Ideas: A History from Fire to Freud

CHAPTER 21: THE ‘INDIAN’ MIND: IDEAS IN THE NEW WORLD

1. Diamond, Guns, Germs and Steel, London: Cape, 1997.

2. Ibid., page 140.

3. J. H. Elliott, The Old World and the New, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press/Canto, 1970/1992, page 7.

4. Ibid., page 8.

5. Ibid.

6. Bodmer, Op. cit., page 33.

7. Elliott, Op. cit., page 9.

8. Ibid., pages 9–10.

9. Bodmer, Op. cit., pages 65–66 and 88. For Gómara, see: Michael D. Coe, Breaking the Maya Code, London and New York: Thames & Hudson, 1992, page 78.

10. Elliott, Op. cit., page 10.

11. Ibid., page 11.

12. Ibid., page 12. But see: Jack P. Greene, The Intellectual Construction of America, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993, page 15, for the expectations of Americans.

13. Bodmer, Op. cit., page 12.

14. Elliott, Op. cit., page 15.

15. There was a rougher side to the first explorers too. See Leithäuser, Op. cit., pages 38ff, for the tricks Columbus used to keep his men pacific.

16. Ibid., page 24.

17. Bodmer, Op. cit., page 32.

18. Elliott, Op. cit., page 25.

19. Ibid. See also: Moynahan, Op. cit., page 510.

20. Elliott, Op. cit., page 29.

21. On a different aspect of comparative science, despite the many wild animals in the New World, it was the bloodhounds of the Spanish which most terrified the Indians. These animals were sometimes instructed to tear the Indians to pieces. Leithäuser, Op. cit., pages 160–161.

22. Bodmer, Op. cit., pages 212–213.

23. Elliott, Op. cit., page 34.

24. Ibid., page 36.

25. Ibid., page 37.

26. Leithäuser, Op. cit., pages 165–166 for Indian drawings of these activities.

27. Bodmer, Op. cit., pages 60–61.

28. Elliott, Op. cit., page 38.

29. Ibid., page 39.

30. Acosta had a theory that minerals ‘grew’ in the New World, like plants. Bodmer, Op. cit., pages 144–145.

31. Elliott, Op. cit., page 39.

32. Ibid., pages 39–40.

33. Evgenii G. Kushnarev (edited and translated by E. A. P. Crownhart-Vaughan), Bering’s Search for the Strait, Portland: Oregon Historical Society Press, 1990 (first published in Leningrad [now St Petersburg], 1968). For Cartier and Nicolet see Phillips, The Medieval Expansion of Europe, Op. cit., page 259.

34. Elliott, Op. cit., page 40.

35. Bodmer, Op. cit., pages 209ff, for a discussion of the meaning of ‘barbarity’ in this context. See also: ‘Savages noble and ignoble: concepts of the North American Indian’, chapter 7 (pages 187ff) of: P. J. Marshall and Glyndwr Williams, The Great Map of Mankind: Perceptions of the World in the Age of Enlightenment, London: Dent, 1982.

36. Leithäuser, Op. cit., for a vivid description of Tenochtitlán, in Mexico, and its sophisticated engineering and art works.

37. Elliott, Op. cit., pages 42–43.

38. Bodmer, Op. cit., page 67.

39. Elliott, Op. cit., page 43.

40. Anthony Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1982, page 39.

41. Ibid., page 49. See Moynahan, Op. cit., page 508, for the legalistic thinking behind this.

42. This view envisaged the Indian as one day becoming a free man but until that time arrived he must remain ‘in just tutelage under the king of Spain’. Pagden, Op. cit., page 104.

43. Wright, Op. cit., page 23. Also: Bodmer, Op. cit., pages 143–144. And Moynahan, Op. cit., page 510.

44. Pagden, Op. cit., page 45.

45. Ibid., page 46.

46. Moynahan, Op. cit., page 510. Bodmer, Op. cit., page 144.

47. Pagden, Op. cit., page 119.

48. Leithäuser, Op. cit., pages 197ff, for the development of detailed maps of America.

49. Elliott, Op. cit., page 49.

50. Pagden, Op. cit., page 164.

51. Ibid., page 174.

52. There was also a theory that the precious metals of the world were collected in a fabulous region near the equator, and that the American natives knew where this region was. Padre José de Acosta, Historia Natural y Moral de las Indias, Madrid, 1954, pages 88–89, quoted in Bodmer, Op. cit., page 155.

53. Elliott, Op. cit., pages 49–50.

54. Ibid., page 51.

55. Ibid., page 52.

56. Alvin M. Josephy Jr (editor), America in 1492, New York: Vintage, 1991/1993, page 6.

57. William McLeish, The Day Before America, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1994, page 168.

58. Moreover, the Sioux and many other tribes that became famous as Plains warriors were not yet living on the plains in 1492. Josephy (editor), Op. cit., page 8.

59. Ibid., page 34.

60. J. C. Furnas, The Americas: A Social History of the United States, 1587–1914, London: Longman, 1970, which includes details of the things Europeans tried to learn from the Indians.

61. Josephy (editor), Op. cit., page 76.

62. Ibid., pages 170–171.

63. McLeish, Op. cit., page 131.

64. Ibid., page 195.

65. Ibid., page 196.

66. Ibid., page 194.

67. Josephy (editor), Op. cit., page 251. See Coe, Op. cit., page 48, for a chart on the classification and time-depth of thirty-one Mayan languages.

68. Josephy (editor), Op. cit., page 253.

69. Ibid.

70. Ibid., page 254.

71. The central Alaskan Yupik Indians became famous for their many words for snow, distinguishing ‘snow on the ground’, ‘light snow’, ‘deep, soft snow’, ‘snow about to avalanche’, ‘drifting snow’ and ‘snow blocks’. Josephy (editor), Op. cit., page 255.

72. Ibid., page 262.

73. Ibid., page 263.

74. Furnas, Op. cit., page 366, says the Apaches were the least amenable to conversion by the Jesuits.

75. Josephy (editor), Op. cit., page 278.

76. Ibid., page 291. See Coe, Op. cit., page 136, for the relation between Hopi grammar and their view of the world.

77. Josephy (editor), Op. cit., page 294.

78. McLeish, Op. cit., page 233.

79. Josephy (editor), Op. cit., page 309.

80. The grave of a former shaman would be disinterred after a few years and the remains burned and turned into a special magic potion, consumed at a special ceremony, so that the men who came after him could acquire some of his wisdom. Josephy (editor), Op. cit., page 312.

81. Ibid., page 326.

82. Ibid., page 329.

83. Ibid.

84. Ibid., page 330.

85. Ronald Wright, Stolen Continents: The ‘New World’ Through Indian Eyes, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1992, examines five New World civilizations – Aztec, Inca, Maya, Cherokee and Iroquois – and their reactions to invasion. Wright describes, for example, the Incas’ vast storage systems, their complex irrigation networks, their synthesis of earlier civilisations. It is a fascinating attempt to get inside the mind of the Indians and then goes on to explore their reactions, in the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, to the takeover of their land. (See this chapter, pages 454–455.)

86. Josephy (editor), Op. cit., page 343. But see Coe, Op. cit., pages 59–60, for Aztec/Inca chronology.

87. Josephy (editor), Op. cit., page 343.

88. Ibid., page 367.

89. Ibid., page 372.

90. Ibid.

91. Coe, Op. cit., page 118, for a diagram of how Aztec writing could be built up.

92. Josephy (editor), Op. cit., page 375.

93. Ibid., page 375–376.

94. Ibid., page 377.

95. Ibid., page 381.

96. Furnas, Op. cit., page 166, notes some instructive parallels between Aztec religion and Christianity, including the equivalent of Eve, the serpent and the Flood.

97. Josephy (editor), Op. cit., page 389.

98. Ibid., page 392.

99. Ibid.

100. Coe, Op. cit., page 58, for Mayan attitudes to wildlife.

101. Josephy (editor), Op. cit., pages 402–403.

102. Ibid., pages 408–409.

103. Ibid., page 409.

104. Ibid., page 412.

105. Furnas, Op. cit., pages 179ff, for the ‘engineering marvels’ of the Incas, gold-covered stones and weaving skills.

106. Ibid., page 413.

107. Ibid., See Coe, Op. cit., pages 242–243, for a discussion of gods.

108. Josephy (editor), Op. cit., page 413–414.

109. Other aspects of divinity lay in the fact that a creator of likenesses was believed to have some control over the person represented, and in the fact that the objects created were more important – more divine – than their creator. Josephy (editor), Op. cit., page 416.

110. Ibid., page 417.

111. Ibid., page 419.

112. Terence Grieder, professor of art history at the University of Texas at Austin, has compared the early art of the Americas with that of Australia, Polynesia, Indonesia and south-east Asia and offers some fascinating observations. He finds in both realms that there are three basic types of civilisation and that the art of these three civilisations varies systematically in both form and symbolic content. He argues that this supports the idea that the Americas were peopled by three separate migrations. Grieder’s main point is that there is a cultural gradient which shows parallels between the Americas and the Australian–south-east Asian landmass. For example, in Australia and the Atlantic coast of South America, furthest from the Eurasian landmass, were found the ‘most primitive peoples’, areas populated by bands of hunter-gatherers without permanent shelter, without agriculture or specialised techniques. Melanesian people, on the other hand, and the inhabitants of the Great Plains of North America, and some areas of South America, lived in settled villages and practised agriculture. Finally, in Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines, and on the Asian mainland, and in Central America, there were large populations who lived in towns, with temples of stone, and specialist occupations. In both locations (Australia to south-east Asia on the one hand, the Americas on the other), similar levels of civilisation had similar symbolic art.

The first wave, as Grieder calls it, was characterised by primitive vulva and phallus signs, cup-marked stones, face and body-painting. The second wave was typified by the holy tree or pole, masks and bark cloth. The third wave showed geometrical symbols (cross, checkerboard, swastika, S-design) and often represented the cosmos (celestial symbolism), which was also reflected in the use of caves and mountains as holy sites, including artificial mountains, or pyramids. Tattooing was introduced in the third wave, and bark paper books. Of course, in many areas the different waves came into contact and affected one another (Iroquois symbolism, in particular, is a mixture of all three waves, a conclusion supported by blood-type analysis). But Grieder finds that the three-wave symbolism is still strong and that it is unlikely to have been invented twice. He therefore concludes that not only were there three waves of migrants into the Americas, but that these three waves were paralleled in the migrations from south-east Asia to Australia, Tasmania and New Zealand. Grieder, Origins of Pre-Columbian Art, Op. cit.

