tak govoril Kaganovich, pp. 59–60.
5. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 262.
6. To chair the Politburo, the Orgburo or the Secretariat was not the same as to be its chairman; and when in 1928 the minutes recorded Kaganovich as Orgburo Chairman, there was a furious protest and Molotov had to agree to amend them: RGASPI, f. 81, op. 3, d. 255, p. 98. See below, p. 363 for the possibility that Stalin learned from the precedent of the Roman Emperor Augustus.
7. See E. A. Rees, ‘Stalin as Leader, 1924–1937: From Oligarch to Dictator’, p. 27. See also R. W. Davies, M. Ilic and O. Khlevnyuk, ‘The Politburo and Economic Decision-Making’, p. 110.
8. Pis’ma I. V. Stalina V. M. Molotovu, pp. 222–3.
9. Sovetskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1928–1941, pp. 144–5.
10. Lubyanka. Stalin i VChK–GPU–OGPU–NKVD, p. 191.
11. Ibid., p. 237.
12. See O. Khlevnyuk, Stalin i Ordzhonikidze, pp. 19–31.
13. Pis’ma I. V. Stalina V.M. Molotovu, p. 217.
14. Ibid., pp. 231–2.
15. Ibid., p. 232.
16. Ibid., pp. 231–2.
17. Quoted in B. S. Ilizarov, Tainaya zhizn’ Stalina, p. 93.
18. RGASPI, f. 78, op. 2, d. 38, p. 38.
19. Stalin i Kaganovich. Perepiska, p. 187.
20. Pis’ma I. V. Stalina V. M. Molotovu, p. 166.
21. Ibid., p. 167.
22. See T. H. Rigby, ‘Was Stalin a Disloyal Patron?’
23. A. Kriegel and S. Courtois, Eugen Fried, pp. 121 and 125.
24. Stalin i Kaganovich, p. 665: telegram of 6 September 1936.
25. Sovetskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1928–1941, p. 33.
26. Pis’ma I. V. Stalina V. M. Molotovu, p. 107.
27. Lubyanka. Stalin i VChK–GPU–OGPU–NKVD, p. 180.
28. L. Trotskii, Moya zhizn’.
29. Pis’ma I. V. Stalina V.M. Molotovu, 1925–1936 gg., p. 231.
30. ITsKKPSS, no. 11 (1990), pp. 63–74.
31. Reabilitatsiya: politicheskie protsessy 30–50-kh godov, pp. 334–443. See also The Road to Terror (ed. O. V. Naumov and J. A. Getty) pp. 52–4.
32. S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu, pp. 54–5.
33. L’Armata Rossa e la collettiviazione delle campagne nell’ URSS (1928–1933), pp. 164, 302 and 356.
1. R. Bullard, Inside Stalin’s Russia, p. 142.
2. Ibid., p. 208.
3. Lubyanka. Stalin i VChK–GPU–OGPU–NKVD, p. 286.
4. S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu, pp. 99–100.
5. Reported by R. Richardson from an interview with Svetlana Allilueva, The Long Shadow, p. 125.
6. Sovetskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1928–1941, p. 77.
7. RGASPI, f. 17, op. 113, d. 869, p. 61.
8. Iosif Stalin v ob”yatiyakh sem’i, p. 29.
9. Ibid., p. 30.
10. RGASPI, f. 17, op. 113, d. 869.
11. Interview with Kira Allilueva, 14 December 1998. See also L. Vasil’eva, Kremlëvskie zhëny, p. 259.
12. Iosif Stalin v ob”yatiyakh sem’i, pp. 31 and 33.
13. See S. Sebag Montefiore, Stalin: The Court of the Red Tsar, p. 50.
14. GARF, f. 3316/ya, op. 2, d. 2016, p. 3.
15. RGASPI, f. 85, op. 28, d. 63, pp. 1–3.
16. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, pp. 307–8.
17. Ibid., p. 307.
18. Ibid., p. 308.
19. S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu, p. 31.
20. GARF, f. 7523sg, op. 149a, d. 2, p. 7.
21. GARF, f. 7523sg, op. 149a, d. 2, pp. 10, 11 and 13.
22. GARF, f. 81, op. 3, d. 77, p. 48.
23. RGASPI, f. 3, op. 1, d. 3230.
24. R. Bullard, Inside Stalin’s Russia, p. 153.
25. GARF, f. 3316/ya, op. 2, d. 2016, p. 2.
26. Lubyanka. Stalin i VChK–GPU–OGPU–NKVD, pp. 601 and 667–9.
27. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 308.
28. ‘Dnevnik M. A. Svanidze’ in Iosif Stalin v ob”yatiyakh sem’i, p. 177.
29. A. Mgeladze, Stalin, kakim ya ego znal, p. 117.
30. A. Rybin, ‘Ryadom so Stalinym’, Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniya, no. 3 (1988), p. 87.
31. A. Mikoyan, Tak bylo, p. 356.
32. Tak govoril Kaganovich, p. 35.
33. A. Mikoyan, Tak bylo, p. 353.
34. RGASPI, f. 3, op. 1, d. 3231.
35. Ibid.
36. S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu, pp. 19 and 21.
37. See S. Lakoba, Ocherki politicheskoi istorii Abkhazii, p. 120.
38. Ibid., p. 118.
39. Ibid., pp. 132–3.
40. Ibid., pp. 116–17.
41. Ibid., p. 115.
1. See for example his speech to an all-Union conference of ‘proletarian students’, Pravda, 16 April 1925.
2. Semnadtsatyi s”ezd Vsesoyuznoi Kommunisticheskoi Partii (b), p. 28.
3. Ibid., p. 24.
4. Cited by A. Luukkanen, The Religious Policy of the Stalinist State, p. 140.
5. See J. Barber, Soviet Historians in Crisis, 1928–1932.
6. M. Gor’kii, L. Averbakh and S. Firin, Belomorsko-baltiiskii kanal imeni I. V. Stalina.
7. See R. Medvedev, Problems in the Literary Biography of Mikhail Sholokhov.
8. Exchange of letters between Stalin and Sholokhov in 1933, Voprosy istorii, no. 3 (1994), pp. 9–22.
9. See below, p. 333–4.
10. See above, p. 333.
11. GDMS, Hall III contains the original annotations.
12. I am grateful to Zakro Megreshvili for information about his stepfather Shalva Nutsubidze’s reaction to Stalin’s editorial work.
13. S. Allilueva, Tol’ko odin god, p. 337.
14. Krasnaya zvezda, 5 January 1995.
15. Istoriya sovetskoi politicheskoi tsenzury. Dokumenty i kommentarii, p. 484.
16. See below, p. 444.
17. See the translation in R. C. Tucker, Stalin in Power, pp. 205–6.
18. A. Akhmatova, Sochineniya, vol. 2, pp. 167–8
19. See below, p. 361.
20. See R. Service, A History of Twentieth-Century Russia, chap. 12.
21. See ibid. and C. Kelly, Refining Russia, pp. 285–309.
1. See the OGPU reports in Tragediya sovetskoi derevni, vol. 3, pp. 318–54.
2. See R. W. Davies, Crisis and Progress in the Soviet Economy, 1931–1933, pp. 188–91; J. J. Rossman, ‘The Teikovo Cotton Workers’ Strike of April 1932’, pp. 50–66. For a general account see R. Conquest, Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivisation and the Terror-Famine.
3. See R. W. Davies and S. G. Wheatcroft, The Years of Hunger.
4. Stalin i Kaganovich: Perepiska, pp. 132 ff.
5. See A. Nove, An Economic History of the U.S.S.R., pp. 224–5 and 227.
6. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 13, p. 186. See the account in R. W. Davies, M. Ilic and O. Khlevnyuk, ‘The Politburo and Economic Policy-Making’, p. 114.
7. Stalin i Kaganovich: Perepiska, p. 260.
8. Ibid., p. 235.
9. See R. W. Davies, M. Ilic and O. Khlevnyuk, ‘The Politburo and Economic Policy-Making’, p. 110.
10. Letter of 18 June 1932: Stalin i Kaganovich. Perepiska., p. 179.
11. Ibid., pp. 282 and 290.
12. Ibid., p. 274.
13. Ibid., p. 359.
14. Ibid., p. 479.
15. See R. Conquest, Harvest of Sorrow; R. W. Davies, Crisis and Progress in the Soviet Economy; and R. W. Davies and S. G. Wheatcroft, The Years of Hunger.
