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30 Plut. Pomp. 76.4; in general, cf. Timpe 1962 (c 256) 114-16.
40 MRR и 308. 41 Above, p. 10 and n. 19.
42 Plancus in Cic. Fam. x.8.3 and 6, with n. in D. R. Shackleton Bailey's commentary.
45 Dio XLVHI.25.2 implies that the garrisons were composed of old partisans of Brutus and Cassius, though this is scarcely credible in so sensitive an area: cf. Brunt 1971 (a 9) 497.
Strab. xvi.2.24-5 (660Q; cf. Brunt 1971 (a 9) 497.
So on coins, EJ2 8, RRC 524: cf. Strab. xiv.2.24-5 (660Q; Plut. Ant. 28.1; Dio xLVin.26.5. Plutarch and Strabo both take Partbieus imperator together, 'commander of the Parthians'; Dio more plausibly takes Partbieus as an assumed cognomen, implying that Labienus had himself acclaimed imperator by his troops and also took the cognomen Partbieus. Cf. Crawford 1974 (в 319) 529; Wallmann 1989 (c 243) 232-4.
« Dio XLvm.26.3-4; Strab. xiv.2.24—$ (660С); Tac. Ann. 111.62.2; RDCE 27 (Stratoniceia) and 59-60 (Mylasa); Reynolds 1982 (в 270) docs, it, 12, and probably 7 and 13 (Aphrodisias).
47 Rehm 1914 (в 267) 128-9. 48 Plut. Ant. 30.2. « Strab. хи.8.7-9 О74С).
73ILLRP 562a. 74 RRC 527-9, especially 529.4a; cf. Wallmann 1989 (c 243) 80-2.
247 Cf. Tarn 1932 (c 233) 13J-43, suggesting that Sib, Or. 111.350-61 dates to this period. That oracle looks forward with joy to Rome's humiliation and Asia's triumph, and might seem to be casting back much of Octavian's propaganda in his face. But sadly, the dating is insecure, cf. Nikiprowetzky 1970 (в 131), esp. 144-50, 201-2.
248 Eus. Chron. ii. 140 dates Antony's divorce of Octavia to May- June 52; Plut. Ant. 57 says that the divorce note was sent from Athens, probably rightly. 249 See above, p. 42.
Someone scrawled under a statue of Antony,' 'Октаоиш
Suet. Ner. 3.2. 272 Veil. Pat. 11.84.2. 273 Syme 1939 (a 93) 267.
214 ILS 891 (Miletus). He was eventually cos. suff. in 31, but he owed that to Octavian; he may originally have been designated for a different year.
275 Samos honoured Titius as a benefactor, so he was probably still with Antony then: cf. IGRR rv 1716, MDAI (A) 75 (i960) i49d. Dio l. 3.2 seems to put their defection after the divorce, though that may be only his conjecture; Plut. Ant. 58.4 connects it with the issue whether Cleopatra should remain.
336 Plut. Ant. 79.J-4, 82.4-j.
Cf. esp. Prop iv.6.63-6. If it were too dangerous to let her live longer than the triumph, she
27 Not until the second century a.d. was the oratio principis in the Senate treated as per se normative.
28.2.26. 29 Frier 1985 (f 652) 186-7.
105 Ov. Tr, i.i.69-70; ni.i.) 3-40. The formal approach was by then, it seems, from the northern
57 Friedlander 1922 (a 30) 1. 86-8; Millar 1977 (a 59) 83ff; Turcan 1987 (d 20) 2o8ff.
13 Nccsen 1980 (d t j 1) esp. 19-22. 14 Neesen 1980 (d 1 j 1) 22 n. 4.
46 Roman citizenship: Lex Irnitana, cap.21 (Gonzalez 1986 (в 235)), cf. Sherwin-White 1973 (a 87) ch. 14; the tabula Contrcbicnsir. Richardson, 1983 (в 271) 3 3-41; the first duovinx Volubilis: CCN 407b.
33 Gonzalez 1986 (в zjj) chs. 62 and 82. 34 Roman Statutes 1995 (f 684), nos. 24 and 26.
32 On the recruitment of Spaniards for the Roman army, see, above all, Roldan Hervas 1974 (e 235) esp. 233-86; cf. Le Rous 1982 (e 228) 284-90.