113. Wright, Op. cit., pages 53–54 and 165. See also Moynahan, Op. cit., page 513 for ‘Christian’ forms of killing.

114. Elliott, Op. cit., pages 81 and 86.

115. Ibid., page 87.

116. Bernard Lewis and P. M. Holt, Historians of the Middle East, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1962, page 184.

117. The whole process was underlined by an idea that had begun with the Church Fathers – that civilisation, and with it world power, moved steadily from east to west. On this account, civilisation had begun in Mesopotamia and Persia, and been replaced in turn by Egypt, Greece, Italy, France and now Spain. Here, it was said (by the Spanish of course), it would remain, ‘checked by the sea, and so well-guarded that it cannot escape’. Elliott, Op. cit., page 94 and Fernando Pérez de Oliva, Las Obras, Córdoba, 1586, 134f.

118. Elliott, Op. cit., page 95.

119. Ibid., page 96.

120. Earl J. Hamilton, American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, 1501–1650, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1934, page vii.

121. Walter Prescott Webb, The Great Frontier, London: Secker & Warburg, 1953. See pages 239ff for the role of the revolver and two new methods of farming. See also: Wilbur R. Jacobs, Turner, Bolton and Webb: Three Historians of the American Frontier, Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1965.

122. Though Michael Coe says that even today the population of, say, the Mayan Indians is unknown. Op. cit., page 47.

123. Elliott, Op. cit., page 65.

124. Royal Commentaries, translated by Livermore, part II, ‘The conquest of Peru’, pages 647–648. Quoted in Elliott, Op. cit., page 64.

125. Elisabeth Armstrong, Ronsard and the Age of Gold, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1968, pages 27–28.

CHAPTER 22: HISTORY HEADS NORTH: THE INTELLECTUAL IMPACT OF PROTESTANTISM

1. Manchester, A World Lit Only by Fire, Op. cit., page 132.

2. Ibid., page 130.

3. Ibid., page 131.

4. Manchester, Op. cit., pages 134–135.

5. Moynahan, The Faith, Op. cit., pages 346–347, for the rest of Tetzel’s ‘patter.’

6. Diarmaid MacCulloch, Reformation: Europe’s House Divided 1490–1700, London: Allen Lane/Penguin Books, 2003, page 14.

7. Ibid., page 17.

8. Ibid., page 51.

9. Ibid., page 73.

10. Ibid., 88.

11. Ibid., page 113.

12. Bronowski and Mazlish, The Western Intellectual Tradition, Op. cit., page 80. Moynahan, Op. cit., page 347.

13. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 81.

14. Boorstin, The Seekers, Op. cit., page 116, casts doubt on whether the theses were actually nailed to the doors.

15. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 84.

16. MacCulloch, Op. cit., page 123.

17. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 76.

18. Moynahan, Op. cit., pages 350–351, for Luther’s battles with the church.

19. Manchester, Op. cit., page 167.

20. MacCulloch, Op. cit., page 134.

21. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 85.

22. Ibid.

23. W. D. J. Cargill Thompson, Luther’s Political Thought, Hassocks, Sussex: Harvester, 1984, page 28.

24. Ibid., page 160.

25. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 88.

26. See the discussion on Innerlichkeit in Chapter 33 and in the Conclusion.

27. Moynahan, Op. cit., pages 352–353, for the ferocity – and popularity – of Luther’s writings. Boorstin, Op. cit., page 115, says these writings, and Luther’s translations of the Bible, established German as a literary language.

28. Boorstin, Op. cit., page 119.

29. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 92. Moynahan, Op. cit., pages 384–385.

30. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 93.

31. Moynahan, Op. cit., page 386.

32. Boorstin, Op. cit., page 120.

33. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 94. Moynahan, Op. cit., pages 386–387, for the operation of the Consistory.

34. Boorstin, Op. cit., page 121.

35. See Harro Höpfl (editor and translator), Luther and Calvin on Secular Authority, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1991.

36. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., pages 96–97.

37. It was the artisans who flocked to Geneva at this time who created the watchmaking business for which Switzerland is still known. Moynahan, Op. cit., page 396.

38. In Geneva no deviation was tolerated. But foreigners who came to Switzerland to learn from Calvin – John Knox, for example – had to return to their own countries, where they were very much in a minority and therefore often had to ask for religious toleration. In general then the Calvinists became ‘anti-absolutists’, supporting the rights of minorities. In a sense this made them proto-democrats. It was another half-step towards modern political thinking. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 99.

39. Ibid., pages 105–106.

40. Manchester, Op. cit., page 193.

41. Ibid., page 195.

42. For the background, see: M. Creighton, A History of the Papacy from the Great Schism to the Sack of Rome, London: Longman, Greene & Co., 1919, pages 309ff.

43. Ibid., pages 322–323.

44. Ibid., pages 340ff.

45. Moynahan, Op. cit., page 421.

46. Manchester, Op. cit., page 199.

47. Ibid.

48. Ibid., page 201. A papal reform commission was installed in 1536 but the differences with the Protestants were too large. Moynahan, Op. cit., pages 422–423.

49. Manchester, Op. cit., pages 201–202.

50. Jardine, Worldly Goods, Op. cit., page 172.

51. Moynahan, Op. cit., page 432.

52. Ibid., page 440.

53. Sir Thomas More went so far as to say that Henry had more learning ‘than any English monarch ever possessed before him’. Manchester, Op. cit., page 203.

54. Ibid., page 203.

55. McGrath, In the Beginning: The Story of the King James Bible, Op. cit., page 72, for the exact dates of the translation.

56. Manchester, Op. cit., page 204.

57. Ibid. McGrath, Op. cit., page 72, for the rediscovery of the Cologne sheets.

58. McGrath, Op. cit., pages 75–76, for the quality of the English.

59. Manchester, Op. cit., page 205.

60. Bamber Gascoigne, The Christians, London: Jonathan Cape, 1977, page 186.

61. Ibid., page 186. Volterra was always known afterwards as ‘the breeches maker’.

62. MacCulloch, Op. cit., page 226.

63. Michael A. Mullet, The Catholic Reformation, London: Routledge, 1999, page 38.

64. Ibid., pages 38–39.

65. Ibid., page 40.

66. Ibid., page 45.

67. Ibid., page 47.

68. Ibid., page 68. See Jacque le Goff, ‘The time of Purgatory’, in The Medieval Imagination, Op. cit., pages 67–77.

69. The effects of Trent: to begin with, the struggle against Protestantism was viewed by the church as a fight with heretics, with break-away sects, as had happened with the Cathars in the twelfth century. For example, the Duke of Alva, who led the reign of terror deemed necessary to keep the Low Countries safe for Catholic Spain, had his portrait painted showing him as a Crusader. No less a figure than Vasari was commissioned to paint two pictures in the Vatican, depicting two episodes of the 1570s, ‘as if they were equally important Catholic victories’. They were the battle of Lepanto, where the Turkish navy was defeated; and the St Bartholomew’s Day massacre, where ‘numberless’ Protestants in Paris were snatched from their beds and murdered in the streets. Such was the Catholic joy at this grisly ‘victory’ that a commemorative medal was struck, which actually showed the Huguenots being slaughtered. Gascoigne, Op. cit., page 187.

70. Ibid., page 185. Moynahan, Op. cit., page 419.

71. Gascoigne, Op. cit., page 419.

72. Ibid., page 186.

73. Ibid., page 189.

74. Moynahan, Op. cit., pages 558ff, for Xavier in Japan.

75. Gascoigne, Op. cit., pages 192–193; and Moynahan, Op. cit., pages 560–561 for the crucifixions.

76. MacCulloch, Op. cit., page 586.

77. Ibid., page 587.

78. Ibid., page 589.

79. Ibid., page 651.

80. Rudolf Wittkower, Art and Architecture in Italy: 1600–1750, London: Penguin, 1958/1972, page 1.

81. Ibid.

82. Germain Bazin, The Baroque, London and New York: Thames & Hudson, 1968, page 36, for the religiosity of famous artists.

83. Wittkower, Op. cit., page 12.

84. Much of the coloured marble for St Peter’s was taken from ancient buildings. Wittkower, Op. cit., page 10.

85. Peter and Linda Murray, Penguin Dictionary of Art and Artists, Op. cit., page 38.

86. Wittkower, Op. cit., page 17.

87. Bazin, Op. cit., pages 104–105.

88. Wittkower, Op. cit., page 18.

CHAPTER 23: THE GENIUS OF THE EXPERIMENT

1. Herbert Butterfield, The Origins of Modern Science, 1300–1800, New York: Free Press, 1949, revised edition 1957.

2. Margaret J. Ostler (editor), Rethinking the Scientific Revolution, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 2000, page 25.

3. J. D. Bernal, Science in History, Op. cit., page 132.

4. Ibid., page 133. See also: MacCulloch, Reformation, Op. cit., page 78. And: Richard H. Popkin, The Third Force in Seventeenth-Century Thought, Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1992, page 102.

5. Huff, The Rise of Early Modern Science in Islam, China and the West, Op. cit., page 73.

6. Ibid., pages 57ff.

7. Ibid., page 226. See also: Ernst Cassirer, The Philosophy of Symbolic Forms, volume 1, Language, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953, pages 230–243.

8. Bernal, Op. cit., page 134.

9. Thomas Kuhn, The Copernican Revolution: Planetary Astronomy and the Development of Western Thought, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1957/1976, page 156.