16. Ibid., p. 241.
17. See E. A. Rees, ‘Republican and Regional Leaders at the XVII Party Congress in 1934’, especially pp. 85–6.
18. See R. Conquest, The Great Terror. A Reassessment, pp. 31–46
19. Semnadtsatyi s”ezd Vsesoyuznoi Kommunisticheskoi Partii (b), p. 262.
20. F. Benvenuti, ‘Kirov nella Politica Sovietica’, pp. 283, 303–7 and 315–59.
21. Lubyanka. Stalin i VChK–GPU-nOGPU–NKVD, p. 569.
22. See R. Conquest, The Great Terror: A Reassessment, pp. 39–52.
23. Lubyanka. Stalin i VChK–GPU–OGPU–NKVD, p. 650.
24. See R. W. Davies, Soviet History in the Yeltsin Era, p. 155.
25. Lubyanka. Stalin i VChK–GPU–OGPU–NKVD, p. 388.
26. See O. V. Khlevnyuk, 1937-i, p. 49.
27. See F. Benvenuti and S. Pons, Il sistema di potere dello Stalinismo, p. 105.
28. ITsKKPSS, no. 9 (1989), p. 39
29. Reabilitatsiya: politicheskie protsessy 30–50-kh godov, especially pp. 176–9.
30. See F. Benvenuti, Fuoco sui sabotatori! Stachanovismo e organizzazione industriale in Urss, 1934–1938, chaps. 3 ff.
31. Lubyanka. Stalin i VChK–GPU–OGPU–NKVD, p. 749: report by A. Vyshin-ski to Stalin and Molotov, 16 February 1936.
32. See A. Nove, An Economic History of the USSR, p. 226.
33. Ibid., p. 227.
34. See R. Moorsteen and R. P. Powell, The Soviet Capital Stock, 1928–1962.
35. See A. Ponsi, Partito unico e democrazia in URSS. La Costituzione del ’36, pp. 20 ff.
36. See the data cited on religious groups by A. Luukkanen, The Religious Policy of the Stalinist State, pp. 142–7.
37. See O. V. Khlevnyuk, 1937-i, p. 53.
38. See S. Fitzpatrick, Stalin’s Peasants, pp. 289–96.
39. Le repressioni degli anni trenta nell’Armata Rossa, p. 156.
40. Lubyanka. Stalin i VChK–GPU–OGPU–NKVD, p. 753.
41. See B. Starkov, Dela i lyudi stalinskogo vremeni, p. 39.
42. Lubyanka. Stalin i VChK–GPU–OGPU–NKVD, p. 767.
1. This is calculated from the figures of the 1926 census in V. Kozlov, The Peoples of the Soviet Union, p. 69.
2. S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu, p. 29.
3. Zastol’nye rechi Stalina. Dokumenty i materialy, p. 158.
4. See above, p. 302.
5. Tak govoril Kaganovich, p. 48.
6. Iosif Vissarionovich Stalin (1938), p. 5.
7. K. Simonov, Glazami cheloveka moego pokoleniya, p. 37.
8. See S. Fitzpatrick, Stalin’s Peasants, pp. 289–96.
9. See F. Bettanin, La fabbrica del mito, p. 89.
10. G. Dimitrov, Diario. Gli anni di Mosca (1934–1945), p. 81.
11. See S. Crisp, ‘Soviet language Planning, 1917–1953’, pp. 27–9.
12. See S. Kuleshov and V. Strada, Il fascismo russo, pp. 229–38.
13. See T. Martin, The Affirmative Action Empire, pp. 206–7. See also H. Kuromiya, ‘The Donbass’, pp. 157–8.
14. See T. Martin, The Affirmative Action Empire, pp. 302–3.
15. See above, pp. 276–7.
16. Tak govoril Kaganovich, p. 48.
17. See above, pp. 204–5.
18. See G. Hewitt, ‘Language Planning in Georgia’, pp. 137–9.
19. See the files reproduced in Abkhaziya: dokumenty svidel’stvuyut. 1937–1953.
20. GDMS, Hall III holds a copy of Stalin’s suggestion for Nutsubidze’s anthology.
21. See above, pp. 96–101.
22. See R. Service, A History of Twentieth-Century Russia, pp. 206–7 and 318.
23. Ibid.
24. Zastol’nye rechi Stalina. Dokumenty i materialy, p. 151 (first variant of notes taken by R. P. Khmelnitski).
25. See D. Lieven, Nicholas II, p. 163.
26. ‘Dnevnik M. A. Svanidze’ in Iosif Stalin v ob”yatiyakh sem’i, pp. 174–5.
27. Zastol’nye rechi Stalina, p. 55.
28. Ibid., p. 123.
29. G. Dimitrov, Diario. Gli anni di Mosca (1934–1945), p. 81.
30. ‘Pravil’naya politika pravitel’stva reshaet uspekh armii. Kto dostoin byt’ marshalom?’, Istochnik, no. 3: record of Stalin’s speech.
31. ‘Dnevnik M. A. Svanidze’ in Iosif Stalin v ob”yatiyakh sem’i, pp. 176.
32. For a different interpretation see D. Brandenberger, Stalinist Mass Culture and the Formation of Modern Russian National Identity, 1931–1956.
33. Istochnik, no. 1 (2002), p. 105.
34. See the analysis of D. V. Kolesov, I. V. Stalin: Pravo na zhizn’, pp. 37–8. I am grateful to Ronald Hingley for our discussions of Stalin’s oratorical idiosyncrasies.
1. Stalin i Kaganovich. Perepiska, p. 425; see also Lubyanka. Stalin i VChK– GPU–OGPU–NKVD, p. 565.
2. See Stalin i Kaganovich; Pis’ma I. V. Stalina V. M. Molotovu.
3. This was also Molotov’s attitude, at least by the time of the Second World War: see V. Berezhkov, Kak ya stal perevodchikom Stalina, p. 226. I eschew further use of this source in following chapters and am grateful to Hugh Lunghi, one of Churchill’s interpreters, for pointing out the many unreliable aspects of Berezhkov’s memoirs, including its title.
4. L. Trotsky, Stalin: An Appraisal of the Man and His Influence.
5. See for example S. Alliluev, Proidënnyi put’ ; A. S. Allilueva, Vospominaniya; S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu and Tol’ko odin god.
6. Above all, see the speech he gave at a reception for G. Dimitrov in on 8 November 1937: below, p. 333.
7. N. K. Baibakov, 0t Stalina go Yel’tsina, p. 48.
8. Of course the idea that Stalin really was so undemonstrative in the 1920s is implausible.
9. See above, pp. 4–8.
10. R. Medvedev, Let History Judge, p. 15.
11. Ibid., p. 13.
12. ITsKKPSS, no. 11 (1989), p. 169.
13. Zastol’nye rechi Stalina, p. 157: this comment was an interjection in another interjection, by Voroshilov, in a speech at the twentieth-anniversary dinner in honour of the October Revolution.
14. Sovetskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1928–1941, p. 334.
15. L. Trotskii, Terrorizm i kommunizm.
16. M. Jansen, A Show Trial Under Lenin.
17. In Russian the words were: Molodets, kak on zdorovo eto sdelal! The witness was Anastas Mikoyan: see his Tak bylo, p. 534. V. Berezhkov, one of Stalin’s interpreters, recalled Mikoyan’s words only slightly differently: Kak ya stal perevodchikom Stalina, p. 14.
18. Zastol’nye rechi Stalina, p. 148.
19. See T. Dragadze, Rural Families in Soviet Georgia, pp. 43–4.
20. See RGASPI, f. 558, op. 3, d. 37: this was the book Drevnyaya Evropa i Vostok (Moscow–Petrograd, 1923)
21. Stalin i Kaganovich. Perepiska, p. 273.
22. Iosif Stalin v ob”yatiyakh sem’i, p. 17.
23. See below, pp. 578–9.
24. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 3, d. 167: see for example pp. 43 and 47.
25. Ibid., p. 57.
26. Ibid., p. 248.
27. See below, pp. 580–1.
28. N. Ryzhkov, Perestroika: istoriya predatel’stv, pp. 354–5. See also E. A. Rees, Political Thought from Machiavelli to Stalin: Revolutionary Machiavellism.
29. Zastol’nye rechi Stalina, p. 180.
1. The term, invented by the historian Robert Conquest for his book of the same name in 1968, is now the common one in use in Russia as well as the rest of the world.
