Chapter 17. Vanilla’s Debt to Reunion Island

Raoul Lucas

Vanilla came to Bourbon Island, now known as Reunion Island, at the dawn of the nineteenth century, from Central America, on the other side of the planet. The genius of a 12-year-old black slave transformed the fruitless orchid into a pod-bearing source of opulence. Reunionese (inhabitants of Reunion) industriousness brought out the best of its fragrance. Toward the end of the century, it invested new shores; the adjacent islands of the Indian Ocean. International recognition was obtained through the quality label bestowed during 1964—Bourbon vanilla.

When vanilla was introduced at the beginning of the nineteenth century in Reunion Island, previously called Bourbon Island, it had come a long way from the other side of the planet and possessed a rich history (Lucas, 1990).

However, it was due to its acclimatization in Reunion, which fostered its commercial success. The Reunionese transformed this exotic orchid into a lucrative commodity before exporting it throughout the world.

By their technical know-how, their knack of inventiveness, and their native genius, the Reunionese were the architects of the fabulous adventure of vanilla; a saga which triggered off in Reunion Island and in other areas where the orchid was introduced, led to vast fortunes but also its inevitable controversies and tragedies.

From Tlilxochitl to Vanilla: From Mexico to Reunion

Originally, the orchid was an indigenous plant growing wild in the Mexican forests and the outlying expanses of Central America. It was better known to the Aztecs as tlilxochitl (which means black flower in Nahuatl). Biographers have trailed it back to Bernardino de Sohagun’s book, General History of New-Spain (Sohagun, 1801).

The book is a major landmark not only because it is the oldest known reference on tlilxochitl, but also because it gives valuable information about the way it was used by the Aztecs.

Sohagun, a Spanish monk, landed in Mexico eight years after the conquest by the Spaniards. He relates that “after each meal, delicately-flavored cocoa beverages were served, like the one made from the bean and which is very tasty; the one made of honey and another made from tender tlilxochitl.”

It is said that emperor Moctezuma offered this precious mixture to the illustrious Cortez. History does not reveal if Cortez was conquered by the cocoa drink flavored with tlilxochitl but we do know what happened afterward. Profusion of gold and precious plants were shipped to Europe, and among them was the tlilxochitl.

The Spaniards fell under the charm of its aroma and named the orchid vanilla, short for vaina, which means pod, no doubt because of the shape of the fruit.

Besides Spain, other European countries discovered vanilla and its commercialization started in France, where in 1692 it was marketed exclusively through a royal monopoly. Disseminated and largely naturalized, throughout the eighteenth century vanilla formed the topic of many studies (Lucas, 1990).

A century later, this already popular plant was brought to Reunion. Located 800 km east of Madagascar in the middle of the Indian Ocean, this mountainous island, 2500 square kilometers in area, was devoid of inhabitants when French settlers arrived in July 1665.

They were sent by the French East India Company founded in 1664 by Colbert. During the French colonial period, slavery contributed significantly to the agricultural expansion. Emancipation occurred in 1848, when the liberated slaves largely of African and Malagasy descent were replaced on the fields by Indian indentured labor (Lucas and Serviable, 2008).

The introduction of vanilla is in keeping with a long-time tradition of acclimatization carried by scientists, administrators, naval officers, or laymen; they were keen on enriching the vegetal heritage thereby contributing to the economic development of Reunion. We owe it to a local born navy officer who was the first one to introduce vanilla plants on the island.

On June 26, 1819, commander Philibert (Figure 17.1), the head of a naval squadron, stops in his native land, after he returns from a mission from “the south seas,” presumably the warm Pacific shores and from Cayenne in French Guyana.

FIGURE 17.1 The commander Philibert, the first to introduce vanilla plants (probably V. pompona) in Reunion Island in 1819. (Lithography from the Album de La Réunion, A. Roussin, courtesy of Océan Editions.)


It is from La Gabrielle estate in Cayenne, formerly awarded to General Lafayette as a token from the Nation in return for services rendered, that samplings of various plants were taken including vanilla. It is a short, stubby big-pod specimen, probably Vanilla pompona. For Philibert the question does not arise: the introduction of vanilla in Reunion can be a source of prosperity. And even more! In a letter to the Colony’s governor he writes: “this plant could be a cash crop traded in Asia. And the colonists just cannot miss making big money in cultivating it” (Billiard, 1822).

