Historical Dictionary of the Russian Civil Wars, 1916-1926

H

Haigagan Heghapokhakan Dashnaksutiun. See DASHNAKS.

HAMMER AND SICKLE. This symbol of the unity of the workers and peasants became, alongside the Red Star, one of the most widely used emblems of the Soviet state, the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party (Bolsheviks), the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), and the Communist movement in general. In Russian, the two elements are customarily listed in the opposite order: Serp i molot (“Sickle and Hammer”).

After experiments during 1917–1918 with similar designs, including a crossed hammer and plough, the superimposed hammer and sickle, commissioned by A. V. Lunacharskii, first made its appearance on 19 July 1918, on the front cover of the published version of the Constitution of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, although it did not become an official state emblem until 1922. The symbol’s origins are obscure, but they certainly predate the Russian Revolution; workers’ organizations across Europe had employed the image of a hammer since the late 19th century to display their proletarian credentials, and the sickle was a common Russian heraldic device (although it was used to depict the harvest or the notion of plenty rather than the peasantry as a class), while the crossed hammer and sickle also adorned the Chilean one peso coin of 1896. In some post-Soviet states (e.g., Lithuania, Latvia, and Hungary), the hammer and sickle is now regarded as a symbol of occupation and has been officially banned from public usage.

“HANDS OFF RUSSIA.” This slogan came to define the movement among labor parties and trade unions across Europe during the “Russian” Civil Wars that sought to bring an end to Allied intervention. The slogan was first formulated and voiced in Britain, where a National Committee for the Hands Off Russia Movement was elected on 8 January 1919, including radicals such as Harry Pollitt (the later general secretary of the Communist Party of Great Britain). The French Socialist Party followed similar policies, hailing the sailors of the French fleet who had mutinied in the Black Sea in 1919, and were joined in their endeavors by prominent intellectuals like Anatole France and Henri Barbusse. Meanwhile, in Italy the League of Friends of Soviet Russia was founded in June 1919 to protest against the intervention.

The movement experienced a second wave in 1920, during the Soviet–Polish War. In Britain in May of that year, London dockers refused to load weapons bound for Poland onto the merchant ship Jolly George, and on 9 August 1920 the first of 350 trade union councils of action was created, pledged to oppose any move to declare war on the Soviet republic. Similarly, in Italy workers blockaded the steamer Calabria, preventing it from carrying its cargo of Polish reservists to the war zone.

Hartny, Ciška (Źmicier, Žyłunovič) (13 October 1887–11 April 1937). The first leader of Soviet Belorussia, Ciška Hartny was born into a working-class family at Kapyl, in the Słucak region, and trained as a tanner. He joined various revolutionary groups in his youth, as he traveled around Belorussia, and later joined the Belorussian Socialist Hramada (“Brotherhood”) in St. Petersburg, becoming one of its key writers and propagandists in the course of the First World War.

Following the October Revolution, Hartny helped organize the First All-Belorussian Congress (Minsk, 17–31 December 1917), but disappointed with the policies of less radical nationalists, he left the Hramada in 1918 and joined the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party (Bolsheviks). He subsequently became the leading member of the Belorussian Communist group in Russia and successfully agitated for Moscow’s support for the establishment of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Belorussia in early 1919, before serving as the first chairman of the republic’s Provisional Revolutionary Workers’ and Peasants’ Soviet Government (1 January–4 February 1919), prior to its merger with Soviet Latvia to form Litbel.

Over the following decade, Hartny became one of the most prominent figures in Soviet Belorussian political and cultural life, publishing numerous works exploring the development of radicalism and national consciousness in Belorussia. He also served as head of the Belorussian state publishing house, director of the Belorussian State Archives, and deputy commissar for education, and was editor of numerous newspapers and literary journals. He devoted himself also to attempting to persuade the leaders of the government-in-exile of the Belorussian National Republic to return to Belorussia and to recognize the Soviet regime, but his successes in this regard were meager. Hartny was expelled from the Communist Party in 1931 for “bourgeois nationalist deviation” and arrested as an “enemy of the people” in early 1937. He committed suicide in prison.

Hašek, Jaroslav (30 April 1883–3 January 1923). The Prague-born author of the satirical masterpiece Osudy Dobrého Vojáka Svejka za Svetové Války (“The Good Soldier Schweik,” 1921–1923), Jaroslav Hašek joined the anarchist movement as a youth, edited the journal Komuna in 1907, and was arrested and imprisoned by the Austro-Hungarian authorities on numerous occasions before the First World War. He played a minor part in the “Russian” Civil Wars and drew upon it in his famous writings (e.g., “The Red Commissar,” Velitelem mesta Bugulmy).