49 Diox1.v111.49. so Tib. 1.7.п. 51 Strab. iv.6.11 (208c).
64 CIL xiii 1048 and 1074.
V. RURAL SETTLEMENT
The Romanization of the countryside was generally a slower process, and there is little change to be observed in most farmsteads and agricultural communities until much later, their owners continuing to live in the traditional Iron Age manner, even though they began to use new agricultural and domestic equipment and utensils. The first villas, which are the best measure of the rate of adoption of Roman ways, were to be found, as might be expected, not far from the new towns,
33 RIB 91. w R/b91. 33 Fulford 1989(e) 41). 34 Fulford 1985 (e 540).
37 Fulford 1984 (e 539)- 38 Margary 1973 (e 347). » Duncan-Jones 1974 (a 24) 366-9.
VI. TRADE AND INDUSTRY
Improved communications undoubtedly helped to expand trade connexions. But the introduction of Roman currency into the province, primarily to pay the army, will have created a pool of low-value coins for small, everyday transactions, thus performing a function which the mostly high-value coinage of the Iron Age had failed to do. Trade in Britain, and between Britain and the rest of the empire, increased rapidly, much of it at first probably connected with supplies under army contracts. Large quantities of samian pottery came mainly from factories
40 Walthew 1975 (e 563) 189-205. 41 Rodwell and Rodwell 1973 (e 554) 115-27.
II. ROMAN GERMANY, l6 B.C.-A.D. 17
Agrippa's recall from his second period of acdvity in Gaul and the elaborate celebration of the extraordinary Secular Games marks the end of a phase in the military acdvity between the Mediterranean coast and the Euphrates and north-west Spain. With the achievement of pacification, the princeps Augustus was able for the first time to turn his attention to aemulatio Caesaris and to conquest through a bellum externum. In Caesarian fashion he attempted this feat in north-west Europe with a large-scale movement which was to make the land between the Danube bend at Vienna and the mouth of the Weser into imperial territory.
13 Suet. Vit. 8. 14 Tac. Hist. iv. j 5. 15 For a different view, see above, ch. 2, p. 98.
99 For auxiliaries, see Cheesman 1914 (d i 74); for consistent recruitment from provinces or tribes after which units were named as something exceptional, see also, e.g., Mocsy 1974 (e 677) 154.
Tac. Ann. 11. j9; Oros. vi.19.20. 13 Veil. Pat. 11.39; Joseph. BJ 11.386.
14 Porter and Moss 1939 (e 958) vi 114; POxj 1453.
69 The only city for which we get anything approaching an insight into its internal economy at
this period, is Palmyra through the Hadrianic Tax Law, elements of which are derived from a Julio-
Claudian 'Old Law'. There one finds references to the importation of a wide range of produce from
the Palmyrene territory, and extensive services in the city ranging from the selling of clothes to
prostitution (Teixidor 1984 (e 1066) 69-90; Matthews 1984 (e 1037)).
90 Clark and Haswell 1970 (a 17) 19. 91 Arm. 11.42.
Gapp 1935 (c 349); cf. Gapp, 1934 (a 32) chs II and III, Garnsey 1988 (a 33).
Bowersock 1982 (d 23) 6j2f.
The best known of these, Q. Aemilius Secundus, who commanded regiments in Syria,
campaigned against the Ituraeans, and conducted the famous census at Apameia for Quirinius in
a.d. 6, is probably but not certainly from Berytus (Devijver 1986 (d 179) 183-9).
Malalas, Chron. ix.20 (224).
Joseph. AJ xvi.224, 322; BJ 1.487 (marriage); Joseph. AJ xvi.29jf (kingship); Joseph. AJ
134 See D. Graf, 'The Nabataean army and the Cohortes Ulpiae Petraeorum', in E. Dabrowa (ed.)
31 Levick 1976 (c }66); Holladay 1978 (c 356); Brunt 1961(0 47).
32 Flory 1984 (f 366); Purcell 1986 (p 30).
45 On the ideology of civilitas, Wallace-Hadrill 1982 (d 21).
50 Ov. Fast. v.129, 147-8; Suet. Aug. 31.4; Niebling 1956 (f 190) 324-5.
64 lltal xiii.2, p. 45 2. The restoration of'shrine' is controversial, but see Guarducci 1971 (f i 5 3). There was already a ramp linking the old temple of Vesta to the Palatine: Coarelli 1983-5 (e 19)1 237, 248,11 156.