A year later, returning from another mission, this time from the Philippines, commander Philibert brings back a second lot of vanilla cuttings. The plant had been identified in the forests close to Manila by Perrotet the botanist, a member of the survey mission; he was also in the former expedition. The vanilla differed from the one brought from Cayenne. Its stem and leaves were smaller. Called “little vanilla” as compared to V. pompona, it was formally introduced in the Reunion Island on May 6, 1820 (Thomas, 1828).

The third introduction is to the credit of Marchant, a local colonial administrator. Benefiting from a trip to France, he pays a visit to the Paris Museum and obtains cuttings of Mexican vanilla. This greenhouse-grown variety stems from the plants brought over by the Marquis of Blenford, constituting the Charles Greville collection at Paddington (England). This particular species was introduced on September 25, 1822 and differed from the two precedents—in fact, it was Vanilla planifolia.

Nonetheless, all those samplings, from Cayenne or Paris, had in common the care shown in their selection and the vigilant concern displayed during their transfer.

A. Delteil, author of a study on vanilla, describes in detail Perrotet’s operations: “He took the stems which measured 4 or 5 meters long, rolled them into rings and laid them down horizontally in the boxes. He watered them moderately so as to prevent the liana’s organic tissues drying up. The boxes were covered with a tight metallic fabric to protect them from the sun glare. They arrived in Reunion after two and half months, in perfect condition, some of them having even developed buds and tendrils” (Delteil, 1884).

In Reunion, the cuttings were subjected to a methodical treatment. Philibert who was accused by the governor for not having delivered the vanilla directly to the Royal Botanical Garden of Saint-Denis justified his choice: “As these different species were collected in various localities, distant from one another, I am convinced that to ensure the success of this plant, it is judicious to disseminate it in various parts of the island with different temperatures; so that if it does not succeed in a region, it may find more appropriate prevailing conditions in others. Indeed, if it comes out well in one spot, success is assured.

Therefore the decision which I’ve taken to distribute the cuttings to a number of inhabitants seems to be the best to ensure the acclimatization of this precious plant. Moreover, I’ve distributed them only to those whose agricultural talents are well-known, such as Mr Hubert: as you can see, this is an additional precaution which I’ve taken” (Focard, 1862).

Thus, vanilla was introduced in Reunion at three distinctive periods by different protagonists. It comes from three separate areas and is made of three different species. Acclimatization will be the result of various factors: the choice of soil and climatic conditions, judicious advice from the individuals having introduced the plant, the vigilance of the authorities, and never-ending care given by the islanders.

A Slave of Genius

Introduced and cultivated in Reunion from 1819, vanilla is not yet a commercial produce as it does not bear any fruit. Natural fertilization of the flower is a haphazard operation because of its morphology (Figure 17.2). Indeed, the male and female organs are separated by a large membrane, which hinders their contact. Direct pollination is impossible and needs the intercourse of insects or of humming birds. In Central America, this essential part is played by small bees (melipone). Without external intervention, the precious orchid is doomed to fruitless sterility.

FIGURE 17.2 Morphology of a vanilla flower. (Lithography from the Album de La Réunion, A. Roussin, 1872, courtesy of Océan Editions.)


To solve such a deadlock, a way had to be found to fertilize the plant by artificial means. Two experiments were launched in Europe: the first in Liege in 1836 and the second in Paris in 1838.

But the methodology proposed, likewise the attempt some years later in Guade-loupe, was abandoned as being highly complex and with a poor record of success.

The most effective process of pollination was discovered in 1841 by a young Reunionese slave; his surname Edmond, slaves having no family names.

He was the property of a rich family of planters in Sainte-Suzanne, the Bellier-Beaumont. Born in 1829, Edmond lost his mother, a female slave on the Bellier-Beaumont compound, at his birth. Although Edmond has no school education owing to his slave status, he develops a rare acumen for horticultural tasks from his master. Meziaire Lepervanche reported that Edmond “identifies all flowers by their botanical names and that on many occasions he attempted artificial caprification on his flowers which for some reason or other cannot be pollinated naturally” (Focard, 1862).

He conducted the same experiment on the vanilla flower, bringing together the male and female components. Edmond was only 12 years old and he discovered the process of artificial pollination in vanilla. A discovery which Fereol Bellier-Beaumont, Edmond’s master, relates in these terms: “Walking around (with Edmond), I noticed on the only vanilla plant that I had, a glossy black pod. I showed my surprise and he told me that he had actually pollinated the flower. I refused to believe him and moved on. But two or three days later, I saw a second pod close to the first one. He repeated his assertion. I asked him how he did it. He performed his manipulation in front of me (. . .) and I had to acknowledge it when I saw the operation repeated each day and every time with the same success” (Focard, 1862).