2. ‘Stenogrammy ochnykh stavok v TsK VKP(b). Dekabr’ 1936 goda’, Voprosy istorii, no. 3 (2002), p. 4.
3. Ibid., p. 5.
4. See in particular J. A. Getty, The Origins of the Great Purges.
5. See R. Conquest, The Great Terror: A Reassessment, pp. 3–22 and 53–70.
6. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 464; Tak govoril Kaganovich, p. 35.
7. O. Khlevniuk, ‘The Objectives of the Great Terror, 1937–1938’ in J. Cooper et al., Soviet History, 1917–1953; O. Khlevniuk, ‘The Reasons for the “Great Terror”: The Foreign-Political Aspect’ in S. Pons and A. Romano, Russia in the Age of Wars, 1914–1945.
8. Stalin i Kaganovich. Perepiska, pp. 682–3. Although Stalin referred here to the OGPU, its department name after being subsumed in the NKVD in 1934 was the GUGB.
9. See R. Conquest, The Great Terror: A Reassessment, pp. 135–73
10. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 14, pp. 189–91.
11. ‘Materialy fevral’skogo-martovskogo plenuma TsK VKP(b) 1937 goda’, Voprosy istorii, no. 10 (1994), pp. 13–27; no. 2 (1995), pp. 22–6; and no. 3 (1995), pp. 3–15.
12. Quoted in O. Khlevnyuk, 1937-i, p. 77.
13. See M. Jansen and N. Petrov, Stalin’s Loyal Executioner, pp. 76–7.
14. B. Starkov, Dela i lyudi stalinskogo vremeni, p. 47.
15. Ibid., pp. 48–9.
16. Trud, 4 June 1992.
17. Ibid.
18. N. Okhotin and A. Roginskii, ‘Iz istorii “nemetskoi operatsii” NKVD 1937–1938 gg.’, p. 46.
19. Izvestiya, 10 June 1992.
20. Tak govoril Kaganovich, p. 46.
21. Khrushchev Remembers: The Glasnost Tapes, p. 38.
22. Sovetskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska, 1928–1941, pp. 364–97
23. RGASPI, f. 73, op. 2, d. 19, p. 101.
24. See R. Conquest, The Great Terror: A Reassessment, p. 245.
25. See S. S. Montefiore, Stalin: The Court of the Red Tsar, pp. 185–6.
1. I. Tovstukha, ‘Stalin (Dzhughashvili), Iosif Vissarionovich’, pp. 698–700.
2. Pravda, 21 December 1929.
3. See below, pp. 541–2.
4. ‘Stalin o “Kratkom kurse po istorii VKP(b)”. Stenogramma vystupleniya no soveshchanii propagandistov Moskvy i Leningrada…’, Istoricheskii arkhiv, no. 5 (1994), p. 10.
5. Stalin. K shestidesyatiyu so dnya rozhdeniya, pp. 193–4
6. Pravda, 1 January 1931. See also the account in J. Brooks, Thank You, Comrade Stalin!, pp. 80–1.
7. Pravda, 1 January 1937.
8. Ibid., 29 June 1936.
9. Zastol’nye rechi Stalina, p. 175. This came in a speech given at a Kremlin reception for recently elected USSR Supreme Soviet deputies on 20 January 1938.
10. A. Fadeev (ed.), Vstrechi s tovarishchem Stalinym, pp. 40, 98, 112, 133, 160, 178 and 195.
11. Zastol’nye rechi Stalina, p. 123.
12. Stalin i Kaganovich. Perepiska, p. 526.
13. I. A. Valedinskii, ‘Vospominaniya o vstrechakh o t. I. V. Staline’, p. 72.
14. Stalin i Khasim (1901–1902 gg.). Nekotorye epizody iz batumskogo podpol’ya.
15. V. Shveitser, Stalin v turukhanskoi ssylke. Vospominaniya podpol’shchika.
16. H. Barbusse, Staline: Un monde nouveau vu à travers d’un homme.
17. See F. Bettanin, La fabbrica del mito, p. 157.
18. For an exception to the trend see ibid., p. 174.
19. The possibility should not be discounted that the admiration of Lenin was genuine.
20. See also below, pp. 541–2.
21. Istoriya Vsesoyuznoi Kommunisticheskoi Partii (Bol’shevikov). Kratkii kurs.
22. Ibid., pp. 198–204.
23. See above, pp. 292–3.
24. Pravda, 7 October 1935.
25. V. Kaminskii and I. Vereshchagin, ‘Detstvo i yunost’ vozhdya: dokumenty, zapisi, rasskazy’, pp. 22–100.
26. Ibid.
27. Pis’ma ko vlasti, pp. 124 ff.
28. O. Volobuev and S. Kuleshov, Ochishchenie, p. 146.
29. Cited by N. N. Maslov, ‘Ob utverzhdenii ideologii stalinizma’, p. 78.
30. V. Ivanov, ‘Krasnaya ploshchad’, Novyi mir, no. 11 (1937), pp. 259–60.
31. K. Chukovskii, Dnevniki, 1930–1969, p. 86. I owe this reference to B. S. Ilizarov, ‘Stalin. Bolezn’, smert’ i “bessmertie”’, pp. 294–5.
32. S. Fitzpatrick, Stalin’s Peasants, pp. 289–96.
33. Obshchestvo i vlast’. 1930-e gody, p. 25.
34. S. Davies discusses the ambiguities of the evidence in Popular Opinion in Stalin’s Russia, pp. 155–82.
1. Iz vospominanii Sukhanova D. N., byvshego pomoshchnika Malenkova G. M.’, Volkogonov Archive, reel no. 8, p. 5.
2. Pisatel’ i vozhd’: perepiska M. A. Sholokhova s I. V. Stalinym, p. 150. For Yezhov’s fall see M. Jansen and N. Petrov, Stalin’s Loyal Executioner, chap. 7.
3. Ibid., pp. 160–1.
4. Ibid., pp. 171–4.
5. Ibid., p. 164.
6. Directive quoted by Oleg Khlevniuk, ‘Party and NKVD: Power Relationships in the Years of the Great Terror’ in B. McLoughlin and K. McDermott (eds), Stalin’s Terror, p. 31.
7. See above, p. 7.
8. G. Dimitrov, Diario. Gli anni di Mosca (1934–1945), p. 267.
9. Vosemnadtsatyi s”ezd Vsesoyuznoi Kommunisticheskoi Partii (b), p. 29.
10. Ibid., pp. 29–30.
11. See his comments at the conference on propaganda on 1 October 1938: ‘I. V. Stalin o “Kratkom kurse po istorii VKP(b)”. Stenogramma vystupleniya no soveshchanii propagandistov Moskvy i Leningrada’, Istoricheskii arkhiv, no. 5 (1994), pp. 12–13.
12. Vosemnadtsatyi s”ezd Vsesoyuznoi Kommunisticheskoi Partii (b), pp. 515–17.
13. Zastol’nye rechi Stalina, p. 235.
14. See N. Petrov, ‘The GUlag as Instrument of the USSR’s Punitive System’ in E. Dundovich, F. Gori and E. Guercetti (eds), Reflections on the Gulag, p. 22.
15. Vosemnadtsatyi s”ezd Vsesoyuznoi Kommunisticheskoi Partii (b), p. 26.
1. The exception was their brief collaboration in the Bolshevik robbery organisation before the First World War.
2. See D. Watson, ‘The Politburo and Foreign Policy in the 1930s’, pp. 149–50.
3. The foreign-policy discussions of the 1930s were amenable to thorough scholarly investigation only from the late 1980s, when archives started to be published more readily and even to become directly accessible.