10. Ibid., page 157.

11. Ibid., page 159.

12. Though its introduction was suppressed by a fearful editor. Moynahan, Op. cit., page 435.

13. Kuhn, Op. cit., page 160.

14. Ibid., page 166.

15. Ibid., page 168.

16. Moynahan, Op. cit., for Galileo’s attitude to the Bible: ‘Not a scientific manual.’

17. Leonardo had drawn the first musket in the West. Kuhn, Op. cit., page 174.

18. Ibid., page 183.

19. Boyer, A History of Mathematics, Op. cit., pages 326–327.

20. Michael White, Isaac Newton: The Last Sorcerer, Op. cit., page 11.

21. Kuhn, Op. cit., page 189.

22. Boyer, Op. cit., page 393. For Wordsworth see: Boorstin, The Seekers, Op. cit., 296.

23. Boyer, Op. cit., page 391.

24. Kuhn, Op. cit., page 192.

25. Boyer, Op. cit., page 333.

26. Ibid., page 317; and Boorstin, Op. cit., page 161.

27. Boyer, Op. cit., pages 310–312.

28. Ibid., page 314.

29. White, Op. cit., page 205.

30. Boyer, Op. cit., page 398.

31. J. D. Bernal, The Extension of Man, Op. cit., page 207.

32. Ibid., page 208. See Moynahan, Op. cit., page 439, for the different attitudes to scripture as between Galileo and Newton. Unlike Galileo, Newton did not feel ‘confined’.

33. J. D. Bernal, Extension Op. cit. page 209.

34. Schmuel Shanbursky (edited, introduced and selected by), Physical Thought from the Presocratics to the Quantum Physicists, London: Hutchinson, 1974, pages 310–213.

35. Bernal, Extension, Op. cit., page 212.

36. Shanbursky (editor), Op. cit., pages 269 and 302. G. MacDonald Ross, Leibniz, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1984, page 31, for the division of the calculus into differentiation and integration.

37. Bernal, Extension, Op. cit., page 217.

38. For an excellent, edited version of Newton’s work on ‘opticks’, see Shanbursky (editor), Op. cit., pages 172 and 248; see also R. E. Peierls, The Laws of Nature, London: Allen & Unwin, 1955, pages 24 and 43.

39. There was another – very different, rather more prosaic – reason for interest in the prism. The quality of cut glass was improving all the time and as a result there was a boom in chandeliers. Among their other attractions, they glittered in different colours. Alan Macfarlane says that the scientific revolution would not have happened as it did, but for the development of glass. Fifteen of the great experiments could not have been performed without glass. Times Higher Educational Supplement, 21 June 2002, page 19.

40. Bernal, Extension, Op. cit., page 221.

41. Shanbursky (editor), Op. cit., page 312.

42. Wightman, The Growth of Scientific Ideas, page 135. The next step forward was the realisation that light also travelled in waves. Christiaan Huygens, who made this particular breakthrough, was helped in his observations by means of a ‘magic crystal’, known as Iceland spar. Put a crystal of Iceland spar on the page of an open book, slide it over the paper, and you will observe that the print appears double. Moreover, as you slide the crystal around, the two images move relative to one another. Huygens was the first to grasp that the explanation lay in assuming that light is a wave. Bernal, Extension, Op. cit., pages 225–227.

43. James Gleick, Isaac Newton, Op. cit., page 15.

44. Bernal, Extension, Op. cit., pages 235–236.

45. William A. Locy, The Growth of Biology, London: G. Bell, 1925, pages 153–154.

46. Carl Zimmer, The Soul Made Flesh: The Discovery of the Brain and How It Changed the World, London: Heinemann, 2004, page 19.

47. Locy, Op. cit., page 155.

48. In the High Middle Ages, the church remained hostile to the dissection of human bodies, but this resistance was not always what it seemed. For example, in his bull, De Sepultis, issued by Pope Boniface in 1300, dissection of cadavers for scientific purposes was prohibited, but the primary purpose of the bull was to put a stop to the dismembering of Crusader bodies, which made them easier to carry home, but added to the risk of disease. Locy, Op. cit., pages 156–157. For Vesalius’ drawings, see Charles Singer, A History of Biology, London and New York: Abelard-Schuman, 1959, page 103.

49. Ibid., pages 82ff.

50. Locy, Op. cit., page 160

51. Zimmer, Op. cit., page 20.

52. Locy, Op. cit., page 168.

53. Ibid., pages 169ff. See also William S. Beck, Modern Science and the Nature of Life, London: Macmillan, 1958, page 61, for the fall of Galenism.

54. Locy, Op. cit., page 174. See also Zimmer, Op. cit., page 21, for how all this changed ideas about the soul.

55. Locy, Op. cit., pages 175–176.

56. Arthur Roch (editor), The Origins and Growth of Biology, London: Penguin, 1964, pages 178 and 185; and Zimmer, Op. cit., page 66.

57. Locy, Op. cit., page 184. Roch (editor), Op. cit., page 175, has an extract on Harvey’s motives in publishing his book.

58. He also refers twice to a magnifying glass.

59. Locy, Op. cit., page 187.

60. Ibid., page 188; and Zimmer, Op. cit., page 69.

61. Though see Zimmer, Op. cit., page 69, for some mistakes of Harvey.

62. Locy, Op. cit., page 196.

63. Ibid., page 197.

64. Roch (editor), Op. cit., pages 100–101.

65. Locy, Op. cit., page 201.

66. Ernst Mayr, The Growth of Biological Thought, Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1982, page 138.

67. Locy, Op. cit., page 208.

68. Ibid., page 211.

69. Mayr, Op. cit., page 321.

70. Locy, Op. cit., page 213.

71. Roch (editor), Op. cit., pages 80ff.

72. Locy, Op. cit., page 216.

73. Ibid., page 217.

74. He later observed the same phenomenon in the webbing of a frog’s foot, and in the tails of young fishes and eels.

75. Mayr, Op. cit., page 138. Marcello Malpighi in Italy and Nehemiah Grew in England brought the microscope to bear not on animals but on plants. An interest in plants had been stimulated by the exotic species brought back from the New World (and Africa) by explorers. Ibid., pages 100–101. Both men published superbly illustrated books on the anatomy of plants and, by an extraordinary coincidence, on the very day that Grew’s book was delivered from the printer, Malpighi’s manuscript was deposited at the Royal Society in London. Ibid., page 387. In Malpighi’s book Anatome plantarum, the cells which make up the various structures are named utriculi. He observed different kinds of cells within plants – those that carry air, sap, and so on, and the same is broadly true of Grew in his book The Anatomy of Plants. Ibid., page 385. But, although he observed cells, referring to them as ‘bladders’, Grew did not explore them any further either (others later called cells ‘bubbles’). Neither man realised that the cell was the basic building block of life, from which all more complex organisms are constructed. The idea was not developed for more than two centuries.

76. Mayr, Op. cit., pages 100 and 658–659.

77. Tarnas, The Passion of the Western Mind, Op. cit., page 272.

78. Ibid., page 273; see also Boorstin, Op. cit., pages 155 and 158.

79. Tarnas, Op. cit., page 274.

80. Robert Merton, Science, Technology and Society in Seventeenth-Century England, Bruges, 1938, chapter 15.

81. Boyer, Op. cit., page 336.

82. Ibid., page 337; and Boorstin, Op. cit., pages 166–167.

83. Cartesian geometry is now synonymous with analytical geometry.

84. Tarnas, Op. cit., page 277. Boorstin, Op. cit., page 164. Popkin, Op. cit., pages 237–238.

85. Tarnas, Op. cit., pages 280–281.

86. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., pages 183–184.

87. Bernal, Science in History, Op. cit., page 462. Zimmer, Op. cit., pages 183ff, for the very first meeting; he says that originally there was a list of forty potential members.

88. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 182. Zimmer, Op. cit., page 95, says there was another early Oxford group: the Oxford Experimental Philosophy Group.

89. Zimmer, Op. cit., page 184.

90. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 185; see also Zimmer, Op. cit., pages 96 and 100.

91. Lisa Jardine, Ingenious Pursuits: Building the Scientific Revolution, New York: Doubleday, 1999; see also Zimmer, Op. cit., pages 185–186. Lisa Jardine, The Curious Life of Robert Hooke: The Man who Measured London, London: HarperCollins, 2003.

92. Mordechai Feingold, The Mathematicians’ Apprenticeship: Science, Universities and Society in England: 1560–1640, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1984, pages 6, 122 and 215.

93. Ibid., page 215.

94. Peter Burke, A Social History of Knowledge: From Gutenberg to Diderot, Cambridge, England: Polity Press, 2000, 45.

95. Ibid., page 103.

96. Ibid., page 135.

97. Ostler (editor), Op. cit., page 43.

98. Ibid., page 44.

99. Ibid., page 45.

100. Ibid., page 49. Carl Zimmer’s point, about the Oxford Experimental Philosophy Group (note 88 above), underlines this aspect.

101. In Ostler (editor), Op. cit., page 50.

CHAPTER 24: LIBERTY, PROPERTY AND COMMUNITY: THE ORIGINS OF CONSERVATISM AND LIBERALISM

1. Schulze, States, Nations and Nationalism, Op. cit., page 17.

2. John Bowle, Western Political Thought, London: Cape, 1947/1954, page 288.

3. Schulze, Op. cit., page 28.

4. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 28.

5. Allan H. Gilbert, The Prince and Other Works, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1941, page 29.

6. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 31.

7. In particular, for example, he thought that religion, by which he meant Christianity, hindered the development of a strong state, because it preached meekness. At the same time he thought that some form of religion was desirable, because it acted as a social ‘glue’ that kept people together. But this too was new, in that it was the first time anyone had (openly, at any rate) conceived religion as a coercive rather than as a spiritual force. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 34; Boorstin, Op. cit., page 178.

8. Schulze, Op. cit., page 30.

9. Ibid., page 31.

10. N. Machiavelli, The Prince, translated by Peter Whitshome (1560), reprinted 1905, chapter 18, page 323.

11. Boorstin, Op. cit., page 178.

12. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 36.

13. Ibid., page 32.

14. Bowle, Op. cit., pages 270–272.

15. Allied with its national character, Protestantism laid the spiritual/psychological basis for a political sovereignty based in the people. Calvin’s insistence on the preeminence of individual conscience, which even allowed for tyrannicide against Catholic rulers on confessional grounds, became the forerunner of the right of rebellion, which was to become such a characteristic of later times. Taken together, these elements would lead eventually to the democratic theory of the state. The purpose of the state, for the early Protestants, was to protect the congregations within it, not in itself to provide the spiritual development of the people. ‘The best things in life are not in the state’s province at all.’ Bowle, Op. cit., pages 280–281.