A year later, in 1842, Fereol Bellier-Beaumont who did not wish to maintain secrecy, wrote an article in the local newspaper Le Moniteur. It did not pass unseen. The piece of good news spread like wild fire throughout the country and Bellier-Beaumont was beset with demands to borrow his young slave. Never in the whole history of Reunion, was a slave so fawned upon as young Edmond (Figure 17.3).

FIGURE 17.3 Portrait of Edmond Albius, inventor of manual pollination of vanilla. (Lithography from the Album de La Réunion, A. Roussin, 1863, courtesy of Océan Editions.)


Planters approached him, “thinking rightly that it was so much simpler and so much safer to deal straight with the inventor” (Focard, 1862).

Edmond’s discovery (Figure 17.4) sparked fortune for many planters; it provided a new agricultural activity and fostered the development of vanilla throughout the world. However, initially it did not bring any reward to the slave, not even freedom. He was set free seven years later, in 1848, and was named Albius, in Latin meaning white. Following his epoch-making discovery, every personal request remained unanswered, either from the authorities or from the vanilla planters.

FIGURE 17.4 Manual pollination of vanilla. (Lithography from the Album de La Réunion, A. Roussin, 1872, courtesy of Océan Editions.)


But worse than ingratitude, and adding insult to injury, Edmond’s discovery aroused jealousy and disputes. Many questioned his merit, pointing out that he was an “illiterate little nigger”; that the discovery was pure luck! Others even claimed copyright and the responsibility of the discovery, putting forward their status and their learning. Others conceded that Edmond Albius was the sole and legitimate inventor of the process of pollination of vanilla, adding that he was a white man.

In wretched poverty, abandoned by all, Albius died in Sainte-Suzanne on August 9, 1880 (Lucas, 1990).

The Curing: The Reunionese Process

After naturalization and manual pollination, the Reunionese know-how was harnessed for the transformation of the vanilla pod. In fact, when it is picked, the pod is odorless. It is only after a long preparation, taking about several months, that its transformation takes place.

It acquires thereafter a dark chocolate tint and the delicious sweet fragrance, which is much appreciated.If numerous methods of pod preparation exist in the warm regions of Central America, they may be summarized into two main types—direct and indirect preparation. The first process allows the natural ripening of the pod by leaving it exposed alternately in the sunshine and in the shade. The second process aims at stopping the pod’s natural evolution. It is said that the vanilla “is killed.” Mexicans used both methods (Bourriquet, 1954). In Reunion Island, vanilla was prepared by desiccation in the shade and in the sun. But in the early part of the nineteenth century, these processes developed poor products, which could not withstand the long voyage by ship. And Reunion had heady ambitions for vanilla. This is why dedicated and creative planters tried to aim at excellence (Delteil, 1884).

In 1851, Ernest Loupy, an attorney by trade, a planter by family tradition, and animated by a keen sense of learned curiosity, decided to test a new method—the blanching in hot water, which he found in the Encyclopédie méthodique (1787 edition). The results were conclusive. The “boiling-water” process was born.

David de Floris, a retired navy official and a planter in Saint André improved on Loupy’s process (Floris 1857). Vanilla was far from being something novel for him, and he was not indifferent to the high expectations which it conjured. It was de Floris himself who captained the vessel bringing Marchant’s samples in 1822. The new process devised by the two planters of Saint-André, with pods picked at full maturity from healthy plants, gave excellent results. In 1857, de Floris edited a handbook on vanilla preparation, the first ever Reunionese handbook! The book met with large success and brought the process to the attention of one and all (Figure 17.5).

FIGURE 17.5 Drying and conditioning of vanilla beans in Reunion Island at the beginning of the twentieth century. (Post card from author’s personal collection.)

Conquering the World

If seven years after Edmond’s discovery, Reunion exported its first vanilla production (about 50 kg), exports simply rocketed after the innovation brought about by Loupy and de Floris. From 267 kg in 1853, exports reached more than 3 tons in 1858 and 15 tons in less than five years later. At the end of the nineteenth century, vanilla was almost as lucrative as sugar. Never before, in the economic history of Reunion Island, a commodity had such a meteoric development and generated so much wealth (Figure 17.6). The 1867 and 1900 “Expositions Universelles” (International commercial fairs) established the success of Reunion vanilla. Local planters and curers carried off numerous prizes (Lucas, 1990).