4. O voprosakh leninizma in I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 8, p. 64.
5. See R. Service, Lenin: A Political Life, vol. 3, p. 136.
6. M. Buber-Neumann, Von Potsdam nach Moskau, p. 284.
7. I am grateful to Katya Andreyev for her comments on inter-war Soviet foreign policy.
8. Dimitrov and Stalin, 1934–1943, p. 13.
9. Semnadtsatyi s”ezd Vsesoyuznoi kommunisticheskoi partii (b), pp. 13–14.
10. Dimitrov and Stalin, 1934–1943, p. 18.
11. A. Kriegel and S. Courtois, Eugen Fried, pp. 255–61.
12. J. Hochman, The Soviet Union and the Failure of Collective Security, 1934–1938, pp. 43–51.
13. G. Dimitrov, Diario. Gli anni di Mosca (1934–1945), p. 203.
14. Ibid., pp. 46–7.
15. Endnote 10 in Dimitrov and Stalin, 1934–1943, p. 50.
16. P. Togliatti, Opere, vol. 4, part 1, pp. 258–72.
1. See S. Alieva (ed.), Tak eto bylo, vol. 1, pp. 44, 50, 86 and 96.
2. See above, pp. 169 and 203.
3. See above, p. 267.
4. Dimitrov and Stalin, 1934–1943, p. 28.
5. Ibid., p. 32, citing Dimitrov’s diary. I have re-translated the phrase na ruku.
6. Editorial notes of A. Dallin and F. I. Firsov, Dimitrov and Stalin, p. 34.
7. Editorial notes of ibid., p. 108.
8. See H. P. Bix, Hirohito and the Making of Modern Japan, p. 351.
9. See J. Erickson, The Soviet High Command, p. 522.
10. See C. Andrew and V. Mitrokhin, The Mitrokhin Archive, p. 300.
11. See G. Gorodetsky, Grand Delusion, pp. 57–8, 135–6 and 180.
12. See below, pp. 362–3.
1. ‘“Avtobiograficheskie zametki” V. N. Pavlova — perevodchika I. V. Stalina’, p. 98.
2. Ibid., p. 99.
3. See R. Overy, Russia’s War, p. 49.
4. V. N. Pavlov, ‘Predistoriya 1939 goda’, Svobodnaya mysl’, no. 7 (1999), pp. 109–10.
5. A. Mikoyan, Tak bylo, p. 392.
6. See above, p. 178.
7. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 54.
8. See K. Sword (ed.), The Soviet Takeover of the Polish Eastern Provinces, 1939–1941.
9. See H. Shukman and A. Chubaryan (eds), Stalin and the Soviet–Finnish War, 1939–1940, especially Stalin’s comments on the failures and successes of the campaign, pp. 236–7.
10. Khrushchev Remembers: The Glasnost Tapes, p. 154.
11. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 19.
12. See H. P. von Strandmann, ‘Obostryaushchiesya paradoksy: Gitler, Stalin i germano-sovetskie ekonomicheskie svyazi. 1939–1941’, p. 376.
13. See J. Erickson, The Soviet High Command, p. 566.
14. See G. Gorodetsky, Grand Delusion, p. 129–35.
15. Dimitrov in Zastol’nye rechi Stalina, p. 234.
16. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, pp. 40–1.
17. G. Dimitrov, Diario. Gli anni di Mosca (1934–1945), p. 302.
18. N. Lyashchenko, ‘O vystuplenii I. V. Stalina v Kremle, 5 maya 1941’, Volkogonov Papers, reel no. 8, p. 1.
19. G. Dimitrov, Diario. Gli anni di Mosca (1934–1945), p. 310.
20. These comments come from the notes taken by V. A. Malyshev: ‘Proidët desyatok let, i eti vstrechi ne vosstanovish’ uzhe v pamyati’, p. 117.
21. See D. Glantz, Stumbling Colossus, p. 97.
22. L. Samuelson, Plans for Stalin’s War Machine, p. 199.
23. N. Lyashchenko, ‘O vystuplenii I. V. Stalina v Kremle, 5 maya 1941’, Volkogonov Papers, reel 8, p. 3. The episode was recounted to Lyashchenko by Minister of Defence Semën Timoshenko.
1. G. K. Zhukov, Vospominaniya i razmyshleniya, vol. 2, p. 8.
2. Ibid., p. 9.
3. See the archivally based account of G. Gorodetsky, Grand Delusion, p. 311.
4. G. K. Zhukov, Vospominaniya i razmyshleniya, vol. 2, p. 9.
5. Ibid., pp. 9–10.
6. Ibid., p. 10.
7. Ibid., pp. 12–13.
8. G. Dimitrov, Diario. Gli anni di Mosca (1934–1945), p. 319.
9. See G. Gorodetsky, Grand Delusion, pp. 275–8; D. Glantz, Stumbling Colossus, p. 242.
10. See G. Gorodetsky, Grand Delusion, pp. 53–5.
11. G. K. Zhukov, Vospominaniya i razmyshleniya, vol. 2, p. 9.
12. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 60.
13. ‘Zhurnal poseshcheniya I. V. Stalina v ego Kremlëvskom kabinete’ in Yu. Gor’kov, Gosudarstvennyi Komitet Oborony postanovlyaet, pp. 223–4.
14. Ibid.
15. G. K. Zhukov, Vospominaniya i razmyshleniya, vol. 2, p. 73.
16. ‘Zhurnal poseshcheniya I. V. Stalina v ego Kremlëvskom kabinete’, loc. cit., pp. 223–4.
17. A. Mikoyan. Tak bylo, p. 390.
18. Ibid., p. 391. Molotov recorded that Stalin ‘wasn’t himself’ that day but insisted that his mood was firm: Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 60.
19. A. Mikoyan. Tak bylo, pp. 391–2.
20. Pravda, 1 July 1941.
21. S. Beria, Beria, My Father, p. 71 gives the account supposedly provided by his father. This account has Moscow Party City Committee Secretary Alexander Shcherbakov, not Voznesenski, as having made the proposal for Molotov to take over the leadership.
22. Yu. Gor’kov, Gosudarstvennyi Komitet Oborony postanovlyaet, p. 501.
1. G. K. Zhukov, Vospominaniya i razmyshleniya, vol. 2, pp. 126–7.
2. R. Overy, Russia’s War, p. 171.
3. There is nothing in the memoirs of Molotov, Kaganovich, Khrushchëv and Zhukov — men who knew him very well in the war — to contradict this point.
4. G. K. Zhukov, Vospominaniya i razmyshleniya, vol. 2, p. 344.
5. Ibid., p. 346.
6. Ibid., p. 347.
7. Ibid., pp. 348–9.
8. Ibid., p. 361.
9. Ibid. This statement, like many others, was censored in the 1969 edition and allowed to be published only in its 1995 successor.
10. Ibid., p. 367.
1. S. Beria, Beria, My Father, p. 154.
2. G. K. Zhukov, Vospominaniya i razmyshleniya, vol. 3, pp. 215–16.
3. A. M. Vasilevski: interview in G. A. Kumanëv (ed.), Ryadom so Stalinym, p. 242.
4. S. Beria, Beria, My Father, pp. 153–4. This story was told to Sergo Beria by his mother, who spoke to Yakov.
5. Ibid., p. 155.
6. ‘Dnevnik M. A. Svanidze’ in Iosif Stalin v ob”yatiyakh sem’i, p. 159.
7. Testimony of Alexei Kapler: E. Biagi, Svetlana, p. 21.
8. Ibid., p. 27.
9. ’Dnevnik M. A. Svanidze’: Iosif Stalin v ob”yatiyakh sem’i, p. 161.
10. Ibid., p. 158.
11. S. Allilueva, Tol’ko odin god, p. 320.
12. Ibid., p. 326.
13. Ibid., pp. 129–30.
14. S. Beria, Beria, My Father, p. 150.
15. S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu, pp. 163–6.
16. Ibid., pp. 166–7.
17. Ibid., pp. 167–8.
18. Ibid., p. 169.
19. S. Beria, Beria, My Father, p. 152.
20. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 1, d. 5078.
21. V. Alliluev, Khronika odnoi sem’i: Alliluevy. Stalin, p. 97.
22. Ibid.
23. I. A. Valedinskii, ‘Vospominaniya o vstrechakh s t. I. V. Stalinym’, pp. 69–70.
24. See below, pp. 456–7.
25. G. K. Zhukov, Vospominaniya i razmyshleniya, vol. 3, p. 109.
26. He let no one know of his physical weaknesses with the exception of Churchill. Preparing to meet the British Prime Minister in autumn 1944, he wrote: ‘The doctors don’t advise me to undertake long trips. For a certain period I need to take account of this’: Perepiska predsedatelya Soveta Ministra SSSR s prezidentami SShA i prem’er-ministrami Velikobritanii vo vremya velikoi Otechestvennoi voiny, vol. 1, p. 262. Even this remark, however, cannot be taken at face value. Stalin would do anything to make the mountain come to Mohammed; he always tried to get Churchill and Roosevelt to do the travelling.