Hašek was drafted into the Austro-Hungarian Army in February 1915 and fought with the 91st Infantry on the Galician front, but was captured by Russian forces in September 1915 and was sent to POW camps in Ukraine and at Buzuluk. In 1916, he was released and joined the 1st Jan Hus Regiment of the Czechoslovak druzhina (the forerunner of the Czechoslovak Legion) at Kiev, working as a propagandist and encouraging further recruitment to the organization, as well as contributing feuilletons to the journal Čechoslovan and continuing work on Schweik. Having joined the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party (Bolsheviks) in March 1918, Hašek was among the minority of members of the Legion who sided with the Bolsheviks, subsequently working as one of the political commissars of the 5th Red Army on the Eastern Front, producing propaganda for the Soviet cause, and editing numerous journals as Red forces advanced eastward through Siberia. He was in Irkutsk in October 1920, when he was assigned to work in Czechoslovakia by the Komintern. Hašek returned to Prague in November 1920 and died of tuberculosis at the village of Lipnice nad Sázavou in southern Bohemia in 1923.

HETMAN. The Ukrainian equivalent of ataman, meaning “leader” (probably derived from the German “Hauptman”). Historically, the term denoted the crown-appointed commanders of the armed forces of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania from the 15th century, but it was also used subsequently in (Russian-controlled) left-bank Ukraine. It was revived in April 1918 by P. P. Skoropadskii, the Hetman of the Ukrainian State.

HETMANATE. See UKRAINIAN STATE.

HETMANITE ARMY. The army of the Ukrainian State was formed during the spring of 1918, following the seizure of power at Kiev by Hetman P. P. Skoropadskii. It was composed of 8 corps, 20 infantry divisions, 4 cavalry divisions, 6 cavalry brigades, and 16 light and 8 heavy artillery brigades, derived almost entirely from units of the former Imperial Russian Army that had been “Ukrainized” by the Russian Provisional Government in 1917. Despite this last fact, a notable feature of the army was that the majority of its officers were Russians, hordes of them having fled to the region over the winter of 1917–1918 to escape the Bolsheviks and to avoid being pressed into service in the Red Army; it is estimated that by the summer of 1918 there were 50,000 Russian officers resident in Kiev, 20,000 in Odessa, 12,000 in Khar′kov, and 8,000 in Ekaterinoslav, accounting for more than one-third of the officer corps of the old army. Skoropadskii was named as the force’s commander in chief, but day-to-day affairs were overseen by the Hetman’s minister of war (A. F. Rogoza), minister of marine (M. M. Ostrogradskii), chief of staff (V. V. Dashkevich-Gorbatskii), chief of the General Staff (Colonel K. M. Slivinskii), and the successive quartermasters general (General V. A. Sinkler and General A. I. Prokhorovich).

The Hetmanite Army, although not well-ordered, was active on numerous fronts, battling the Red Army, the Poles, the Romanians, forces loyal to the deposed Ukrainian National Republic (UNR), the Ukrainian-Insurgent Army of Nestor Makhno, and other peasant forces resisting the food confiscation policies of the regime, as well as, at times, White units opposed to both Ukrainian nationalism and the Skoropadskii regime’s alliance with (or, as the Whites saw it, subservience to) the forces of the Austro-German intervention. Less than a quarter of the command staff of the army would subsequently serve in the UNR’s Ukrainian Army under the socialist S. V. Petliura, the majority of them choosing instead to flee south (to join the Volunteer Army) or north (to join the North-West Army) when the Ukrainian National Republic Directory ousted Skoropadskii in the rising of November–December 1918.

Himmät. See hummet (gummet, Himmät).

HLUSHKO(-MOVA), IURII KOSMYCH (4 April 1882–1942). Iurii Hlushko, known as “Mova” (“Language” or “The Tongue”), the leading Ukrainian politician and activist in the Far East during the civil-war period, was born in the village of Nova Basan′, Chernigov guberniia. He graduated from the Kiev Technical Railway School in 1899 and worked as an engineer with the “Dobroflot” steamship company on the Odessa–Vladivostok route from 1901 to 1903, then remained in the Far East to work on the Chinese Eastern Railway from 1904 to 1907. From 1907, he worked as a draughtsman at Vladivostok and became associated with Ukrainian theatrical and other cultural organizations. He was mobilized in 1914 and served on the Caucasian Front as an engineer, but returned to the Far East in early 1918, when the Russian Army collapsed.