16. Ibid., pages 281–282.

17. Jonathan Wright, The Jesuits: Mission, Myths and Historians, London: HarperCollins, 2004, pages 148–149.

18. Bowle, Op. cit., page 285.

19. Ibid.

20. Reinhard Bendix, Kings or People: Power and the Mandate to Rule, Op. cit., pages 307ff; see also: John Dunn (editor), Democracy: The Unfinished Journey: 508 BC to AD 1993, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992, especially pages 71ff.

21. Schulze, Op. cit., page 49.

22. Moynahan, Op. cit., page 455, says the years 1562–1598 were the ones stained worst by massacres, murders and eight wars.

23. Schulze, Op. cit., page 50.

24. Bowle, Op. cit., page 290. Many (French) Huguenots emigrated to America after Louis XIV withdrew toleration in 1685. See: Moynahan, Op. cit., page 576.

25. And in any case, Bodin was not himself a fanatic. Indeed, his thought anticipated the business-like outlook of Cardinal Richelieu, who was to put Bodin’s ideas into practice on an ambitious scale.

26. Bowle, Op. cit., page 291.

27. Schulze, Op. cit., page 53.

28. Ibid., pages 56–57.

29. Poland and the Netherlands were exceptions. Schulze, Op. cit., page 57.

30. Bowle, Op. cit., page 293.

31. Ibid., page 317.

32. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 198.

33. Bowle, Op. cit., page 318. See also: Moynahan, Op. cit., page 492.

34. One of its distinguishing features is the most vivid title page of any book ever printed. The upper half shows a landscape which depicts a neatly planned town against a background of open country. Towering above this scene, however, there stands the crowned figure of a giant, a titan, shown from the waist up, his arms outstretched in a protective embrace, a great sword in one hand, a crozier in the other. Most poignant of all, the body of the figure is formed from a swarm of little people, their backs to the reader and their gaze fixed on the giant’s face. It is one of the most eerie, and most powerful images in all history.

35. Ernst Cassirer, The Philosophy of the Enlightenment, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1951, page 254.

36. Roger Smith, The Fontana History of the Human Sciences, London: Fontana Press, 1997, pages 105ff.

37. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 205.

38. Bowle, Op. cit., page 321.

39. Ibid., page 329.

40. Ibid., page 328.

41. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 206.

42. Ibid., page 207.

43. Bowle, Op. cit., page 331.

44. Ibid., page 361.

45. Boorstin, Op. cit., page 180.

46. Bowle, Op. cit., page 363.

47. Ibid., page 364.

48. Schulze, Op. cit., pages 70–71.

49. Bowle, Op. cit., page 365.

50. Boorstin, Op. cit., page 186, who says the works are ‘labored’ and that it is surprising they have been so inspiring.

51. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 210.

52. Bowle, Op. cit., page 378.

53. Ibid., pages 379–381.

54. The Tractatus was originally published anonymously and, briefly, banned. The Jewish community of Amsterdam expelled him.

55. Bowle, Op. cit., page 381. See: Richard H. Popkin, ‘Spinoza and Bible scholarship’, in: Don Garrett (editor), The Cambridge Companion to Spinoza, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1996, pages 383ff, which has many of Spinoza’s more pithy remarks on the scriptures.

56. R. H. Delahunty, Spinoza, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1984, pages 211–212.

57. Bowle, Op. cit., page 383.

58. Delahunty, Op. cit., page 7.

59. Bowle, Op. cit., page 386.

60. Ibid., page 387.

61. Jonathan I. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity 1650–1750, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001, page 591.

62. Giuseppe Mazzitta, The New Map of the World: The Poetic Philosophy of Giambattista Vico, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1999, pages 100–101.

63. Bowle, Op. cit., page 389.

64. Joseph Mali, The Rehabilitation of Myth: Vico’s ‘New Science’, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1992, page 48.

65. Ibid., pages 99ff, for the role of providence and curiosity.

66. Bowle, Op. cit., page 393.

67. Boorstin, Op. cit., page 233, for the way some of these ideas are echoed by Oswald Spengler.

68. Bowle, Op. cit., page 395.

69. T. C. W. Blanning, The Culture of Power and the Power of Culture: Old Regime Europe 1660–1789, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002, page 2.

70. Ibid., page 137.

71. Ibid., page 208.

72. Ibid., page 151.

73. Ibid., pages 156–159.

74. Israel, Op. cit., page 150.

75. Ibid., page 151.

76. Blanning, Op. cit., page 169.

CHAPTER 25: THE ‘ATHEIST SCARE’ AND THE ADVENT OF DOUBT

1. It was, as Thomas Kuhn puts it, in his monograph on the Copernican revolution, ‘the first European astronomical text that could rival the Almagest in depth and completeness’. Kuhn, The Copernican Revolution, Op. cit., page 185.

2. Ibid., page 186.

3. Armstrong, A History of God, Op. cit., page 330.

4. Popkin, The Third Force in Seventeenth-Century Thought, Op. cit., pages 102–103. See also: Moynahan, The Faith, Op. cit., page 354.

5. Moynahan, Op. cit., page 357.

6. Ibid., page 359.

7. Ibid., page 360.

8. Simon Fish, A Supplicacyion for the Beggars Rosa, quoted in Menno Simons, The Complete Writings, Scotsdale: University of Arizona Press, 1956, pages 140–141.

9. Armstrong, Op. cit., page 330.

10. Interestingly, Anaxagoras, an Ionian, and a pupil of Anaximenes of Miletus, held a number of views that anticipated Copernicus. He taught that the sun was not ‘animated’ in the way that the Athenians believed, and neither was it a god, but ‘a red-hot mass many times larger than the Peloponnese’. He also insisted that the moon was a solid body with geographical features – plains and mountains and valleys – just like the earth. Anaxagoras also believed that the world was round. J. M. Robertson, A History of Freethought, volume 1, London: Dawsons of Pall Mall, 1969, page 166.

11. In fact there appears to have been something of a fashion for freethinking in Periclean Athens, where the aristocrats foreshadowed the thought in Voltaire’s France, in believing that ‘the common people’ needed religion ‘to restrain them’, but that they themselves needed no such restriction.

12. Thrower, The Alternative Tradition, Op. cit., pages 173 and 225–226.

13. Robertson, Op. cit., page 181.

14. Thrower, Op. cit., pages 204ff and 223.

15. Ibid., pages 63–65.

16. Ibid., page 84.

17. Ibid., page 122.

18. Robertson, Op. cit., pages 395–396.

19. Seznec, The Survival of the Pagan Gods, Op. cit., page 25.

20. Ibid., page 32.

21. Ibid., page 70.

22. Ibid., page 161.

23. Robertson, Op. cit., pages 319–323.

24. Lucien Febvre, The Problems of Unbelief in the Sixteenth Century, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1982, page 457.

25. Jim Herrick, Against the Faith, London: Glover Blair, 1985, page 29.

26. Barnes, An Intellectual and Cultural History, Op. cit., page 712.

27. Though terrible for many people, it was at the same time liberating because, as Harry Elmer Barnes says, it freed man from ‘the medieval hell-neurosis’.

28. Barnes, Op. cit., page 714.

29. John Redwood, Reason, Ridicule and Religion, 1660–1750, London: Thames & Hudson, 1976, page 150.

30. Febvre, Op. cit., page 340.

31. Ibid., page 349.

32. Barnes, Op. cit., page 715. As Febvre showed, a vernacular language such as French lacked both the vocabulary and the syntax for scepticism. Such words as ‘absolute’, ‘relative’, ‘abstract’ and ‘concrete’, ‘occult’ or ‘sensitive’, or ‘intuition’, were not yet in use. These were all words coined in the eighteenth century. As Lucien Febvre puts it, ‘the sixteenth century was a century that wanted to believe’. Febvre, Op. cit., page 355.

33. Redwood, Op. cit., page 30.

34. Febvre, Op. cit., page 332.

35. Kuhn quotes from a long cosmological poem, published in 1578 and very popular, which depicted Copernicans as

Those clerks who think (think how absurd a jest)

That neither heav’ns nor stars do turn at all,

Nor dance about this great round earthly ball;

But th’earth itself, this massy globe of ours,

Turns round-about once every twice-twelve hours:

And we resemble land-bred novices

New brought aboard to venture on the seas;

Who, at first launching from the shore, suppose

The ship stands still, and that the ground it goes . . .

36. Kuhn, Op. cit., page 190. Despite its views, even this book by Bodin was placed on the Index.

37. Ibid., page 191. Luther’s principal lieutenant, Philip Melanchthon, went further, quoting biblical passages that Copernican theory disagreed with, notably Ecclesiastes 1:4–5, which states that ‘the earth abideth forever’ and that ‘The sun also ariseth, and the sun goeth down, and hasteth to his place where he arose.’

38. Ibid., page 191; see Israel, Radical Enlightenment, Op. cit., pages 27ff, for a different detailed discussion of heliocentrism and its reception. Peter Harrison, The Bible, Protestantism, and the Rise of Natural Science, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 2001.

39. Kuhn, Op. cit., page 193.

40. Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, London: Penguin, 1971, page 4.

41. Kuhn, Op. cit., page 197.

42. Ibid., page 244.

43. Tycho Brahe did work out an alternative explanation to Copernicus, which kept the earth at the centre of the universe, and the moon and sun in their old Ptolemaic orbits. But even this, the so-called ‘Tychonic’ system, necessitated the sun’s orbit intersecting with that of Venus and Mars. This meant that the traditional idea of the planets and stars orbiting around giant crystal balls could no longer be sustained.

44. Thomas, Op. cit., page 416.

45. Next, the spots on the sun, also revealed by the telescope, conflicted with both the idea of the perfection of the upper realm, while the way the spots appeared and disappeared betrayed yet more the mutability in the heavens. Worse still, the movement of the sun-spots suggested that the sun rotated on its axis in just the same way that Copernicus claimed the earth did. Kuhn, Op. cit., page 222.

46. People tried, of course. Some of Galileo’s opponents refused even to look through a telescope, arguing that if God had meant man to see the heavens in that way he would have endowed him with telescopic eyes.

