Source: B. P. Kurashvili, Istoricheskaia Logika Stalinizma (Moscow 1996, pp. 159–60).
Numbers of people sentenced for counter-revolutionary and particularly dangerous crimes, and type of penalty imposed. 1921–53.
Years | Total sentenced (persons) | Death sent. | Camps, colonies, prisons | Exiled to*, exiled from | Other measures |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1921 | 35829 | 9701 | 21724 | 1817 | 2587 |
1922 | 6003 | 1962 | 2656 | 166 | 1219 |
1923 | 4794 | 414 | 2336 | 2044 | – |
1924 | 12425 | 2550 | 4151 | 5724 | – |
1925 | 15995 | 2433 | 6851 | 6274 | 437 |
1926 | 17804 | 990 | 7547 | 8571 | 696 |
1927 | 26036 | 2363 | 12267 | 11235 | 171 |
1928 | 33757 | 869 | 16211 | 15640 | 1037 |
1929 | 56220 | 2109 | 25853 | 24517 | 3741 |
1930 | 208069 | 20201 | 114443 | 58816 | 14609 |
1931 | 180696 | 10651 | 105683 | 63269 | 1093 |
1932 | 141919 | 22728 | 73946 | 36017 | 29228 |
1933 | 239664 | 2154 | 138903 | 54262 | 44345 |
1934 | 78999 | 2056 | 59451 | 5994 | 11498 |
1935 | 267076 | 1229 | 185846 | 33601 | 46400 |
1936 | 274670 | 1118 | 219418 | 23719 | 30415 |
1937 | 790665 | 353074 | 429311 | 1366 | 6914 |
1938 | 554258 | 328618 | 205509 | 16342 | 3289 |
1939 | 63889 | 2552 | 54666 | 3783 | 2888 |
1940 | 71806 | 1649 | 65727 | 2142 | 2288 |
1941 | 75411 | 8011 | 65000 | 1200 | 1210 |
1942 | 124406 | 23278 | 88809 | 7070 | 5249 |
1943 | 78441 | 3579 | 68887 | 4787 | 1188 |
1944 | 75109 | 3029 | 70610 | 649 | 821 |
1945 | 123248 | 4252 | 116681 | 1647 | 668 |
1946 | 123294 | 2896 | 117943 | 1498 | 957 |
1947 | 78810 | 1105 | 76581 | 666 | 458 |
1948 | 73263 | – | 72552 | 419 | 298 |
1949 | 75125 | – | 64509 | 10316 | 300 |
1950 | 60641 | 475 | 54466 | 5225 | 475 |
1951 | 54775 | 1609 | 49142 | 3425 | 599 |
1952 | 28800 | 1612 | 25824 | 773 | 591 |
1953 (first half) | 8403 | 198 | 7894 | 38 | 273 |
TOTAL | 4060306 | 799455 | 2634397 | 423512 | 215942 |
* The punishment of exile could take one of two forms. Ssylka refers to being exiled to a specific area and remaining there under police supervision, whether for a set number of years or for life. This was neither a camp nor a prison, but a ‘settlement’, where it was possible to live with one’s family in separate accommodation and perform paid work depending on local possibilities. Vysylka consisted in being banned from living in some particular location (Moscow, say, or Leningrad). Those so condemned could live and work anywhere else. Files on such persons would undoubtedly follow them to their new place of residence.
We may add some data from a source used by Kurashvili – and V. N. Zemskov, a well-known researcher from Moscow, who made a name for himself by publishing reliable figures on the camps and purges long before others. Here I give only a few examples of the widespread practice of proposing enormously inflated figures for Stalin’s repression.
Zemskov engages with Roy Medvedev and Olga Shatunovskaya in his article ‘Gulag – istoriko-sotsiologicheskii aspekt’ (Sotsiologicheskie Issledovaniia, no. 6, 1991, pp. 12–13). Medvedev claimed that the Gulag expanded by several million people during the 1937–8 purges and that between 5 and 7 million persons fell victim to repression. In fact, the camp population rose from 1,196,369 inmates in January 1937 to 1,881,570 in January 1938, and dropped to 1,672,438 on 1 January 1939. There was indeed an explosion in numbers in 1937–8, but in the hundreds of thousands, not millions. The declaration by Vladimir Kriuchkov (KGB head under Gorbachev) that in 1937–8 ‘there were no more than one million arrests’ corresponds to the Gulag statistics. Zemskov stresses that, according to the official document reproduced in Appendix 1, approximately 700,000 people arrested for political reasons were executed between 1921 and 1953. Shatunovskaya (herself a victim of the repression and later active in the rehabilitation campaign under Khrushchev) asserted that, for the period 1935–41 alone, more than 19 million people were arrested, of whom 7 million were shot – a figure enthusiastically taken up in the West – while the remainder perished in the camps. According to Zemskov, Shatunovskaya has multiplied the figures tenfold – no small exaggeration! Reliable statistics exist for the period 1 January 1934–31 December 1947 indicating that, throughout the Gulag camp complex, 963,766 prisoners died. This figure comprises not just ‘enemies of the people’, but also common law criminals. This number, along with that for those who died during the deportation of the kulaks (raskulachivanie), can be added to the ‘terrible price’ that was paid.