70 Treggiari 1969 (f 68) 11 ff.
ii. augustus' procedural reforms
Iulius Caesar, during his dictatorship, allegedly contemplated a complete codification of Roman private law; his attempts at legal reform, though never carried out, thus looked mainly to substantive law.9 By contrast, three times during his long reign Augustus refused to accept any general grant of power to re-order the law and morals of the Roman people (cura legum et morum)\w instead, he concentrated on careful
Cf. Frier 198) (f 652) 2j2-7.
In addition to the Digest, the main juristic sources for Roman private law are collected in FIR A 11. For a survey of surviving legal texts, see Schiller 1978 (f 689) 28-62.
' Suet. lul. 44.2; Isid. Etjm. j.1.5.
10 Augustus, RG 6.1; but contrast Suet. Aug. 27.5, and Dio liv.io.j. It appears that Augustus only declined the express power; cf. Schiller 1978 (f 689) 467-8. On Augustus' moral legislation, see below at n. 76.
11 See Kaser 1966 (f 661) 115-16, with further literature; for references, see Acta 1945 (в i) 1438. The Lex Irnitana, a Flavian municipal charter from Spain, provides major new information on this law; it also may show that the Lex lulia was supplemented by a second law extending Roman procedure to municipalities, see Gai. Inst, iv.50, with Gonzalez 1986 (в 235) 150.
52 Sabinus' three-book ius civile was annotated by Aristo, then commented on by Pomponius (in thirty-five books), Paul (sixteen) and Ulpian (fifty-one, but incomplete).
84 Kaser 1966 (f 661) 339—49. The expression does not occur in sources until the middle of the second century a.d.
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[1] Dio xlvii.18.3-19.3; cf. Weinstock 1971 (f 233) 386-98; Wallman 1989 (c 243) 52-8.
[2] Brunt 1971 (a 9) 484-3; Botermann 1968 (c 36) 181-204.
[3] Plut. Brut. 28.1, Ant. 22.6, probably right on chronology and responsibility; cf. esp. Dio xl vii.24.3-6.
[4] Plut. Brut. 28.3 and Dio x1.v11.25.1—2 agree that this march began after C. Antonius' death, but the chronology is very insecure.
[5] Cf. App. BCiv. iv.63.270-1; Dio xlvii.32.1; Plut. Brut. 28.3. So long a winter march is hard to believe, but the sources clearly connect the beginning of the march with news of the proscriptions and related events; there does not in any case seem time for it in late summer or autumn 43; yet it cannot have been as late as spring 42, for that would not leave time for the campaigns in southern Asia Minor.
' Brunt 1971 (a 9) 485—8; Botermann 1968 (c 36) 204-11.
[7] App. BCiv. iv.65.276-7; cf, Plut. Brut. 28.3-5; contrast Dio xlvii.32, defensively stressing their unanimity.
[8] Cf. esp. App. BCiv. iv. 108.454; Brunt 1971 (a 9) 487.
[9] App. BCiv. iv.135.568-136.576, v.2.4-9; Dio xlvii.49.3-4; Brunt 1971 (a 9) 488.
[9] App. BCn>. v.j.12 and Dio XLViii.1.3 (cf. XLvm.22.2) suggest some equivocation.
[10] Cf. Brant 1971 (a 9) 493-7.
[11] "... Galliaque quae semper praesidet atque praesedit huic imperio', Gc. Pbil. v. 3 7; cf. esp. Pbtf. v.j, xii.9, 13, xiii.37.
[12] App. BCb. v.31.121 with AfRR 11 393. 19 App. BCb. iv.59.257, 63.171, 88.375, 99.414
20 Plut. Ant. 23. 21 Joseph. A J xiv.301-4; cf. Buchheim i960 (c 49) 11-12.
Plut. Ant. 24.4 with Pelling 1988 (в 138) ad be.