27. ‘Dnevnik M. A. Svanidze’ in Iosif Stalin v ob”yatiyakh sem’i, pp. 158–60, 169, 174, 177.
28. Ibid., p. 168.
29. Ibid., p. 175.
30. L. Vasil’eva, Deti Kremlya, p. 261; V. Alliluev, Khronika odnoi sem’i: Alliluevy. Stalin, p. 128 (where it is mentioned that her parents-in-law never forgave Yevgenia for marrying again so quickly after Pavel’s death).
31. L. Vasil’eva, Deti Kremlya, p. 261.
32. L. M. Kaganovich, Pamyatnye zapiski, p. 33; Tak govoril Kaganovich, pp. 49–50. The date of death is given variously as 1924 and 1926. See also S. Allilueva, Tol’ko odin god, p. 331.
33. L. Kaganovich, Tak govoril Kaganovich, p. 49. Sergo Beria, however, claimed that the identity of Stalin’s lover was not Kaganovich’s sister or daughter but his niece: see S. Beria, Beria, My Father, p. 166. As yet there is no corroboration of this assertion.
34. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, pp. 181 and 191.
35. ‘Dnevnik M. A. Svanidze’ in Iosif Stalin v ob”yatiyakh sem’i, p. 170.
36. Kira Allilueva: interview, 14 December 1998.
37. See the recollection by A. P. Alliluev as given to R. Richardson, The Long Shadow, pp. 142–3.
38. J. von Ribbentrop, Zwischen London und Moskau. Erinnerungen und letzte Auchzeichnungen, p. 25.
39. Testimony of A.T. Sergeev to F. Chuev: Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 359.
40. G. K. Zhukov, Vospominaniya i razmyshleniya, vol. 3, p. 108.
41. N. K. Baibakov, Ot Stalina do Yel’tsina, pp. 80 and 83.
42. See K. Charkviani’s account summarised by Simon Sebag Montefiore, Stalin: The Court of the Red Tsar, p. 101.
1. G. K. Zhukov, Vospominaniya i razmyshleniya, vol. 3, p. 14.
2. Ibid., p. 23.
3. Ibid., p. 32.
4. Ibid., p. 45.
5. Ibid., p. 46.
6. Ibid., p. 61.
7. Ibid., p. 59.
8. See W. Moskoff, The Bread of Affliction.
9. Official military postcard, 6 January 1944.
10. V. Tsypin, Istoriya Russkoi pravoslavnoi tserkvi, 1917–1990, pp. 95, 104 and 106.
11. See D. Pospielovsky, The Russian Orthodox Church under the Soviet Regime, p. 111.
12. V. A. Alekseev, ‘Neozhidannyi dialog’, Agitator, no. 6 (1989), pp. 41–4.
13. V. A. Alekseev, Illyuzii i dogma, pp. 336–7.
14. G. Dimitrov, Diario. Gli anni di Mosca (1934–1945), pp. 615 and 617.
15. Ibid., p. 618.
16. See M. Mevius, Agents of Moscow, chapter 3.
17. J. Rossi, Spravochnik po Gulagu, part 1, p. 40.
18. See P. J. S. Duncan, Russian Messianism, p. 59.
19. ‘Proidët desyatok let, i eti vstrechi ne vosstanovish’ uzhe v pamyati. Dnevnikovye zapisi V. A. Malysheva’, pp. 127–8. See also G. Dimitrov, Diario. Gli anni di Mosca (1934–1945), p. 802.
20. See A. V. Fateev, Obraz vraga v Sovetskoi propagande, 1945–1954 gg., p. 23. Fadeev’s article appeared in Pod znamenem marksizma, no. 11 (1943).
21. See C. Andreyev, Vlasov and the Russian Liberation Movement. Soviet Realities and émigré Theories.
1. Sochineniya, vol. 14, p. 1.
2. See below, note 4.
3. Sochineniya, vol. 14, p. 5.
4. Letter of July 1941: Zvezda, no. 2 (2003), p. 191.
5. Sochineniya, vol. 14, p. 6.
6. Ibid., p. 33.
7. Ibid., p. 34.
8. This is a point made by J. Brooks, Thank You, Comrade Stalin!, p. 160.
9. See in general D. C. Watt, How War Came, pp. 224–33.
10. The Times, 4 January 1943.
11. Ibid., 1 January 1940.
12. See below, chapter 32.
13. N. K. Baibakov, Ot Stalina do Yel’tsina, pp. 43–8.
14. Ibid., p. 64.
15. Ibid.
16. Testimony of A. E. Golovanov in G. A. Kumanëv (ed.), Ryadom so Stalinym, pp. 272–3.
17. G. K. Zhukov, Vospominaniya i razmyshleniya, vol. 3, p. 59.
18. Ibid., pp. 113 and 115.
19. K. Simonov, Glazami cheloveka moego pokoleniya, p. 111.
20. A. Mikoyan, Tak bylo, p. 463.
21. P. A Sudoplatov and A. Sudoplatov, Special Tasks, p. 328.
22. G. K. Zhukov, Vospominaniya i razmyshleniya, vol. 2, p. 266.
23. Ibid., vol. 2, p. 244.
24. Ibid., p. 270.
25. Ibid., p. 134.
26. A. Mikoyan, Tak bylo, p. 563.
27. G. A. Kumanëv, ‘Dve besedy s L. M. Kaganovichem’, Novaya i noveishaya istoriya, no. 2 (1999), p. 107.
1. Perepiska predsedatelya Soveta Ministrov SSSR, vol. 2, p. 98. See also W. S. Churchill, The Second World War, vol. 4, p. 594.
2. Perepiska predsedatelya Soveta Ministrov SSSR, vol. 2, p. 101.
3. S. Beria, Beria, My Father, p. 93.
4. The carriage now stands outside the State Home-Museum of I. V. Stalin at Gori.
5. W. S. Churchill, The Second World War, vol. 4, p. 447.
6. Perepiska predsedatelya Soveta Ministrov SSSR, vol. 2, p. 43.
7. W. S. Churchill, The Second World War, vol. 4, p. 443.
8. J. von Ribbentrop, Zwischen London und Moskau. p. 25.
9. I. P. McEwan, ‘Quo Vadis?’, p. 113. I am grateful to Philippa McEwan for supplying me with this memoir.
10. W. S. Churchill, The Second World War, vol. 5, pp. 334–6.
11. Churchill and Stalin: Documents from the British Archives: conversation of Churchill and Stalin, 28 November 1943, doc. 46, p. 3.
12. Ibid., doc. 48, p. 2: meeting at Soviet embassy in Tehran, 1 December 1943.
13. W. S. Churchill, The Second World War, vol. 5, p. 350.
14. Churchill and Stalin: Documents from the British Archives, doc. 47
15. S. Beria, Beria, My Father, p. 93.
16. W. S. Churchill, The Second World War, vol. 6, p. 198. The English spelling in Churchill’s manuscript and book was ‘Roumania’.
17. Ibid.
18. Istochnik, no. 4 (1995), p. 17.
19. N. Lebrecht, ‘Prokofiev was Stalin’s Last Victim’.
20. W. S. Churchill, The Second World War, vol. 6, p. 345. This was sometimes shortened to ‘U.J.’: ibid., p. 199.
21. Ibid., The Second World War, vol. 4, p. 596.
22. Ibid., vol. 5, p. 330.
23. Ibid., p. 342.
1. See R. Overy, Russia’s War, pp. 240–1.
2. J. Erickson, The Road to Berlin, pp. 274–90; N. Davies, Rising ’44, pp. 209–11 and 265–72.
3. G. K. Zhukov, Vospominaniya i razmyshleniya, vol. 3, pp. 173–4. Alas, the other participants — Stalin, Molotov and Beria — left no useful memoirs on the subject.
4. W. S. Churchill, The Second World War, vol. 6, p. 117.
5. Churchill and Stalin: Documents from the British Archives, doc. 55, p. 1: telegram of A. Eden to Sir O. Sergeant, 12 October 1944. It must be added that Churchill said this in a moment when he was trying to cajole Stalin into making concessions to the ‘London Poles’.
6. M. Djilas, Conversations with Stalin, p. 87. Stalin also made exculpatory remarks about Red Army soldiers to a Czechoslovak delegation on 28 March 1945: ‘Proidët desyatok let, i eti vstrechi ne vosstanovish’ uzhe v pamyati. Dnevnikovye zapisi V. A. Malysheva’, p. 127.