Hlushko then became active with the Prosvita (“Enlightenment”) society of Ukrainians in the Far East, chairing it from March 1918, and at the 4th All-Ukrainian Far Eastern Congress in October 1918 was proclaimed chairman of the secretariat of Green Ukraine, a putatively independent state centered around Khabarovsk. In June 1919, he was arrested and imprisoned as a separatist by the security forces of the White government of Admiral A. V. Kolchak and was exiled to the island of Sakhalin, but he escaped the following autumn and resumed his chairmanship of the now underground Ukrainian Secretariat. On 5 November 1922, he was arrested by the Soviet authorities and, having been found (spuriously) guilty of intending to separate the Far East from Russia and deliver it into the hands of Japan, in 1924 he was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment. After serving his term, he worked as a railway engineer in the Soviet Far East and in Tajikistan before returning illegally to Kiev in 1930. In the autumn of 1941, he participated in the would-be Ukrainian government in occupied Kiev, until it was suppressed by the Nazis. Mova died, reportedly of starvation, the following autumn and is buried in the Luk′ianovsk cemetery in the Ukrainian capital.

HOLUBOVICH, VSEVOLOD OLEKSANDROVYCH (February 1885–16 May 1939). The prominent Ukrainian politician and journalist Vsevolod Holubovich was the son of a priest and was born in the village of Moldovanvka, Poltava guberniia. He trained as an engineer and was a graduate of the Kiev Polytechnical Institute (1915), but his primary concern was the revolutionary movement, which he joined in 1903. As a member of the Ukrainian Party of Socialists-Revolutionaries (UPSRs), he was a leading member of the General Secretariat of the Ukrainian Central Rada in 1917–1918 (first as secretary for transport and subsequently as secretary for trade and industry) and was the head of the delegation representing Ukraine that negotiated the first Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (27 January 1918) with the Central Powers.

From 30 January 1918 until the seizure of power by Hetman P. P. Skoropadskii on 29 April 1918, Holubovich also served as prime minister and minister of foreign affairs of the Ukrainian National Republic. Following the Hetman’s coup, he was arrested and imprisoned by the authorities of the new Ukrainian State and remained incarcerated until the Skoropadskii regime was toppled by the Ukrainian National Republic Directory in November–December 1918. He subsequently became the acknowledged leader of the centrist strand of the UPSRs when the party split in May 1919 and edited the newspaper Trudova hromada (“The Workers’ Brotherhood”). Following the collapse of the Ukrainian national movement and the establishment of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, in 1921 Holubovich was sentenced to five years’ imprisonment by a Soviet court, having been found guilty of numerous political crimes, but was soon released under amnesty. Holubovich subsequently served as chairman of the VSNKh of the Ukrainian SSR until 1931, when he was again arrested and imprisoned following the trial of the “Ukrainian National Center.” He died in prison at Iaroslavl′. To commemorate him, a 2-hrvnia coin bearing his likeness was issued in Ukraine on 20 December 2005.

Holy Cross Druzhina. This 6,000-strong volunteer corps was created in August–September 1919, at Omsk, Novonikolaevsk, and other Siberian cities, as part of the Russian Army of Admiral A. V. Kolchak, with the stated aim of summoning Christians to a holy war against godless Bolshevism. The chief inspirer and organizer of the movement was General M. K. Diterikhs, its commander was General V. V. Golitsyn, and its chief ideologue and propagandist was Professor D. V. Boldyrev. In October 1919, the Omsk battalion of the Druzhina saw action in the defense of Kolchak’s capital, but lacking training, it had minimum impact on the course of events.

HORVATh, DMITRII LEONIDOVICH. See KHORVAT, DMITRII LEONIDOVICH.

hovanessian, sergei. See Manukian (MANOUGIAN), aram (hovanessian, sARKIS).