App. BCb. v. 5.21 makes Antony claim that he needs 'money, land and cities' for twenty-eight
legions, comprising 170,000 men )ита twv awraooofUvcov: there were also the cavalry and 'another
mass of another army'. The figure 170,000 may be realistic for the total of triumviral troops, including those in the West (01 avtnaaaofuvoi ?), owed money, land, or both: but 'another mass of another army' is obscure. Cf. esp. Brunt 1971 (a 9) 489-94, Keppie 1983 (e 65) 60-1.
[18] App. BCb. v.6.27. 25 Broughton 1938 (e 821) 562-4 estimated it as 1,600 talents.
26 Cf. App. BCiv. v.6.27.
[20] Virg. Eel. ix.28. On the settlements cf. esp. Gabba 1970 (в ; 5) lix-lxviii, 1971 (c 93); Brunt 1971 (a 9) 290-1,294-300, 328-31,342-4; Schneider 1977(0231) 213-28; Keppie 1983 (e 65) 58—69, 87-133, and (on Cremona) 190-2.
[21] App. BCiv. v.i9.7j;cf. Plut. Ant. 30.1. But the role of Fulvia remains hard to estimate; she was dead by the time of the Brundisium treaty, and by then, as Dio xlvin.28.3 shrewdly remarks, it was in everyone's interest to blame her for the war.
[22] App. BCip. v.19.74, 30.118, 39.159-61, 43.179-80; cf. Dio xLvin.13.6; Suet. Aug. 12.1 (misdating).
[23] For a different view, Gabba 1971 (c 93) 146—50; Roddaz 1988 (c 201).
[24] EJ2 7, Dio XLvin.5.4 cf. Wallmann 1989 (c 243) 82-4.
[25] App. BCiv. v.14.55; Dio xLVii.14.4; cf. Keppie 1983 (E65) 59-60.
M Keppie 1983 (e 65) 66-7.
w App. BCiv. v.21.83, 52.216, 60.251; cf. Dio XLViii.27.1.
[28] Cf. App. BCiv. v.66.179, with Gabba 1970 (в j 5) adloc.\ Brant 1971 (a 9) 498.
[29] Cf. the correspondence with Rhosus (EJ2 301, RDGE 58) and with Ephesus, Samos and Aphrodisias (Reynolds 1982 (в 270) docs. 10, 12, and probably 6 and (if correctly dated and interpreted) 13, with pp. 39—40); Millar 1973 (c 17;), esp. 36; Badian 1984 (в 208).
[30] Reynolds 1982 (в 270) doc. 12; Millar 1973 (c 175) 56. At Antony and Cleopatra 1.1.20-2 Cleopatra spoke truer than Shakespeare knew: 'Fulvia perchance is angry; or who knows If the scarce-bearded Caesar have not sent His powerful mandate to you: "Do this, or this ...".'
App. BCiv. v.67.282 withGabba's note; Dio xlviii.31, xlviii.34.2; cf. Nicolet 1976(0 104)95.
App. BCiv. v.67.280; Dio xlvin.30. 77 Syme 1939 (a 93) 220 and n. 6.
[33] Plut. Ant. 51.5; cf. Buchheim i960 (c 49) 40-1.
[34] Joseph. BJ 1.282-5, A] xiv.381-5. Other grants too were made by the Senate: freedom, it seems, for Stratoniceia, Miletus and Aphrodisias-Plarasa (Reynolds 1982 (в 270) doc. 8).
[35] App. BCb. v.75.318; Dio XLvm.34.1; Reynolds 1982 (в 270) doc. 8 with p. 39: cf. Millar 1973
(c 175) 5 3_4- 81 Reynolds 1982 (в 270) 70-1.
[37] It is suggestive that the offer of compensation was made directly to the proscribed, and was
apparently more acceptable to them than to Sextus: App. BCiv. v.71.301-2.
s> App. BCb. v.73.313. w Plut. Ant. 52; cf. App. BCiv. v.73.310; Dio xtvin.38.
15 Reynolds 1982 (в 270) doc. 8 line 26, with her commentary.
[41] On the date, Pelling 1988 (в i j8) 206; Wallmann 1989 (c 243) 234.