FIGURE 17.6 Vanilla curing in Reunion Island. (Post card from author’s personal collection.)


For Marius and Ary Leblond, the famous local novelists, Creole civilization may be equated with vanilla. Summoning history, geography, and sensuality, the two authors waxed lyrical: “You have all heard about Reunion’s vanilla which won the first prize at so many international fairs, no one can imagine how moving and lovely its manufacturing by skilful handiwork proves to be. Some words are sweet-scented spoonfuls of perfumes and souls. The words vanilla and vanilla-factory enable us to imagine and even to feel Saint-Joseph, Vincendo, Langevin, all those quaint hamlets with blessed names, cherishing like an innocent incense the fragrance of vanilla to bid us the sweetest of welcomes” (Leblond, 1931).

Confident in their craft, crowned with laurels awarded in numerous national and international events, the Reunionese were filled with self-confidence at the turn of the century (Figure 17.7). With great plans of success, they set out to conquer the Indian Ocean islands with their perfumed trunks of vanilla. In 1866, they introduced vanilla in Seychelles, which met with lightning success. In less than 10 years, it became the archipelago’s main source of prosperity; at the dawn of the twentieth century, Seychelles’ exports were almost equal to that of Reunion.

FIGURE 17.7 Vanilla exporters at the beginning of the twentieth century. (Post card from author’s personal collection.)


In 1873, the Reunionese moved on with their vanilla dreams to the Comoros. It was first introduced in Mayotte before spilling to the other three islands. As in Seychelles, it was so successful that it soon replaced sugarcane in the first decade of the twentieth century. Comoro’s production before long toppled that of Reunion. An identical script was played in Madagascar where some Reunionese brought vanilla in 1880 to the Nosy Be islet before overrunning the north-west of Madagascar’s mainland. Reunionese vanilla thrived in a favorable environment.

And a spectacular rush for vanilla was triggered off. Everyone wanted to produce it. Reunionese colonists and Malagasy peasants started vanilla on every bit of available land; and land was plentiful. In 1929, Madagascar exported 1032 tons and became the number one world producer. It still holds this rank until today (Lucas, 1990).

The pollination problem solved, the vanilla preparation mastered, new territories cultivated, the planters headed by Reunionese set out henceforth to settle a new challenge—the reform of the vanilla economy. In 1964, the Indian Ocean vanilla producers, Madagascar, Reunion, Seychelles, and Comoro agreed to form an organization. The major objectives were: promoting a quality product, stabilizing the market, and focusing a common policy. A label was created: Bourbon vanilla, thus, paying international tribute to Reunion’s pioneering technological breakthroughs: those of Albius, Loupy, de Floris, and many others.

At the beginning of the nineteenth century, Reunion received the first vanilla saplings from faraway resorts, she greeted them ungrudgingly. The inhabitants did not just welcome another beautiful orchid to a land of beaches and blooms. Similar to a fairy tale of rags-to-riches, the Reunionese have turned a plain flowering bean plant into a world asset.

References

Billiard, A. 1822. Voyage aux Indes orientales. Le Dantu, Paris.

Bourriquet, G. 1954. Le vanillier et la vanille dans le monde. Lechevallier, Paris.

Delteil, A. 1884. La vanille, sa culture, sa préparation. Challamel, Paris.

Floris, D. (de). 1857. La culture du vanillier. Lahuppe, La Réunion.

Focard, V. 1862. L’introduction et la fécondation du vanillier à l’île Bourbon. Bulletin des Sciences et Arts, 222–235.

Leblond, M.A. 1931. L’île enchantée. Librairie de la Revue Française, Paris.

Lucas, R. 1990. La Réunion, Ile de vanille. Océan-Editions, La Réunion.

Lucas, R. and Serviable, M. 2008. Commandants et gouverneurs de l’Ile de la Réunion.

Océan-Editions, La Réunion.

Sohagun, B. (de). 1801. Histoire générale des choses de la Nouvelle-Espagne. Lesguilhez frères, Paris.

Thomas, P. 1828. Essai de statistique de l’Ile Bourbon. Bachelier libraire, Paris.

Загрузка...