47. And in the universities, Ptolemaic, Copernican and Tychonic systems of astronomy (see note 43 above) were taught side-by-side, the Ptolemaic and the Tychonic not being dropped until the eighteenth century.

48. Kuhn, Op. cit., page 198.

49. Popkin, Op. cit. Barnes, Op. cit., page 784. People did not, at first, see any conflict between religion and reason. Redwood, Op. cit., pages 214–215.

50. See: Israel, Op. cit., chapter 12, ‘Miracles denied’, pages 218–229, for a fuller discussion of this subject; and Thomas, Op. cit., pages 59–60.

51. Barnes, Op. cit., page 785.

52. Herrick, Op. cit., page 38.

53. The more you think about it, the harder it is to make this distinction.

54. Redwood, Op. cit., page 140. The very concept of revelation took a knock at the end of the seventeenth century as the world of witches, apparitions, magical cures and charms suffered a near-fatal setback in the wake of the discoveries of science, which appeared to suggest an atomistic, determinist universe.

55. Barnes, Op. cit., page 788.

56. Redwood, Op. cit., page 179.

57. Israel, Op. cit., page 519. Israel has a whole section on Collins, pages 614–619.

58. Barnes, Op. cit., page 791.

59. Herrick, Op. cit., page 58.

60. A. C. Giffert, Protestant Thought Before Kant, New York: Scribners, 1915, pages 208ff.

61. Roger Smith, Op. cit., page 282.

62. Israel, Op. cit., page 266.

63. Not that the deists were wholly negative in their views. A variant form of deism accepted the true Christianity of Jesus, but rejected the Christianity as it had grown up in the church.

64. Barnes, Op. cit., page 794.

65. Preserved Smith, History of Modern Culture, Op. cit., volume 2, page 522.

66. See in particular the sections on scepticism in Stephen Buckle, Hume’s Enlightenment Tract, Oxford: Clarendon Press of Oxford University Press, 2001, for example, pages 111–118, 167–168, 270–280.

67. Ibid., pages 289–294.

68. Herrick, Op. cit., page 105.

69. Barnes, Op. cit., page 805.

70. Herrick, Op. cit., page 33. There are those who doubt that Bayle was a true sceptic, but see him instead as a ‘fideist’, a believer who thought it his Christian duty to air his doubts, as a way to encourage others to be stronger in their faith. Roy Porter, The Enlightenment, London: Palgrave, 2001, page 15. There were also many French sceptics grouped around Denis Diderot (1713–1784), and his Encyclopédie. Figures such as d’Alembert and Helvétius argued, as Hume did, that what people learn as infants tends to stay with them all their lives, for good or ill.

71. Herrick, Op. cit., page 29; Barnes, Op. cit., page 813; and Redwood, Op. cit., page 32.

72. Armstrong, A History of God, Op. cit., page 350.

73. Redwood, Op. cit., page 35.

74. Israel, Op. cit., pages 41 and 60.

75. Redwood, Op. cit., page 35.

76. Ibid., page 181.

77. Ibid., page 187.

78. Richard H. Popkin, The History of Scepticism from Erasmus to Spinoza, Berkeley and London: University of California Press, 1979, pages 215–216. See also the same author’s The History of Scepticism from Savonarola to Bayle (revised and expanded edition), Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. Redwood, Op. cit., page 34.

79. Barnes, Op. cit., page 816.

80. Redwood, Op. cit., page 120.

81. Israel, Op. cit., page 605.

82. In some geology departments in modern universities, 23 October is still ‘celebrated’, ironically, as the anniversary of the earth’s birthday.

83. Mayr, The Growth of Biological Thought, Op. cit., page 315.

84. Rosenberg and Bloom, The Book of J, Op. cit.

85. Israel, Op. cit., page 142.

86. Redwood, Op. cit., page 131.

87. Mayr, Op. cit., page 316.

88. Boyle actually said that he believed in ‘natural morality’. Herrick, Op. cit., page 39.

89. Barnes, Op. cit., page 821.

CHAPTER 26: FROM SOUL TO MIND: THE SEARCH FOR THE LAWS OF HUMAN NATURE

1. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., pages 247ff.

2. Boorstin, The Seekers, Op. cit., page 193 for Voltaire’s flight to London, and its effects. Geoffrey Hawthorn, Enlightenment and Despair: A History of Social Theory, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1976, page 11, for Voltaire’s education and how it bred intellectual independence; and pages 10–11 for the English influence on the French Enlightenment (Locke and Newton).

3. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 249.

4. Ibid.

5. Quoted Ibid., page 250.

6. Ibid., page 251.

7. Raymond Naves, Voltaire et l’Encyclopédie, Paris, 1938.

8. P. N. Furbank, Diderot, London: Secker & Warburg, 1992, page 73.

9. Ibid., page 84. See also: Boorstin, Op. cit., page 196.

10. Furbank, Op. cit., page 87.

11. After many problems. See Ibid., page 92.

12. Norman Hampson, The Enlightenment, page 53.

13. Ibid., pages 53–54.

14. Alfred Ewert, The French Language, London: Faber & Faber, 1964, pages 1–2.

15. Ibid., pages 8–9.

16. M. K. Pope, From Latin to Modern French, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1952, page 49.

17. Ibid., pages 51 and 558.

18. Joachim du Bellay, The Defence and Illustration of the French Language, translated by Gladys M. Turquet, London: Dent, 1939, pages 26ff and 80ff.

19. Ewert, Op. cit., page 19. French was spoken in England, at the court, in Parliament, and in the law courts, from the twelfth century to the end of the thirteenth, though it remained a court language until the fifteenth century and was not displaced by English in the records of lawsuits until the eighteenth.

20. Arnold Hauser, The Social History of Art, volume 3, New York: Vintage/Knopf, n.d., page 52.

21. Q. D. Leavis, Fiction and the Reading Public, London: Bellew, 1932/1965, page 83.

22. Ibid., pages 83–84 and William Chappell, Popular Music of the Olden Time, two volumes, London, 1855–1859.

23. Leavis, Op. cit., page 106; and see part 2, chapter 2, for the wide range of people who read Pilgrim’s Progress and Robinson Crusoe.

24. Hauser, Op. cit., page 53.

25. Ibid.

26. Leavis, Op. cit., pages 123 and 300.

27. Ibid., page 130. Other periodicals arrived as part of the same trend: the Gentleman’s Magazine was started in 1731, soon followed by the London Magazine, the Monthly Review in 1749, and the Critical Review in 1756.

28. Leavis, Op. cit., page 132.

29. Ibid., page 145.

30. Only Lucretius, with his early idea of evolution, can be said to have had an idea of progress.

31. Barnes, Op. cit., page 714.

32. Hampson, Op. cit., pages 80–82.

33. Roger Smith, The Fontana History of the Human Sciences, Op. cit., page 162.

34. Ibid., pages 158–159.

35. Ibid., page 162 and ref.

36. Alfred Cobban, In Search of Humanity: The Role of the Enlightenment in Modern History, London: Cape, 1960, page 69.

37. Boorstin, Op. cit., page 184.

38. Roger Smith, Op. cit., page 175.

39. Ibid., page 192.

40. Ibid., page 196.

41. Ibid., page 197; see Cobban, Op. cit., page 38, for Leibniz’ reluctance to accept some of Newton’s ideas.

42. Israel, Radical Enlightenment, Op. cit., especially pages 552ff.

43. Ibid., pages 436–437.

44. Cobban, Op. cit., page 210.

45. Ibid., page 208.

46. Ibid., page 211. Physiognomy became a craze in the late eighteenth century but a more enduring legacy of Kant’s approach was the founding of two journals in 1783. These were the Zeitschrift für empirische Psychologie (Journal for Empirical Psychology) and the Magazin für Erfahrungseelenkunde (Magazine for Empirical Knowledge of the Soul). With close links to medicine and physiology, this was another stage towards the founding of modern psychology.

47. Roger Smith, Op. cit., page 216.

48. Cobban, Op. cit., page 133.

49. L. G. Crocker, Nature and Culture: Ethical Thought in the French Enlightenment, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1963, pages 479ff.

50. Roger Smith, Op. cit., page 221.

51. J. O. de La Mettrie, Man a Machine, La Salle: Open Court, 1961, page 117. (Translated by G. C. Bussey.)

52. Dror Wahrman, The Making of the Modern Self: Identity and Culture in Eighteenth Century England, New Haven: Yale, 2004, pages 182–184.

53. Ibid., pages 275–286.

54. James Buchan, Capital of the Mind, London: John Murray, 2003, page 5.

55. Ibid., pages 1–2.

56. Ibid., pages 174–179. And also helped developed laws. Cobban, Op. cit., page 99.

57. R. A. Houston, Social Change in the Age of Enlightenment: Edinburgh 1660–1760, Oxford: Clarendon Press of Oxford University Press, 1994, page 80.

58. Ibid., pages 8–9.

59. Buchan, Op. cit., page 243.

60. He was little read in the nineteenth century: as James Buchan puts it, ‘it was in the dark twentieth . . . that Hume was crowned the king of British philosophers’. He was dismissed from his first job for correcting his master’s English. Buchan, Op. cit., page 76.

61. Ibid., page 247 and ref.

62. Buckle, Hume’s Enlightenment Tract, Op. cit., pages 149–168.

63. Buchan, Op. cit., page 81.

64. Hawthorn, Op. cit., pages 32–33.

65. Buchan, Op. cit., page 247 and ref.

66. See Hawthorn, Op. cit., page 32, for the echoes of Hume in William James.

67. Buchan, Op. cit., page 81.

68. Buckle, Op. cit., pages 14–15.

69. Buchan, Op. cit., page 221.

70. Though Cobban, Op. cit., page 172, details other French and Swiss authors who anticipated Ferguson.

71. Buchan, Op. cit., page 222.

72. Frania Oz-Salzberger, Translating the Enlightenment: Scottish Civic Discourse in Eighteenth-Century Germany, Oxford: The Clarendon Press of Oxford University Press, 1995, especially chapter 4, ‘Ferguson’s Scottish contexts: life, ideas and interlocutors’.