7. See the text in Novaya i noveishaya istoriya, no. 3 (2000), p. 181.
8. Ibid.
9. See J. Erickson, The Road to Berlin, pp. 606–16.
10. See D. Holloway, Stalin and the Bomb, p. 125.
11. See ibid., p. 124.
12. Ibid., p. 126.
13. Ibid., p. 128.
14. Ibid., pp. 128–9.
1. I have taken this account from A. Werth, Russia at War, 1941–1945, p. 969; J. Bardach and K. Gleeson, Surviving Freedom, p. 95.
2. S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu, p. 175.
3. N. S. Khrushchëv, ‘Memuary Nikity Sergeevicha Khrushchëva’, Voprosy istorii, no. 7–8 (1991), p. 100.
4. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 16, p. 197.
5. Ibid., p. 198.
6. Pravda, 25 May 1945.
7. G. K. Zhukov, Vospominaniya i razmyshleniya, vol. 3, pp. 308. Zhukov’s information came from Stalin’s son Vasili.
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid., p. 309.
10. Pravda, 27 June 1945.
11. S. G. Wheatcroft and R. W. Davies, ‘Population’, p. 78.
12. Ye. Zubkova, Obshchestvo i reformy, 1945–1964, p. 43.
13. Vostochnaya Evropa v dokumentakh rossiiskikh arkhivov, 1945–1953 gg., vol. 1, p. 132. The date of the Moscow discussion was 9 January 1945.
14. Ibid., pp. 456–7. The meeting occurred on 22 May 1946.
15. Ibid., p. 132.
1. V. Alliluev, Khronika odnoi sem’i: Alliluevy. Stalin, p. 218. See Simon Sebag Montefiore, Stalin: The Court of the Red Tsar, p. 472; Y. Gorlizki and O. Khlevniuk, Cold Peace. Stalin and the Soviet Ruling Circle, 1945–1953, p. 177.
2. Politbyuro TsK VKP(b) i Sovet Ministrov SSSR, 1945–1953, p. 398.
3. A. S. Belyakov’s recollections of A. A. Zhdanov’s oral account of a meeting of central party leaders: G. Arbatov, Svidetel’stvo sovremennika, p. 377.
4. See V. Zemskov, ‘Prinuditel’nye migratsii iz Pribaltiki’, pp. 13–14.
5. See E. Bacon, The Gulag at War, pp. 93–4.
6. N. A. Antipenko, Ryadom s G. K. Zhukovym i K. K. Rokossovskim, p. 71.
7. F. Gori and S. Pons (eds), The Soviet Union and Europe in the Cold War, 1943–1953, especially the account by A. Filitov, pp. 5–22.
8. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, pp. 148–9.
9. S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu, pp. 176–7.
10. See A. Applebaum, Gulag, pp. 424–5; Y. Gorlizki and O. Khlevniuk, Cold Peace. Stalin and the Soviet Ruling Circle, 1945–1953, pp. 127–9.
11. It must be added, however, that Stalin did not repeat his paean to the Russians even on this occasion: perhaps he was getting worried about over-encouragement of Russian nationalism: Pravda, 7 September 1947.
12. For examples see Resheniya partii i pravitel’stva po khozyaistvennym voprosam, vol. 3, pp. 350 ff.
13. See A. Pyzhikov, Khrushchëvskii ‘ottepel’’, p. 19.
14. See A. Nove, Economic History of the USSR, p. 308.
15. See W. Taubman, Khrushchëv: The Man and His Era, p. 201.
16. N. S. Khrushchëv, ‘Memuary Nikity Sergeevicha Khrushchëva’, Voprosy istorii, no. 11 (1991), p. 38.
17. See R. Service, Lenin: A Biography, pp. 88–9. I am grateful to Mark Harrison for the point about Stalin’s assumption about the peasantry.
18. See the forthcoming book on post-war Soviet youth by J. Fuerst.
19. The exception, after the war, was Nikolai Voznesenski: see below, p. 535.
20. See above, pp. 294–7.
21. See below, p. 522.
22. See G. Bordyugov, ‘Ukradënnaya pobeda’; Ye. Zubkova, ‘Obshchestvennaya atmosfera posle voiny (1945–1946)’, p. 12; D. Filtzer, Soviet Workers and Late Stalinism, pp. 1–5.
1. See M.P. Leffler, A Preponderance of Power, pp. 56–9.
2. See ibid., pp. 19 and 115.
3. Ibid., p. 148.
4. Vostochnaya Evropa v dokumentakh rossiiskikh arkhivov, 1944–1953 gg., vol. 1, p. 673.
5. Quoted by R. Pikhoya, Sovetskii Soyuz: istoriya vlasti, 1945–1991, p. 26.
6. Vostochnaya Evropa v dokumentakh rossiiskikh arkhivov, 1944–1953 gg., vol. 1, p. 673.
7. Ibid., pp. 673–5.
8. The Cominform: Minutes of the Three Conferences, pp. 270 ff.
9. M. G. Pervukhin, ‘Kak byla reshena atomnaya problema v nashei strane’, p. 133.
10. Ibid.
11. See above, p. 95.
12. See D. Holloway, Stalin and the Bomb, p. 211.
13. See V. Zubok and C. Pleshakov, Inside the Kremlin’s Cold War, pp. 58–9.
14. Quoted in ibid., p. 59.
15. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 118.
1. Vostochnaya Evropa v dokumentakh rossiiskikh arkhivov, 1944–1953 gg., vol. 1, pp. 118–33.
2. Ibid., p. 303.
3. Ibid., p. 443.
4. See G. Dimitrov’s letter to Molotov about the composition of the Polish communist leadership, 18 January 1944: SSSR — Pol’sha. Mekhanizmy podchineniya. 1944–1949. Sbornik dokumentov, pp. 21–2. On the attitude of communists of Jewish background see Jakub Berman’s testimony in T. Toranska, Oni: Stalin’s Polish Puppets, p. 321.
5. See M. Mazower, Dark Continent, pp. 12–25.
6. The Cominform: Minutes of the Three Conferences, p. 82.
7. Ibid., pp. 226 and 244.
8. Ibid., p. 240.
9. Ibid., pp. 296 and 302.
10. See S. Pons, ‘The Twilight of the Cominform’, in ibid., pp. 483–4.
11. Ibid., pp. 496–7.
12. Ibid., pp. 610–19.
13. See L. Gibianskii, editorial comment in ibid., p. 654.
14. See below, pp. 567–9.
15. See below, pp. 576–7.
1. S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu, p. 177. Svetlana in this memoir fudged the fact that they stayed in separate dachas.
2. Visit by author: 11 September 2002. I am grateful to Liana Khvarchelia and Manana Gurgulia for their efforts in obtaining access to the dacha for me.
3. Quoted in D. Volkogonov, Triumf i tragediya: politicheskii portret I. V. Stalina, vol. 1, part 1, p. 41.
4. Unpublished memoirs of Kandide Charkviani, p. 55.
5. A. Mgeladze, Stalin, kakim ya ego znal, p. 65; Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, pp. 65 and 181.
6. Interview with L. F. Ilichëv: ‘Stalin i “Pravda”: rabochii kontakt’.
7. See Y. Gorlicki and O. Khlevniuk, Cold Peace, pp. 19–29.
8. See below, p. 567–8.
9. Politbyuro TsK VKP(b) i Sovet Ministrov SSSR, 1945–1953, p. 313.
10. Ibid., pp. 326–7.
11. Ibid., p. 200.
12. Politbyuro TsK VKP(b) i Sovet Ministrov SSSR, 1945–1953, p. 198.
13. Ibid., p. 224.
14. T. Toranska, Oni: Stalin’s Polish Puppets, p. 235.
15. A. Mgeladze, Stalin, kakim ya ego znal, p. 113.
16. V. Semichastnyi, Bespokoinoe serdtse, p. 41. Apparently Khrushchëv tried to maintain a more conventional life-style schedule: ibid., p. 46.
17. A. A. Gromyko, Pamyatnoe, vol. 2, p. 326.
18. Testimony of Yakub Berman: T. Toranska, Oni: Stalin’s Polish Puppets, p. 337.
19. K. Simonov, Glazami cheloveka moego pokoleniya, p. 139.
20. K. Simonov, Glazami cheloveka moego pokoleniya, p. 139.
21. P. A. Sudoplatov and A. Sudoplatov, Special Tasks, p. 328
22. Politbyuro TsK VKP(b) i Sovet Ministrov SSSR, pp. 28–9.
23. Ibid., pp. 30–2 and 51.
24. Ibid., p. 29.
25. Ibid., pp. 421–31. See Y. Gorlizki, ‘Stalin’s Cabinet: The Politburo and Decision-Making in the Post-War Years’ for a fuller account.