HREKIV (HREKOV/GREKOV), OLEKSANDR PETROVICH (21 November 1875–2 December 1958/1959). Lieutenant colonel (6 December 1911), colonel (20 June 1915), major general (20 September 1917). The Ukrainian commander Oleksandr Hrekiv was born into an ancient noble family of Greek heritage at Spopych, near Hlukhiv (Glukhov, Chernigov guberniia). (According to family tradition, they were descended from the Greek Logofetos, who had accompanied Sophia Paléologue [Zoe Palaiologina] to Russia in 1472 to marry Tsar Ivan III.) He was a graduate of the Law Faculty of Moscow University (1897), the Moscow Military School (1899), and the Academy of the General Staff (1905). Thereafter, he served in the Chasseurs Life Guard Regiment and taught military history at the academy (from 1908). During the First World War, he served as chief of staff of the 74th Infantry Division on the North-West Front (from 1914), chief of staff of the 1st Guards Infantry Division (from April 1915), commander of the Chasseurs Life Guards Regiment (from April 1917), and chief of staff of the 6th Army Corps (from 28 August 1917), the last of these being one of the formations of the Russian Army that was in the process of Ukrainization.

In October 1917, Hrekiv was named quartermaster general of the 1st Army, but did not take up that position as the army disintegrated in the aftermath of the October Revolution. Instead, in December 1917 he offered his services to the Ukrainian Central Rada, serving thereafter as commander of one of the Serdiuk Divisions (from 12 December 1917) and as the chief of staff of the Kiev Military District in the opening stages of the Soviet–Ukrainian War. In March 1918, he was made assistant minister of war of the Ukrainian National Republic (UNR), overseeing all technical matters within the purview of the ministry, but was dismissed following the coup that brought Hetman P. P. Skoropadskii to power at the end of April 1918. He remained influential, however, as head of the military brotherhood Batkivshchina (“Fatherland”) and in October 1918 was made chief of staff in the Hetmanite Army. Nevertheless, he immediately offered his support to the Ukrainian National Republic Directory in its struggle against the Ukrainian State and in November 1918 was placed in command of the field army of the directory. From December 1918 to January 1919, he was assigned as the directory’s liaison officer with French forces at Odessa, serving at the same time as commander of the Kherson, Ekaterinoslav and Tauride gubernii. He then served as minister of war of the UNR (1 January–14 February 1919) and acting otaman (commander in chief) of the Ukrainian Army (19 February–21 March 1919), but clashed with the Symon Petliura and other socialists in the government of the UNR and resigned.

From 9 June to 5 July 1919, Hrekiv was given the command of the Ukrainian Galician Army of the West Ukrainian People’s Republic (WUPR) and, during the Chortkiv offensive of that period, was responsible for that force’s greatest success of the Ukrainian–Polish War, throwing the Poles back some 75 miles. Hrekiv clashed again, however, with the political leadership of the WUPR (reportedly, it had been pressured by Petliura into dismissing him), and he emigrated to Romania in July 1919. He moved to Vienna in 1920, where he chaired the anti-Petliura All-Ukrainian National Rada and edited the pro-Polish journal Ukraina and thus was ostracized by much of the predominantly Polonophobe Ukrainian émigré community. He subsequently eked out a living as a poultry-farmer and market gardener in the Austrian countryside before establishing himself as an accountant with the Hotel de France in Vienna. He was arrested by the occupying Soviet authorities on 30 August 1948 (despite having obtained Austrian citizenship in 1946), extradited to the USSR, and imprisoned at the Luk′ianosvsk prison in Kiev before. On 6 July 1949, he was sentenced to 25 years’ imprisonment and was then sent to the Ozernyi camp in Siberia. Hrekiv was freed in December 1956 and allowed to return to Vienna. He died three years later and was buried at Sankt Andrä-Wördern in Lower Austria. A street in L′viv now bears his name.

HRUSHEVSKY, MYKHAILO Serhiyovych (17 September 1866–26 November 1934). A historian, one of the founding fathers of the Ukrainian national movement, and during the civil-war period, the first president of independent Ukraine, Mykhailo Hrushevsky was born into a clerical family at Kholm (Chelm), but grew up in the North Caucasus and Transcaucasia. He was a graduate of the Tiflis Gymnasium (1886) and Kiev University (1890, master’s degree in 1894). In 1894, he was made professor of East European history at the University of Lemberg (L′viv) and from 1897 to 1913 was president of the local branch of the Shevchenko Scientific Society, which he reorganized. He returned to Russia in 1905 and was active in the revolution of that year and, subsequently, as chief advisor to the Ukrainian “club” of the State Duma. Having edited and sponsored a series of Ukrainian journals, in 1907 he founded the Ukrainian Scientific Society. In 1908, he became a founder and head of the Society of Ukrainian Progressives and began publication of numerous Ukrainian-language newspapers (most of which were soon closed by the Russian authorities).