73. Buchan, Op. cit., page 224.

74. Ibid., page 305.

75. Many eyes focused on the Dutch United Provinces, for here was a small country – which even had to create its own land – yet had established a leading place among nations due to its excellence in the arts and in commerce.

76. ‘Vital statistics’ is a Victorian term. Buchan, Op. cit., page 309.

77. Ibid., page 316.

78. Ian Simpson Ross, The Life of Adam Smith, Oxford: The Clarendon Press of Oxford University Press, 1995, page 17.

79. Ibid., page 133.

80. Ibid., chapter 11, pages 157ff, ‘The making of the theory of moral sentiments’.

81. Ibid., page 121.

82. Paul Langford, A Polite and Commercial People, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989, page 447.

83. Ibid., page 3.

84. Ibid., page 391.

85. Roger Smith, Op. cit., page 317.

86. Langford, Op. cit., page 70.

87. Roger Smith, Op. cit., page 319.

88. Ibid.

89. Hawthorn, Op. cit., page 56.

90. Bernal, Science in History, Op. cit., volume 4, page 1052, says that for Adam Smith laissez faire was the natural order.

91. H. T. Buckle, A History of Civilisation in England, London: Longman’s Green, 1871, three volumes, volume 1, page 194.

92. Roger Smith, Op. cit., page 333.

93. This has remained an influential form of pessimism, very alive in the twentieth century in the ecology movement. It also helped account for Thomas Carlyle’s description of economics as ‘the dismal science’. See Kenneth Smith, The Malthusian Controversy, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1951.

94. Roger Smith, Op. cit., page 335; see also Hawthorn, Op. cit., page 80.

95. Roger Smith, Op. cit., page 251.

96. The main difference between then and now, in the understanding of what we may call, for shorthand, sociology, was that in the eighteenth century they were less concerned with biology and psychology than we are, and more concerned with morality (virtue) and politics.

97. Cobban, Op. cit., page 147. Boorstin, Op. cit., page 198, considers him a masochist, always seeking a maman.

98. J.-J. Rousseau, The First and Second Discourses (edited by R. D. Masters), New York: St Martin’s Press, 1964, page 92f. Cobban, Op. cit., page 149, for Rousseau’s ‘intellectual epiphany’.

99. Roger Smith, Op. cit., page 278.

100. Boorstin, Op. cit., page 199. In arguing that feelings should guide man on how to live, Rousseau may be seen as one of the originators of the romantic movement. This also led him to his theory of education: he believed in childhood innocence, rather than the then-prevalent view that the child is inherently sinful and needs it knocked out of him.

101. Hawthorn, Op. cit., pages 14–15.

102. Roger Smith, Op. cit., page 293.

103. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 258.

104. Barnes, Op. cit., page 826.

105. See Boorstin, Op. cit., page 161, for Bacon’s failure to recognise the advances of Napier, Vesalius and Harvey.

106. Cobban, Op. cit., page 51.

107. F. J. Teggar, The Idea of Progress, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1925, pages 110ff.

108. Roger Smith, Op. cit., page 259.

109. Ibid. See Boorstin, Op. cit., pages 193ff, for the arguments over the use of the word and concept ‘civilisation’.

110. Teggar, Op. cit., page 142; Boorstin, Op. cit, page 219.

111. Barnes, Op. cit., page 824; and James Bonar, Philosophy and Political Economy, London: Macmillan, 1893, pages 204–205.

112. ‘Tom Paine was considered for a time as Tom Fool to him’, said H. S. Salt. Deborah Manley, Henry Salt: Artist, Traveller, Diplomat, Egyptologist, London: Libri, 2001. See also: H. S. Salt, Godwin’s Inquiry Concerning Political Justice, printed for G. G. and J. Robinson, Paternoster Row, London, 1796, pages 1–2.

113. As one observer put it, ‘this is the apotheosis of individualism and in a sense of Protestantism’. Barnes, Op. cit., page 836.

114. Barnes, Op. cit., page 839; and Boorstin, Op. cit., page 208.

115. Barnes, Op. cit., page 840 and Louis, duc de Saint-Simon, Mémoires de Saint-Simon, edited by A. de Boislisle (41 volumes), Paris, 1923–1928; Boorstin, Op. cit., pages 207–212; Hawthorn, Op. cit., pages 72–79, who describes Saint-Simon as ‘an opportunist’.

CHAPTER 27: THE IDEA OF THE FACTORY AND ITS CONSEQUENCES

1. Charles Dickens, Hard Times, London: Penguin, 2003, with an introduction by Kate Flint, pages 27–28. Hard Times was originally published in 1854.

2. Ibid., page xi.

3. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 307. Depending on which scholar you listen to, there were many other ‘revolutions’ in the eighteenth century – for example, the demographic, the chemical and the agricultural among them.

4. David Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations, New York: Norton/Abacus, 1998/1999, page 42.

5. Bernal, Science and History, Op. cit., page 520.

6. Ibid.

7. Peter Hall, Cities in Civilisation, Op. cit., page 310.

8. Ibid., page 312.

9. Phyllis Deane, The First Industrial Revolution, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1979, page 90.

10. Hall, Op. cit., page 313.

11. David S. Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present Day, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1969, pages 302–303.

12. Peter Lane, The Industrial Revolution, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1978, page 231. See Samuel Smiles, The Lives of Boulton and Watt, London: John Murray, 1865, pages 182–198, for Watt’s transfer to Birmingham.

13. Hall, Op. cit., page 315.

14. Lane, Op. cit., pages 68–69.

15. Hall, Op. cit., page 316.

16. Ibid., page 319.

17. Ibid., page 308.

18. Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations, Op. cit., page 41.

19. Ibid.

20. Ibid.

21. Hall, Op. cit., pages 311–312.

22. Deane, Op. cit., page 22.

23. Ibid.

24. Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations, Op. cit., pages 64–65.

25. Ibid., page 5.

26. Ibid., page 7.

27. Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1962, page 63.

28. Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations, Op. cit., page 7.

29. Hall, Op. cit., page 308.

30. Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations, Op. cit., page 262.

31. Ibid., page 282.

32. Bernal, Science and History, Op. cit., page 600.

33. Ibid., pages 286–287.

34. Kleist is ignored in many histories. See Michael Brian Schiffer, Draw the Lightning Down: Benjamin Franklin and Electrical Technology in the Age of Enlightenment, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003, page 46.

35. In turn, in the hands of André-Marie Ampère (1775–1836), Karl Friedrich Gauss (1777–1855) and Georg Ohm (1787–1854), far more was learned about magnetic fields produced by currents and the way these flowed through conductors. Current electricity was now a quantitative science. Landes, Unbound Prometheus, Op. cit., page 285.

36. Bernal, Science and History, Op. cit., page 620.

37. Ibid., page 621.

38. Jean-Pierre Poirier, Lavoisier: Chemist, Biologist, Economist, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996, pages 72ff, ‘The Oxygen Dispute’. Nick Lane, Oxygen: The Molecule that Made the World, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003.

39. Poirier, Op. cit., pages 72ff.

40. Ibid., pages 102ff, for the new chemistry; pages 105ff for the formation of acids; page 107 for combustion; pages 61ff for the calcinations of metals; and page 150 for the analysis of water.

41. John Dalton, A New System of Chemical Philosophy, London: R. Bickerstaff, 1808–1827 (reprinted 1953), volume II, section 13, pages 1ff and volume I, pages 231ff. And see the diagrams facing page 218.

42. Barnes, Op. cit., page 681.

43. Bernal, Science and History, Op. cit., page 625.

44. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 323.

45. Ibid., page 324.

46. Robin Reilly, Josiah Wedgwood, 1730–1795, London: Macmillan, 1992, page 183.

47. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 325.

48. Reilly, Op. cit., page 314.

49. Ibid., page 327. Samuel Galton, grandfather of Francis, the founder of eugenics, was yet another who moved on from the Warrington Academy to the Lunar Society: he formed one of the earliest collections of scientific instruments. Thomas Day was most famous for his children’s stories; he wrote ‘pompously and vapidly’, according to one account, but he lent money to the other members to support their activities. Robert E. Schofield, The Lunar Society of Birmingham: A Social History on Provincial Science and Industry in Eighteenth Century England, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963, page 53. James Keir, a former professional soldier, tried his hand at extracting alkalis from kelp (his method worked but the yield was too small) and then, having fought in France, and being fluent in French, translated Macquer’s Dictionary of Chemistry, a distinguished (and highly practical) work, which helped establish the reputation of the Lunar Society.

50. John Graham Gillam, The Crucible: The Story of Joseph Priestley LLD, FRS, London: Robert Hale, 1959, page 138.

51. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 329.

52. Ibid., page 330.

53. Ibid., page 329.

54. See: Jenny Uglow, The Lunar Men: The Friends Who Made the Future, London: Faber & Faber, 2002, especially pages 210–221, 237, 370 and 501.

55. Schofield, Op. cit., page 440.

56. When the state of Massachusetts made its famous protest in the 1760s, that the British government had no right to tax the colony because there was no representative of Massachusetts in Parliament, part of the British government’s reply was that Manchester had no representation either. Henry Steel Commager, The Empire of Reason: How Europe Imagined and America Realised the Enlightenment, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1978/2000; but see also Gillam, Op. cit., page 182, for the atmosphere in Birmingham.

57. Landes, Unbound Prometheus, Op. cit., page 23.

58. Ibid., pages 25–26.

59. Ibid., pages 22–23, for a good discussion of the controversy.

60. E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class, London: Gollancz, 1963, page 807f.

61. Ibid., chapter 16, pages 781ff.

62. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 339.

63. Athol Fitzgibbons, Adam Smith’s System of Liberty, Wealth and Virtue: The Moral and Political Foundation of the Wealth of Nations, Oxford: The Clarendon Press of Oxford University Press, 1995, pages 5ff.

64. Landes, Unbound Prometheus, Op. cit., page 246.

65. David Weatherall, David Ricardo, The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1976, page 27, for his break with religion.