26. Neizvestnyi Zhukov, pp. 476–7.
27. See below, p. 534–5.
1. O. V. Khlevnyuk, ‘Stalin i Molotov. Edinolichnaya diktatura i predposylki “oligarkhizatsiya”’, p. 281.
2. Ibid., pp. 283–4.
3. Ibid., p. 26.
4. ‘Dve besedy I. V. Stalina s General’nym Sekretarëm Ob”edinënnykh Natsii Tryugve Li’, Novaya i noveishaya istoriya, no. 3 (2001), pp. 111–12.
5. Politbyuro TsK VKP(b) i Sovet Ministrov SSSR, 1945–1953, pp. 32–3.
6. Ibid., pp. 205–6.
7. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 377.
8. A. Mikoyan, Tak bylo, p. 466.
9. Ibid., po. 496–8.
10. Ibid., p. 535.
11. See Y. Gorlizki, ‘Party Revivalism and the Death of Stalin’.
12. Testimony of A. M. Vasilevski: G. A. Kumanëv (ed.), Ryadom so Stalinym, pp. 237–40.
13. A. Mikoyan, Tak bylo, p. 559.
14. The ‘Russian’ factor in the Leningrad Affair is downplayed in the recent outstanding account by Y. Gorlizki and O. Khlevniuk, Cold Peace, pp. 79–95. I remain impressed, however, by documents and memoirs asserting the significance of this factor.
15. Politbyuro TsK VKP(b) i Sovet Ministrov SSSR, 1945–1953, pp. 66–7 and 246.
16. A. Mikoyan, Tak bylo, p. 559.
17. See above, pp. 513–14.
18. A. Mikoyan, Tak bylo, p. 565.
19. I want to acknowledge my thanks to Geoffrey Hosking for our lengthy discussions about this matter.
1. Slovo tovarishchu Stalinu, p. 466.
2. Ibid., pp. 470–2.
3. Ibid.,p. 471.
4. Speech by G. M. Malenkov, Cominform: Minutes of the Three Confererences, p. 82.
5. Istoriya Sovetskoi politicheskoi tsenzury, p. 507. In 1946 there were still sixteen Soviet republics: the Karelo-Finnish Soviet Republic was abolished in 1956.
6. Ibid.
7. I owe this idea to Rosamund Bartlett.
8. N. Voznesenskii, Voennaya ekonomika SSSR v period otechestvennoi voine, passim; Iosif Vissarionovich Stalin. Kratkaya biografiya (2nd edn); Istoriya Vsesoyuznoi Kommunisticheskoi Partii (Bol’shevikov). Kratkii kurs (2nd edn).
9. I. Ehrenburg, Post-War Years: 1945–1954, p. 160.
10. Iosif Vissarionovich Stalin. Kratkaya biografiya (2nd edn), passim.
11. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 1, p. xiii.
12. See J. Brooks, Thank You, Comrade Stalin!, pp. 195–232.
13. Kniga o vkusnoi i zdorovoi pishche.
14. Iosif Vissarionovich Stalin. Kratkaya biografiya (2nd edn), pp. 1–161.
15. Ibid., pp. 172 and 208.
16. Ibid., p. 228.
17. S. Alliluev, Proidënnyi put’; A. S. Allilueva, Vospominaniya.
18. RGASPI, f. 668, op. 1, d. 15, p. 67.
19. See in particular sections of the original text of Anna’s memoir in RGASPI, f. 4, op. 2, d. 45.
20. S. Alliluev, Proidënnyi put’, p. 109.
21. A. S. Allilueva, Vospominaniya, pp. 165, 167, 168 and 191.
22. RGASPI, f. 668, op. 1, d. 15, p. 67.
23. Ibid., p. 69.
24. J. Bardach and K. Gleeson, Surviving Freedom, p. 117.
25. Really he had turned seventy in 1948: see above, p. 14.
26. Churchill and Stalin: Documents from the British Archives, doc. 70, p. 4: conversation of Churchill and Stalin at Potsdam, 17 July 1945.
27. Vostochnaya Evropa v dokumentakh rossiiskikh arkhivov, 1945–1953 gg., vol. 1, p. 407.
28. Ibid., p. 443.
29. Ibid., p. 582.
1. See above, p. 501 and below, p. 567.
2. See the account by A. M. Ledovskii in I. V. Kovalër, ‘Dvenadtsat’ sovetov I. V. Stalina rukovodstvu kompartii Kitaya’, p. 130.
3. Ibid., pp. 134–9.
4. ‘Posetiteli kremlëvskogo kabineta Stalina’, pp. 49–50.
5. G. Dimitrov, The Diary of Georgi Dimitrov, 1933–1949, p. 443. Dimitrov’s diary entry concurs in essentials with Djilas’s memoir, at least about the Chinese communists in Conversations with Stalin, p. 141.
6. See D. Holloway, Stalin and the Bomb, p. 277.
7. A. A. Gromyko, Pamyatnoe, vol. 2, pp. 249–50.
8. See D. Holloway, Stalin and the Bomb, pp. 280–1.
9. Quoted by V. Zubok and C. Pleshakov, Inside the Kremlin’s Cold War, pp. 66–7.
10. Ibid., pp. 67–8.
11. Ibid., pp. 68–9.
12. Ibid., p. 69.
13. V. Zubok and C. Pleshakov give the intelligence reports on which Stalin based his judgement: Ibid., p. 63.
14. See D. Holloway, Stalin and the Bomb, p. 283.
15. V. Semichastnyi, Bespokoinoe serdtse, p. 58
16. See Holloway, Stalin and the Bomb, p. 285.
17. Ibid.
1. S. Beria, Beria, My Father, p. 143.
2. Ibid.
3. A. Mgeladze, Stalin, kakim ya ego znal, p. 271.
4. See D. Joravsky, The Lysenko Affair, chapter 3, ff.,
5. S. Beria, Beria, My Father, p. 143.
6. A. Malenkov, O moëm ottse Georgii Malenkove, p. 24.
7. Pravda: 10 February 1946 (speech to electors of the Stalin Electoral District); 13 April 1948 (speech to reception of official Finnish delegation); 15 October 1952 (speech to the Nineteenth Party Congress).
8. I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 16, pp. 114–57.
9. A. Mgeladze, Stalin, kakim ya ego znal, pp. 224–5.
10. V. Brodskii and V. Kalinnikova, ‘Otkrytie sostoyalos”, Nauka i zhizn’, no. 1 (1988).
11. Konstantin Simonov, chief editor of Literaturnaya gazeta, wrote down his impressions in a self-censoring form, in his diary; and later, in 1979, he wrote additions and a commentary on the meeting: Glazami cheloveka moego pokoleniya, pp. 113–16.
12. Ibid., p. 111.
13. Ibid.
14. This is not to say that he would not have preferred the Soviet order to have been more amenable to his commands: see above, pp. 537–40.
15. Vosemnadtsatyi s”ezd Vsesoyuznoi Kommunisticheskoi Partii (b), p. 36.
16. Ibid.
17. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, pp. 346, 348, 351 and 352–3.
18. Ibid., p. 353.
19. Ibid., p. 19.
20. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 3, d. 165: V. V. Piotrovskii, Po sledam drevnikh kul’tur, p. 77.
21. Ibid., p. 8.
22. See Roy Medvedev’s memoir in Zh. and R. Medvedev, Neizvestnyi Stalin, pp. 259–60.
23. I. V. Stalin, Marksizm i voprosy yazykoznaniya, in Sochineniya, vol. 16, p. 119.
24. Ibid., pp. 123 and 133.
25. Ibid., p. 145.
26. S. Beria, Beria, My Father, p. 237.
27. I. V. Stalin, Marksizm i voprosy yazykoznaniya in Sochineniya, vol. 16, p. 159.
28. Ibid., p. 143.
29. Ibid., p. 169.
30. Molotov. Poluderzhavnyi vlastelin, p. 301.
31. K. Simonov, Glazami cheloveka moego pokoleniya.
32. Ekonomicheskie problemy sotsializma v SSSR in I. V. Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 16, pp. 188–304.