The outbreak of the First World War found Hrushevsky once again in Austrian Galicia. He made his way back to Kiev (via Vienna, Italy, and Romania), but he was immediately arrested and exiled to the Volga and then to Moscow, accused by the tsarist authorities of “Austrophilism.” He returned to Kiev following the February Revolution to take up the post of chairman of the Ukrainian Central Rada, to which he had already been elected in absentia (on 17 March 1918). It was Hrushevsky who oversaw Ukraine’s move from demands for autonomy to a declaration of full independence from Russia in January 1918 and was one of the most vocal national champions of radical socialism, having joined the newly formed Ukrainian Party of Socialists-Revolutionaries (UPSR). On 29 April 1918, he was elected president of the Ukrainian National Republic, but with the seizure of power by Hetman P. P. Skoropadskii on that same day, Hrushevsky went into hiding.

He returned briefly to active politics when the Ukrainian State collapsed in late 1918, but he did not enter the Ukrainian National Republic Directory and found himself in conflict with it. In 1919, he went into emigration (having been mandated by the UPSR to coordinate its activities abroad), living first in Czechoslovakia and then Vienna (1919–1924). Over the following years, he gradually put aside his aversion to the centralism of the Bolshevik regime and became a champion of its internationalism. In 1924 he returned to Kiev, where he devoted himself to academic work, as professor of Ukrainian history within the All-Ukrainian Academy of Sciences, and was published widely within the USSR during the period of “Ukrainization” of national life in the 1920s. In 1929, however, Hrushevsky was arrested on the false charge of leading an anti-Soviet “Ukrainian National Center” and in 1931, following a prolonged press campaign against him and his “nationalist” historical works, was exiled to Moscow, while the institutions and publications he had founded were closed. He died while undergoing medical treatment at Kislovodsk on 25 November 1934 and is buried in the Baikove Cemetery in Kiev. There is some suspicion, but no solid proof, that he was murdered by the NKVD.

Today, Hrushevsky is primarily remembered as Ukraine’s foremost historian (he authored more than 2,000 scholarly works) and as a symbol of the Ukrainian nationhood that he had sought to provide with a historical background throughout his life. Tellingly, it was his portrait that replaced that of Karl Marx at the Academy of Sciences’ Institute for Ukrainian History in Kiev as the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991. In post-Soviet Ukraine, his image has adorned banknotes, coins, and postage stamps; statues of him have been raised in Kyiv and L′viv; and innumerable museums and locations bear his name, including the street in Kyiv on which stands the Ukrainian parliament (the Verkhovna Rada).

HRYHORIIV (GRIGOR′EV), NYKYFOR (MATVII) (1885–27 July 1919). Captain (1916), colonel (Hetmanite Army, 1918), kombrig (Red Army, 18 February 1919). The notorious leader (Otaman) of a Ukrainian peasant insurgent army, Nykyfor Hryhoriiv was born into a peasant family at Zastavia, Podolia guberniia. He served as a soldier in the Russian Army in the Russo–Japanese War and during the First World War was attached to the 56th Infantry Regiment on the South-West Front. In late 1917, he entered the forces of the Ukrainian Central Rada, but in April 1918 supported the coup of P. P. Skoropadskii, for which he was promoted to colonel in the Hetman’s army. However, he was soon active around Kherson in organizing peasant resistance to the requisitioning detachments of Skoropadskii’s allies, the forces of the Austro-German intervention, and in October 1918 was enlisted by S. V. Petliura to assist the Directory of the Ukrainian National Republic in the overthrow of the Ukrainian State of the Hetman.

Hryhoriiv subsequently led a 15,000-strong partisan force in the Kherson region. He deserted the directory when Petliura forbade him to attack French forces that had landed at Odessa in December 1918 as part of the Allied intervention, and subsequently he allied himself with the Red Army, which captured Kiev and most of left-bank Ukraine in January–March 1919. Named as commander of the Reds’ 1st Trans-Dnepr Rifle Brigade on 18 February 1919, he then launched his own offensive southward against Allied and White forces, playing a pivotal role in the capture of Kherson (10 March 1919) and Odessa (5 April 1919), but refused Moscow’s request to drive westward against Romania to help save the embattled Hungarian Communist regime of Béla Kun that was being attacked in Bucharest. Instead, in what was termed the Hryhoriiv Uprising of May 1919, he turned against the Red Army and issued a decree calling for the Ukrainian people to overthrow the rule of the Bolshevik commissars and to govern themselves. This was an echo of the program of the anarchist leader Nestor Makhno, but when, having suffered heavy losses against both Red and White forces, Hryhoriiv then attempted to forge an alliance with Makhno, the latter had him shot at Sentovo on 27 July 1919. Makhno’s opponents have ascribed this act to his fear that Hryhoriiv might eclipse him in the battle for peasant support; others, however, maintain that it was an act of retribution for the pillaging and pogroms in which Hryhoriiv had encouraged his men to indulge, and that Hryhoriiv was on the point of offering his services to the Whites in the war against the Bolsheviks. Accounts also vary about who fired the fatal shot: some state that it was Makhno himself, some that it was Makhno’s wife, and others that it was an aide of Makhno named Chubenko.