In his Novyi Sotsializm (Moscow 1997, pp. 22–7), B. P. Kurashvili offers something of an apologia for the regime, reminding readers that it did have enemies and suggesting that the war saw approximately 1.5 people actively collaborate with the Nazis. No source is given for this estimate, which – and he is right about this – involved around 1 per cent of the active population. But the existence of such collaborators indicates that the purges launched against ‘enemies of the people’ struck blindly at innocent people and spared some real or potential traitors. Many of those who fought with the Germans were captured but not executed. After the war, they were not treated with excessive severity. According to Kurashvili (and certain documents in my possession), many of those who served with the Nazis (Vlassov’s army, Cossack units, units composed of non-Russian nationals), when arrested, were not accused of any concrete crimes but sent for five years to ‘labour battalions’. The same was true of many of the Ukrainian and Baltic state partisans who fought against the regime after the war. This involved some hard-fought battles, with many casualties. However, the majority of partisans who were captured were sent into exile and later amnestied and allowed, from 1960 onwards, to return home. It is possible that such comparative indulgence was designed to placate nationalist circles in the Ukraine and the Baltic countries.
Source: R. G. Pikhoia, Sovetskii Soiuz – Istoriia Vlasti, 1945–1991 (Moscow 1998, pp. 365–6).
Criminal prosecutions versus ‘prophylactic’ measures by the KGB, 1959–74.
A. Criminal prosecutions
– | 1959–62 | 1963–6 | 1967–70 | 1971–4 |
---|---|---|---|---|
total brought to court | 5413 | 3251 | 2456 | 2423 |
treason | 1010 | 457 | 423 | 350 |
spying | 28 | 8 | 0 | 9 |
antisov. agitprop | 1601 | 502 | 381 | 348 |
smuggling | 47 | 110 | 183 | 474 |
illegal currency operations | 587 | 474 | 382 | 401 |
illegal frontiers crossing | 926 | 613 | 704 | 553 |
divulging state secrets | 22 | 31 | - | 18 |
other crimes | 1003 | 1011 | 321 | 258 |
B. ‘Prophylactic’ measures
(These actions were not registered in earlier years)
– | 1959–62 | 1963–66 | 1967–70 | 1971–74 |
---|---|---|---|---|
‘profiled’ total | – | – | 58298 | 63108 |
suspicious contacts with foreigners nurturing treasonable intentions | – | – | 5039 | 6310 |
politically damaging manifestations | – | – | 35316 | 34700 |
‘profiled’ with community participation | – | – | 23611 | 27079 |
official warning issued | – | – | – | 981 |
brought to court from those previously ‘profiled’ | – | – | 100 | 50 |
The Interior Ministry as an industrial agency and the Gulag as a supplier of manpower (1946).
Source: RGAE, f. 4372, op. 84, d. 271.
In December 1946 the Gulag’s statistical department produced a report on the number of inmates and ‘special contingents’ that worked for various ministries, the MVD supplying the manpower. A list of forty-seven ministries and government agencies was provided, with the number of inmates employed: heavy industry, military and naval concerns, construction sites for petroleum enterprises, aircraft construction, construction of agricultural machinery, Ministry of Electrical Energy. In a document dated 13 September 1946 addressed to Beria, Kruglov, the Interior Minister, complained that forty-five of the government agencies using labour supplied by the Gulag had not paid for it. They had accumulated a debt of 50 million roubles, putting the Gulag in a difficult financial position. There was no longer enough money to buy food for the inmates (not only were they not paid; they were not even fed!).
Source: RGAE, f 7733, op. 36, d. 2097, LL. 253, 256.
On 1 November 1946, the same Kruglov sent a report to Voznesensky, head of Gosplan, to inform him that the MVD had exceeded the Plan’s targets for industrial (and other) construction sites, and asked for 222 million roubles, on the grounds that he had exceeded the plan as regards investment. A table drew up a list of some seventeen MVD agencies and their investments. It discloses a flourishing network of administrative agencies, managing an ever-growing number of branches (the organizational structure is increasingly difficult to follow). Their administrative creativity is remarkable, and the greater their investment, the higher the salaries of the agencies and the enormous bonuses of the bosses. Especial attention is paid to work linked to defence requirements – the name of these departments and agencies is generally preceded by the prefix spec (abbreviation of the adjective ‘special’ in Russian).
Source: RGAE, f. 7733, op. 36, d. 2291, L. 315.
April 1947: the MVD now possessed twelve branch directorates, managing the production of metals, mining, forestry, sawmills, machine factories, textile enterprises, shoe factories, refineries, gas facilities, concerns processing cobalt and nickel, glass works, rubber factories – the list is long and gives the names of camps (Norilsk, Vorkuta, Uhta, Dal’stroi) celebrated for their output and their very harsh conditions. The very ‘businesslike’ tone ignores or conceals the misery underlying these ‘businesses’ and the moral degeneracy of the managers of this regime.