66. Ibid., page 147.

67. J. K. Galbraith, A History of Economics, London: Hamish Hamilton/Penguin Books, 1987/1991, page 84.

68. Ibid., page 118.

69. R. W. Harris, Romanticism and the Social Order, London: Blandford, 1969, page 78.

70. Frank Podmore, Robert Owen, New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1968, page 188.

71. A. L. Morton, The Life and Ideas of Robert Owen, London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1963, page 92.

72. Ibid., pages 88ff.

73. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., pages 450ff.

74. Harris, Op. cit., page 80. Podmore, Op. cit., page 88, and page 80 for a photograph of the New Lanark mills.

75. He also provided an institute where evening lectures were given for those who wanted to carry on learning after they left school. Morton. Op. cit., page 106.

76. Bronowski and Mazlish, Op. cit., page 456.

77. Another of his ideas was the so-called ‘Owenite communities’ (in London, Birmingham, Norwich and Sheffield) where he brought craftsmen together to manufacture their own wares without the involvement of capitalist employers. Owen always remained convinced that capitalism was ‘an inherently evil system’ and he wanted others to share his vision. This is the main reason why he was such a passionate advocate of trades unionism. It was Owen who had the idea of labour exchanges, a system whereby craftsmen were able to exchange their own products for ‘labour notes’ that, in turn, could be exchanged for goods (another device to sideline the capitalist system). Most of these other ideas failed too, at least in the form that Owen conceived them. But, as R. W. Harris has pointed out, Owen was a visionary rather than an organiser. Many of his ideas would eventually become important elements in labour politics in the latter half of the nineteenth century and throughout most of the twentieth. Harris, Op. cit., page 84.

78. Landes, Unbound Prometheus, Op. cit., pages 298–299, for the importance of lubrication in the industrial revolution.

79. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution, Op. cit., page 69.

80. Ibid., page 72.

81. Ibid., page 73.

82. See also Engels’ conversation on the subject with a Mancunian. Hobsbawm, Op. cit., page 182.

83. David McLellan, Karl Marx: His Life and Thought, London: Macmillan, 1973, page 130.

84. Galbraith, Op. cit., page 127.

85. Ibid., page 128. Hawthorn, Op. cit., page 53, for Marx’s relations with Hegel.

86. Jews in France were hopeful of a better future. Hobsbawm, Op. cit., page 197.

87. Terrell Carver (editor), The Cambridge Companion to Marx, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1991, page 56.

88. Roger Smith, Op. cit., page 435.

89. Ibid., page 436.

90. McLellan, Op. cit., page 299ff.

91. Ibid., page 334.

92. Galbraith, Op. cit., pages 128–129.

93. McLellan, Op. cit., pages 299–300 and 349–350.

94. Ibid., pages 433–442.

95. Roger Smith, Op. cit., pages 433–442.

96. Karl Marx, Capital, volume 2, Chicago: E. Untermann, 1907, page 763. Hawthorn, Op. cit., page 54.

97. McLellan, Op. cit., page 447. The International lasted until 1972.

98. Raymond Williams, Culture and Society, 1780–1950, London: Chatto & Windus, 1958, Penguin, 1963.

99. In fact, Adam Smith was one of the first to use the word in this new way, in The Wealth of Nations.

100. Williams, Op. cit., pages 13–14.

101. Ibid., page 14.

102. Ibid., page 15.

103. Ibid., pages 15–16.

104. Ibid., page 16.

105. Ibid., page 124. See also: Nicholas Murray, A Life of Matthew Arnold, London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1996, pages 243–245.

106. Williams, Op. cit., page 130; and Murray, Op. cit., page 245.

107. Williams, Op. cit., page 136 and Matthew Arnold, Culture and Anarchy, London: John Murray, 1869, page 28.

108. Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe and the Making of the Modern World Economy, Princeton, New Jersey, and London: Princeton University Press, 2000, passim.

109. Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation, Boston: Beacon Press, 1944/2001, pages 3ff.

110. Ibid., pages 5 and 7.

111. Ibid., page 15. See also: Niall Ferguson, The Cash Nexus, London: Allen Lane/Penguin, 2001/2002, pages 28–29; and 295–296. See here for a table on the growth of democracy. The irony, and paradox, that this period was also the high point of imperialism is not often explored.

CHAPTER 28: THE INVENTION OF AMERICA

1. Elliott, The Old World and the New, Op. cit., pages 54–55.

2. Ibid., page 56.

3. Ibid., page 57.

4. Samuel Eliot Morison, Henry Steel Commager and William E. Leuchtenberg, The Growth of the American Republic, Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1980, volume 2, pages 4–5.

5. Elliott, Op. cit., pages 58–59.

6. Ibid., page 65.

7. See Greene, The Intellectual Construction of America, Op. cit., pages 21–22, for the respect for antiquity in Europe at the time.

8. Elliott, Op. cit., page 81.

9. Ibid., page 82.

10. Greene, Op. cit., pages 39–42.

11. Ibid., page 84; and see Greene, Op. cit., pages 28–29, for ideas about Paradise and utopia in early America.

12. Elliott, Op. cit., page 86.

13. Ibid., page 87. The virility of this new economic arrangement was sufficient even to interest the Muslims. Faced with a Spain buoyed by its successes in the Americas, and with vast reserves of silver now at its command, the Ottomans began to display some curiosity about the New World. Around 1580 a History of the West Indies was written and presented to the Sultan Murad III. Relying mainly on Italian and Spanish sources, the author wrote: ‘Within twenty years, the Spanish people have conquered all the islands and captured forty thousand people, and killed thousands of them. Let us hope to God that some time these valuable lands will be conquered by the family of Islam, and will be inhabited by Muslims and become part of the Ottoman lands.’ Ibid., page 88. (Compare Chapter 29, note 47 below.)

14. Bodmer, Armature of Conquest, Op. cit., page 212.

15. Elliott, Op. cit., page 103.

16. Ibid., pages 95–96.

17. Henry Steel Commager, The Empire of Reason, Op. cit., page 83.

18. Ibid., pages 83–84.

19. Ibid., page 84.

20. Kushnarev (edited and translated by Crownhart-Vaughan), Bering’s Search for the Strait, Op. cit., c. page 169.

21. Bodmer, Op. cit., page 106.

22. Antonello Gerbi, The Dispute of the New World: The History of a Polemic, 1750–1900, revised and enlarged edition, translated by Jeremy Moyle, Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1973, page 61.

23. Greene, Op. cit., page 128.

24. Gerbi, Op. cit., page 7.

25. Greene, Op. cit., page 129.

26. Bodmer, Op. cit., page 111.

27. Gerbi, Op. cit., pages 52ff.

28. Commager, Op. cit., page 16; Gary Wills, Inventing America, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1978/2002, pages 99–100, for Franklin’s meeting with Voltaire.

29. Commager, Op. cit., page 17; Boorstin, The Seekers, Op. cit., page 204; Hugh Brogan, The Penguin History of the United States, London: Penguin, 1985/1990, page 97.

30. Brogan, Op. cit., page 93.

31. Commager, Op. cit., page 20.

32. Ibid., and Brogan, Op. cit., page 98.

33. Commager, Op. cit., page 21.

34. Wills, Op. cit., page 172.

35. Commager, Op. cit., page 23.

36. Ibid., page 24.

37. Greene, Op. cit., page 168; and John Ferling, A Leap in the Dark, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003, page 256.

38. Commager, Op. cit., page 30.

39. Ibid.

40. Wills, Op. cit., page 45.

41. Commager, Op. cit., page 33.

42. Ibid., page 39.

43. Greene, Op. cit., pages 131–138.

44. Brogan, Op. cit., page 178; Daniel Boorstin, The Americans: The National Experience, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1966, page 399.

45. Commager, Op. cit., page 41.

46. Ibid., page 94.

47. Merrill D. Peterson, Thomas Jefferson and the New Nation, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970, pages 159–160.

48. Wills, Op. cit., pages 136–137.

49. Commager, Op. cit., page 98.

50. Ibid., page 106.

51. Ibid., page 108.

52. Wills, Op. cit., page 129; and page 99, for the gadgets at Monticello.

53. Commager, Op. cit., page 114.

54. Peterson, Op. cit., page 160.

55. Commager, Op. cit., page 99.

56. Ibid., page 100.

57. Wills, Op. cit., page 287.

58. Commager, Op. cit., page 146.

59. Ibid.

60. Ibid., pages 149–150.

61. Ibid., page 151.

62. Ferling, Op. cit., page 315.

63. Commager, Op. cit., page 153.

64. Wills, Op. cit., page 6, for Pendleton, page 18, for Adams (whom John F. Kennedy features in his Profiles in Courage).

65. Morison et al., Op. cit., page 67; Brogan, Op. cit., pages 94–95.

66. Commager, Op. cit., page 173, quoting: Samuel Williams, Natural and Civil History of Vermont, 1794, pages 343–344.

67. Ibid., page 176.

68. For the sheer abundance in America, see Greene, Op. cit., page 99, and also for some aspects of marriage.

69. W. H. Auden, City Without Walls, London: Faber, 1969, page 58.

70. Commager, Op. cit., page 181.

71. Ibid., page 183.

72. Brogan, Op. cit., page 216.

73. Commager, Op. cit., page 187–188.

74. Ferling, Op. cit., page 26.

75. Commager, Op. cit., page 192.

76. Ibid., pages 192–193.

77. Ferling, Op. cit., page 150.

78. Commager, Op. cit., page 201.

79. Ibid., page 208.

80. For the effects of this thinking on Europe, see Greene, Op. cit., pages 131ff.

81. Ibid., page 177 for the background.

82. Ferling, Op. cit., page 298.

83. Commager, Op. cit., page 236.

84. Ibid., page 238.

85. Ferling, Op. cit., page 257.

86. Commager, Op. cit., pages 240–241.

87. Wills, Op. cit., page 249; Ferling, Op. cit., page 434.

88. Commager, Op. cit., page 245.

89. Tocqueville noted the difference between ‘dissolute’ French-speakers in New Orleans and the ‘pious’ French-Canadians.

90. André Jardin, Tocqueville, London: Peter Halban, 1988, page 149.

91. Ibid.

92. Ibid., page 117. See also: James T. Schleifer, The Making of Tocqueville’s ‘Democracy in America’, Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 1980, especially pages 62ff, 191ff, and 263ff.