Hryhoriiv uprising. This anti-Bolshevik uprising of May 1919, led by Nykyfor Hryhoriiv, temporarily toppled Soviet power in much of southern Ukraine. After previously serving both the Ukrainian State and the Ukrainian National Republic, Hryhoriiv had aligned himself with the Red Army in early 1919 and was named commander of the 20,000-strong 1st Trans-Dnepr Brigade on 18 February 1919. However, he still regarded himself as independent, and (following battles against the Whites around Nikolaevsk, Kherson, and Odessa) in early May 1919 he marched on Ekaterinoslav, ignoring orders of 7–9 May 1919 from Jukums Vācietis to move toward Romania (in fulfillment of Moscow’s promise to send armed assistance to Béla Kun’s Soviet Hungary). A Cheka unit was sent to apprehend Hryhoriiv, but was itself captured and massacred by the rebels. Hryhoriiv then (on 8 May 1919) issued a proclamation (using the Ukrainian term “Universal”) calling for “a Soviet Ukraine without communists”; he might have added “and without Jews,” as his forces were encouraged to engage in pogroms wherever they went. Hryhoriiv’s forces soon captured Cherkassy, Uman′, Kremenchug, Ekaterinoslav, Elizavetgrad, Kherson, Nikolaev, and other major towns across Kherson and Ekaterinoslav gubernii. He failed, however, to reach Kiev, and by late May 1919 Red forces had the uprising under control. But Hryhoriiv had disrupted the rear of the Red Army’s front against the Armed Forces of South Russia (allowing A. I. Denikin’s forces to push into Ukraine) and had put an end to the notion of an expedition to Hungary.

Hummet (Gummet, Himmät). The Muslim Social-Democratic Party in Transcaucasia, Hummet (which translates as “Endeavor”) was founded as a local branch of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP) in October 1904 and became an independent party in 1906. It attracted a membership made up almost exclusively of Azeri Turks, many of them students, in Baku, and had little influence among the largely Russian working class of the city. It almost died out in the years before the First World War, following the tsarist authorities’ arrest of its leadership and suppression of its branch organizations in June 1907. The party revived, however, in 1917 under the leadership of Sultan Majid Afandaev, Prokopius Dzhaparidze, N. N. Narimanov, and M. A. Azizbekov.

Alongside Musavat, Hummet was active in the Baku Commune and survived the collapse of that regime (and the execution of Azizbekov and Dzhaparidze, among the Twenty-six Commissars) to work as an underground opposition to the government of the Democratic Republic of Azerbaijan. The majority of its members were supporters of the Menshevik faction of the RSDLP, and in mid-1919 the party split along lines similar to those in the Russian labor movement, into the pro-Menshevik Social-Democratic Workers’ Party (Hummet) and the pro-Bolshevik Communist Party of Azerbaijan (Hummet). On 13 February 1920, the latter, at the request of Moscow, merged with the Persian Communist Party (Adalet). However, much of the leadership of the party retained their desire for a truly autonomous Azerbaijan, sentiments for which they would suffer badly during the purges of the 1930s.

Hutsul Republic. This short-lived polity, with its capital at Iasinia (also then known by its Hungarian name Körösmezö, but now in the Zakarpattia oblast′ of Ukraine), was proclaimed on 8 January 1919, on what had until recently been Austro-Hungarian territory. Led by Stepan Klochurak, it claimed sovereignty over neighboring Rusyn-speaking areas of Hungary and planned to unite with the Western Ukraine People’s Republic, but collapsed on 11 June 1919, when, despite having raised a 1,000-strong militia, it was overrun by Romanian forces that had invaded Hungary to topple the Soviet regime of Béla Kun.