33. Ibid., p. 197.
34. Ibid., p. 226.
35. Ibid.
36. Ibid., p. 224.
37. Ibid., p. 256.
38. Ibid., p. 231.
39. Ibid., pp. 235–6.
40. See above, p. 94.
41. See above, pp. 153–5.
42. See above, p. 226.
43. See above, pp. 432–4.
44. See also above, p. 390.
45. See B. Pinkus, The Soviet Government and the Jews, 1948–1967, pp. 151–64. I am grateful to John Klier for help in elaborating this paragraph.
46. See L. Rucker, Staline, Israël et les Juifs, p. 238.
47. Tak govoril Kaganovich, p. 211. S. Beria, Beria, My Father, p. 211: apparently Lavrenti Beria too thought Stalin was not an anti-semite.
48. Tak govoril Kaganovich, p. 175.
1. See above, pp. 231–2 and 437–8.
2. P. Moshentseva, Tainy kremlëvskoi bol’nitsy, pp. 6–7.
3. Y. Rapoport, The Doctors’ Plot, p. 218.
4. Politbyuro TsK VKP(b) i Sovet Ministrov SSSR, 1945–1953, p. 398: his stay in the south lasted from 10 August to 22 December 1951.
5. See the unpublished memoirs of K. Charkviani, p. 35.
6. These observations come from a visit on 11 September 2002.
7. A barracks for the guards was adjacent to Stalin’s quarters.
8. Visit by author: 11 September 2002.
9. S. Beria, Beria, My Father, p. 140; S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu, p. 191.
10. S. Beria, Beria, My Father, p. 140.
11. Ibid.
12. Tak govoril Kaganovich, p. 52.
13. A. Mikoyan, Tak bylo, p. 527.
14. See S. Wheatcroft, ‘From Team-Stalin to Degenerate Tyranny’, p. 92.
15. L. M. Kaganovich, Pamyatnye zapiski, p. 498.
16. See O. Khlevnyuk, ‘Stalin i organy gosudarstvennoi bezopasnosti v posle-voennyi period’, p. 544.
17. A. Mgeladze, Stalin, kakim ya ego znal, pp. 71–2.
18. Ibid., pp. 72–3.
19. Ibid., pp. 83–4.
20. Ibid. See also S. Beria, Beria, My Father, p. 134.
21. Ibid., p. 92; S. Beria, Beria, My Father, p. 134.
22. A. Mikoyan, Tak bylo, p. 529; K. Charkviani’s memoirs, op. cit., p. 21.
23. S. Beria, Beria, My Father, p. 134.
24. Ibid., p. 141.
25. Ibid., p. 142.
26. Ibid., p. 240.
27. Politbyuro TsK VKP(b) i Sovet Ministrov SSSR, 1945–1953, pp. 349–51.
28. A. Mgeladze, Stalin, kakim ya ego znal, p. 91.
29. S. Beria, Beria, My Father, p. 237.
30. J. Bardach and K. Gleeson, Surviving Freedom, pp. 87 and 235.
31. J. Rubenstein and V. P. Naumov (eds), Stalin’s Secret Pogrom.
32. See G. V. Kostyrchenko, Tainaya politika Stalina. Vlast’ i antisemitizm, pp. 671–84.
33. M. G. Pervukhin, ‘Korotko o perezhitom’, p. 143.
34. L. M. Kaganovich, Pamyatnye zapiski, p. 498.
35. A. Mikoyan, Tak bylo, p. 570.
36. K. Simonov, Glazami cheloveka moego pokoleniya, p. 209.
37. Ibid., p. 210: I have put the text together from Simonov’s remarks. No stenographic record was made of the proceedings: see A. Mikoyan, Tak bylo, p. 575.
38. K. Simonov, Glazami cheloveka moego pokoleniya, p. 210.
39. Ibid., p. 209.
40. A. Mikoyan, Tak bylo, pp. 574–5.
41. M. G. Pervukhin, ‘Korotko o perezhitom’, p. 144.
42. Politbyuro TsK VKP(b) i Sovet Ministrov SSSR, 1945–1953, p. 89
43. Ibid., pp. 89–90.
44. Ibid., pp. 432–5.
45. Ibid., p. 434.
46. A. Mikoyan, Tak bylo, p. 579.
47. T. H. Rigby, ‘Was Stalin a Disloyal Patron?’
1. I follow Svetlana Allilueva’s memoir here. W. Taubman suggests it was the (later) New Year’s Eve party, but I think this is based on a rather vague reference in Khrushchëv’s memoirs.
2. S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu, p. 21.
3. J. Davrichewy, Ah! Ce qu’on rigolait bien, p. 71. See above, p. 26.
4. N. Khrushchev, Khrushchev Remembers, p. 256.
5. Politbyuro TsK VKP(b) i Sovet Ministrov SSSR, pp. 395–6.
6. Pravda, 13 January 1953.
7. N. S. Khrushchëv, ‘Memuary Nikity Sergeevicha Khrushchëva’, Voprosy istorii, no. 2/3, pp. 90–1.
8. Ibid.
9. See Lozgachëv’s testimony to E. Radzinsky, Stalin, pp. 552–3.
10. P. I. Yegorov, ‘Poslednyaya noch’ Stalina’, Argumenty i fakty, no. 10 (March 2003), p. 10. Yegorov was on guard duty, at position number 6, at Stalin’s dacha on 1 March.
11. Ibid.
12. This is the plausible suggestion in E. Radzinsky, Stalin, pp. 553–4.
13. See Lozgachëv’s testimony to E. Radzinsky, ibid.
14. J. Brent and V. P. Naumov, Stalin’s Doctors’ Plot, pp. 316–17.
15. S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu, p. 5.
16. J. Brent and V. P. Naumov, Stalin’s Doctors’ Plot, p. 318.
17. Ibid.
18. Y. Rappoport, The Doctors’ Plot, pp. 151–2.
19. A. Mgeladze, Stalin, kakim ya ego znal, pp. 234–5.
20. J. Brent and V. P. Naumov, Stalin’s Doctors’ Plot, p. 319.
21. S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu, p. 7.
22. ‘Poslednyaya “otstavka” Stalina’, p. 110. A. Mgeladze, however, suggested — wrongly — that Stalin was already dead: Stalin, kakim ya ego znal, pp. 235.
23. ‘Poslednyaya “otstavka” Stalina’, p. 110.
24. S. Beria, Beria, My Father, p. 238.
25. J. Brent and V. P. Naumov, Stalin’s Doctors’ Plot, p. 314.
26. I. Zbarsky and S. Hutchinson, Lenin’s Embalmers, p. 164.
27. Ibid., p. 165.
28. P. I. Yegorov, ‘Poslednyaya noch’ Stalina’, Argumenty i fakty, no. 10 (March 2003), p. 11.
29. V. Semichastnyi, Bespokoinoe serdtse, p. 77.
30. This account comes from the report of Sir A. Gascoigne, 16 March 1953: Churchill and Stalin: Documents from the British Archives, Appendix, pp. 1–2.
31. S. Beria, Beria, My Father, p. 250.
1. See above, p. 587.
2. See Zh. and R. Medvedev, Neizvestnyi Stalin, chapter 3.
3. Robert McNeal undertook this task unofficially and published volumes 14–16 through the Hoover Institution in 1967.
4. Quoted by Zh. and R. Medvedev, Neizvestnyi Stalin, pp. 82–3.
5. K. Simonov, Glazami cheloveka moego pokoleniya, pp. 241–2.
6. See R. Conquest, Power and Policy in the USSR, pp. 211–27.
7. R. Service, ‘The Road to the Twentieth Party Congress’.
8. V. Semichastnyi, Bespokoinoe serdtse, p. 82.
9. See N. Barsukov, ‘Kak sozdavalsya “zakrytyi doklad” Khrushchëva’, p. 11.
10. Istoriya Kommunisticheskoi Partii Sovetskogo Soyuza.
11. The Politburo minute is quoted by V. Bukovskii, Moskovskii protsess, p. 88.
12. Rossiiskaya gazeta, 6 November 1999.
13. See R. Service, Russia: Experiment with a People, pp. 211–13.
14. Ibid., p. 110.
15. V. Topolyansky, ‘The Cheynes–Stokes Draught’, p. 29.
16. See the argument in R. Service, ‘Architectural Problems of Reform in the Soviet Union: From Design to Collapse’, pp. 9–17.
17. Ibid., pp. 11–16.