93. Jardin, Op. cit., page 126.

94. Ibid., page 158; Brogan, Op. cit., page 319.

95. Jardin, Op. cit., page 114. An alternative view is that de Tocqueville thought equality the most important factor in America, but that the revolution had been of little importance in producing that spirit. He also famously said that the two great powers of the future would be America and Russia. See Wills, Op. cit., page 323.

96. Alexis de Tocqueville, Oeuvres Complètes (edited and selected by J. P. Mayer), Paris: Gallimard, 1951–, volume 1, page 236.

97. Jardin, Op. cit., page 162.

98. Brogan, Op. cit., page 75.

99. Jardin, Op. cit., page 208.

100. Ibid., page 216.

101. Parts of his argument, and some of his observations, were paradoxical or contradictory. He found life more private in America though at the same time he thought people were more envious of one another. The development of industry in America, he felt, would perhaps destroy the community spirit he so admired as it exacerbated the differences between people. See Jardin, Op. cit., page 263.

102. Wills, Op. cit., page 323.

CHAPTER 29: THE ORIENTAL RENAISSANCE

1. Donald F. Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965, volume 1, book 1, page 152.

2. Ibid.

3. Ibid., page 153.

4. Ibid., page 155.

5. J. C. H. Aveling, The Jesuits, London: Blond & Briggs, 1981, page 157.

6. John W. O’Malley et al. (editors), The Jesuits: Culture, Science and the Arts, 1540–1773, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999, page 338, though this was also seen as a hindrance.

7. Ibid., page 247.

8. Lach, Op. cit., page 314.

9. Ibid.

10. Ibid., page 316; O’Malley et al. (editors), Op. cit., page 380.

11. The fundamental source is John Correia-Afonso SJ, Jesuit Letters and Indian History, Bombay, 1955.

12. Ibid., page 319. For the use of art works to overcome language barriers, see: Anna Jackson and Amin Jaffer (editors), Encounters: The meeting of Asia and Europe 1500–1800, London: V & A Publications, 2004, especially the chapter by Gauvin Bailey.

13. See O’Malley et al. (editors), Op. cit., pages 408ff for other Hindu customs reported by the Jesuits.

14. Lach, Op. cit., page 359.

15. Ibid., page 415.

16. There are scattered references throughout the letters to epidemics, coins, prices and the availability of certain foodstuffs. In general, politics were ignored, beyond personal descriptions of this or that ruler. Correia-Afonso, Op. cit., passim.

17. Lach, Op. cit., page 436.

18. Ibid., page 439.

19. O’Malley et al. (editors), Op. cit., page 405, discusses the idea that some Jesuits thought they understood Hinduism better than the Hindus themselves.

20. Lach, Op. cit., page 442.

21. Gernet, A History of Chinese Civilisation, page 440.

22. O’Malley et al. (editors), Op. cit., pages 343–349 for Jesuit missions to China.

23. Gernet, Op. cit., page 441.

24. Hucker, China’s Imperial Past, Op. cit., page 376.

25. Gernet, Op. cit., page 507.

26. Ibid., page 508. In a particularly Chinese flourish, books were not allowed to Make use of any of the characters which comprised the emperor’s name, lest they be disrespectful.

27. Gernet, Op. cit., pages 521–522.

28. Commager, Op. cit., page 62.

29. Ibid.

30. Peter Watson, From Manet to Manhattan: The Rise of the Modern Art Market, New York and London: Random House/Vintage, 1992/1993, pages 108–109.

31. Marshall G. S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilisation, volume 3, The Gunpowder Empires and Modern Times, Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1958/1977, page 42.

32. Ibid., page 50.

33. Ibid., pages 73ff.

34. Ibid., page 158.

35. Hourani, A History of the Arab Peoples, Op. cit., pages 256ff; and Bernard Lewis, What Went Wrong?, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2002, page 7.

36. Lewis, Op. cit., page 118.

37. Asli Çirakman, From the ‘Terror of the World’ to the ‘Sick Man of Europe’: European Images of Ottoman Empire and Society from the Sixteenth Century to the Nineteenth Century, New York: Peter Lang, 2002, page 51.

38. Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, Science, Technology and Learning in the Ottoman Empire: Western Influence, Local Institutions and the Transfer of Knowledge, Aldershot: Ashgate/Variorum, 2004, page II 10–15.

39. Ibid., page II 20.

40. Ibid., page III 15.

41. Ibid., page IX 161ff.

42. Ibid., page II 20.

43. Fatma Müge Göçek, East Encounters West: France and the Ottoman Empire in the Eighteenth Century, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987, page 25.

44. Ibid., page 58.

45. Lewis, Op. cit., page 25.

46. See, for example: Gulfishan Khan, Indian Muslim Perceptions of the West During the Eighteenth Century, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988; and: Michael Fischer, Counterflows to Colonialism: Indian Travellers and Settlers in Britain 1600–1857, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004.

47. ‘A Turkish book on the New World was written in the late sixteenth century, and was apparently based on information from European sources – oral rather than written. It describes the flora, fauna and inhabitants of the New World and expresses the hope that this blessed land would in due course be illuminated by the light of Islam. This book also remained unknown until it was printed in Istanbul in 1729 . . . Knowledge was something to be acquired, stored, if necessary bought, rather than grown or developed.’ Lewis, Op. cit., pages 37–39.

48. Ibid., page 46.

49. Ibid., page 47.

50. Ibid., page 66.

51. It would change: see Hourani, Op. cit., pages 303ff, and Chapter 35 of this book.

52. Lewis, Op. cit., page 79.

53. Hourani, Op. cit., page 261, for changing patterns of trade.

54. Lewis, Op. cit., page 158.

55. O’Malley et al. (editors), Op. cit., pages 241ff.

56. Moynahan, Op. cit., page 557, for the trial of Roberto de Nobili, who dressed as a Brahman ascetic.

57. Raymond Schwab, The Oriental Renaissance: Europe’s Rediscovery of India and the East, 1680–1880, New York: Columbia University Press, 1984, page 11.

58. Ibid., page 7.

59. Abraham Hyacinthe Anquetil-Duperron, translation of Zenda Avesta: Ouvrage de Zoroastre, Paris, 1771.

60. Ibid., page xii.

61. Patrick Turnbull, Warren Hastings, London: New English Library, 1975, pages 199ff.

62. Schwab, Op. cit., page 35.

63. Lesley and Roy Adkins, The Keys of Egypt, New York: HarperCollins, 2000, pages 180–181, which reproduces the actual hieroglyphics that Champollion worked on in his breakthrough.

64. Schwab, Op. cit., page 86.

65. Ibid., page 41 and ref.

66. Ibid., page 21. On the wisdom of the Indians, see the translation by E. J. Millington of The Aesthetic and Miscellaneous Works of Friedrich von Schlegel, London, 1849.

67. Schwab, Op. cit., page 21.

68. Ibid., page 218.

69. H. G. Rawlinson, ‘India in European literature and thought’, in G. T. Garratt, The Legacy of India, Oxford: The Clarendon Press of Oxford University Press, 1937, pages 35–36.

70. Ibid., pages 171ff.

71. Robert T. Clark Jr, Herder: His Life and Thought, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1955, page 362f.

72. Schwab, Op. cit., page 59.

73. M. Von Hersfeld and C. MelvilSym, translators, Letters from Goethe, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1957, page 316.

74. Alphonse de Lamartine, Cours familier de litérature, Paris: privately printed, 1856, volume 3, page 338.

75. Schwab, Op. cit., page 161.

76. Ibid., page 177.

77. Ibid., page 179.

78. Paul R. Sweet, Wilhelm von Humboldt, Cincinnati: Ohio State University Press, volume 2, 1980, pages 398ff, which shows that Humboldt was just as interested in (American) Indian languages as in Sanskrit.

79. Schwab, Op. cit., page 181.

80. Ibid., page 217.

81. Ibid., page 250.

82. Marc Citoleux, Alfred de Vigny, persistences classiques et affinités étrangères, Paris: Champion, 1924, page 321.

83. Schwab, Op. cit., page 468.

84. Clark Jr, Op. cit., pages 130ff.

85. Schwab, Op. cit., pages 273ff.

86. Ibid., page 217. Friedrich Wilhelm Schelling, Philosophie der Mythologies, Munich: C. H. Beck, 1842/1943.

87. Schwab, Op. cit., page 201.

88. Ibid., page 211.

89. Non-German-speaking readers should consult: Franz Bopp, A Comparative Grammar of the Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, Latin, Lithuanian, Gothic, German and Slavonic Languages. Translated from the German by Lieutenant Eastwick, conducted through the press by H. H. Wilson. Three volumes, London: Madden and Malcolm, 1845–1853.

90. Schwab, Op. cit., page 213.

91. Ibid., page 220.

92. Ibid., page 219.

93. Rüdiger Safranski, Schopenhauer, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1989, page 63.

94. Schwab, Op. cit., page 427.

95. Ibid.

96. Arthur Schopenhauer, The World As Will and Idea (translated by R. B. Haldane and J. Kemp), London: Trübner, three volumes, 1883–1886, volume 3, page 281.

97. Schwab, Op. cit., page 359.

98. Ibid., page 357.

99. Ibid., page 361.

100. Ibid.

101. Joanna Richardson, Victor Hugo, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1976, pages 217ff.

102. Schwab, Op. cit., page 373.

103. Ibid., page 417.

104. Referred to in: Émile Carcassone, ‘Leconte de Lisle et la philosophie indienne’, Revue de litérature comparée, volume 11, 1931, pages 618–646.

105. Schwab, Op cit., page 431.

106. Michael D. Biddiss, The Father of Racist Ideology, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1970, pages 175–176.

107. Schwab, Op. cit., page 438.

108. Richard Wagner, My Life, two volumes, New York: Dodds Mead, 1911, volume 2, page 638. Schwab has a whole chapter on Wagner’s Buddhism.

109. He also said that he ‘hated’ America. It was ‘a horrible nightmare’. Wilhelm Altman (editor and selector), Letters of Richard Wagner, London: Dent, 1927, volume 1, page 293.

110. Schwab, Op. cit., page 441.

111. Judith Gautier, Auprès de Richard Wagner, Paris: Mercure de France, 1943, page 229.