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class, all create conditions demanding the establishment of authority which in its activities is not restrained by excessive formalism, an authority able promptly to restore order and as quickly as possible to correct violations of the population's rights and interests.17

3. Political reforms granted under duress will be interpreted as a sign of weakness and contribute to the further deterioration of state authori ty. This argument was used even by a relatively liberal public servant like Loris-Melikov. Arguing against proposals to introduce into Russia representative institutions, he wrote:

I am deeply convinced that any reforms in the sense of these projects not only are not useful at present but, being utterly untimely, would cause harm... The measure itself would appear as having been forced upon the government by circumstances, and would be so interpreted in Russia and abroad.18

4. The introduction of representative institutions in any form, even the most conservative, would mark the first step towards a constitutional regime; once taken, the others would inevitably have to follow.

5. Foreign experience with representative institutions indicates that they are not conducive to stability; if anything, parliaments interfere with efficient administration. This argument was particularly attractive to the heir-apparent.

To clinch the argument, opponents of political concessions greatly exaggerated the extent of sedition in the country, frightening the Emperor with the spectre of widespread conspiracy and unrest which bore little relation to the facts. As will be shown, the actual number of people involved in seditious activities was ludicrously small: even with their broad discretionary powers, the gendarmes could not put their hands on masses of subversives. But appeals to this sense of fear helped dissuade Alexander 11 from following the advice of his more liberal advisers.

The real rulers of Russia were... Chief of Gendarmes Shuvalov and the St Petersburg Chief of Police Trepov. Alexander n carried out their will, was their instrument. They ruled by fear. Trepov had so scared Alexander with the spectre of revolution just about to break out in St. Petersburg that should the all-powerful police chief be a few minutes late in the palace with his daily report, the Emperor would make enquiry whether all was calm in the capital.19

The closest Alexander came to making political concessions was in 1880-1 when he agreed to a proposal submitted by Loris-Melikov. In addition to far-reaching changes in provincial administration, Loris-Melikov suggested the convocation in St Petersburg of several elected committees to discuss policy questions touching on questions of provincial administration, peasant economy, food supply and national finances.