[42] Stratoniceia: RDGE 27. Aphrodisias-Plarasa: Reynolds 1982 (в 270) docs. 8 and 9, cf. doc. 6 lines 28-9, 10 line 2, with her commentary. Miletus: Mile! 1 3 nr. 126 lines 23-5 with pp. 252-3,
[43] IG и2 1043. 22-3. 98 Agora inscription published by Raubitschek 1946 (p 202) 146-50.
99 Dio xlviii. 39.2; Sen. Sunt. 1.6.7 (the story has evidently been embroidered, but probably has at
least some basis). It need not follow that Octavia herself was regarded as Athena incarnate, as
Raubitschek 1946 (f 202) thought.
,cn Cf. especially Mannsperger 1973 (c 171) 384-6. Here Dionysiac types were admittedly
standard: Crawford 1974 (в 319) ii 743 n.4. 101 Socrates of Rhodes, FGrH 192 F 2.
102 Dio xlix. 19-20 with Reinhold 1988 (в \<,6)adloc.\ cf. Sherwin-White 1984 (л 89) 304-6. The
similarities to the events of 39 are in fact suspicious, and the same stories may have been used by
historians for two different campaigns. But it is likely enough that Ventidius tried to repeat his
waiting game, and just possible that Pacorus fell into the trap.
[53] Plut. Ant. 34.5-7. The terms dearly gave the city over to the Romans (Joseph, ^yxiv.447, BJ 1.322; Oros. vi.18.23). Cf. Sherwin-White 1984 (a 89) 306 and n.24.
[54] Suet. Aug. 62.2 with Carter 1982 (в 24) adloc.\ Dio xlvui.34.3.
[55] App. BCiv. v.79-}j6. too So App. BCiv. v.92.386.
Dio XLvm.49.z-3; cf. App. BCiv. v.75.318, 92.386.
Dio xLviii.43.1-3, cf. xlviii.j3.1-3, xlix.i6.2, xux.43.7; Frei-Stolba 1967 (c 92) 83.
к» Dio xLviii.43.1, xlviii.j3.4-6; App. BCiv. rv.41.172-3.
110 So App. BCiv. ¥.93.386-95.398. For the divergences between this account and Plut. Ant. 35.1
and Dio XLVin.54 cf. Pelling 1988 (в 138) 213-14. 111 Plut. Ant. 35.1.
112 The treaty is normally put a litde later, in September or October, but the grounds for this are slight. A July/August date would be late enough to rule out a resumption of the Parthian War until
36 (cf. Plut. Ant. 35.8); Octavian's delay of the war against Sextus (App. BCiv. v.9J.396) was probably one of the treaty's terms, and tells nothing of its date. It is hard to think that even protracted negotiations would have dragged on into September.
[63] For the details, Paget 1968 (d 218) 163-9; Roddaz 1984 (c 200) 95-114.
[64] Dio xlvin.46.1; Strab. v.4.3-5 (24jQ. 124 For the date, Schŭrer 1973 (e 1207) 1.284-6.
125 The territorial extent of Polemo's realm is not precisely clear, but it was evidently similar to
that of Darius: cf. Hoben 1969 (e 840) 42-4.
[67] Possibly at first jointly with his elder brother Deiotarus Philopator. Cf. Strab. хи.3.40-2 (j62C); Hoben 1969 (e 840) 118-19.
[68] Strabo. xn.6.2-7.1 (569C); Hoben 1969^ 840) 123-4. 128 Cf. Levick 1967 (e 851) 25-6.
App. BCiv. v.7.31 (of 41 B.C., awenpa(fv is rqv fSaoiXclav: cf. Buchheim 1960(049) }j-6,
observing Appian's careful phrasing.
[71] Dio xux.32.3: on the date cf. Buchheim i960 (c 49) J9.
[72] Strab. хи.3.6-8 (J43C), }-)J—J (h8Q. 3-57-8 ()6oC), 8.7-9 (5 74Q,xiv.j. 16-21 (676C), with
Pelling 1988 (в 138) adloc.\ cf. Magic 1950 (e 8; 3) 435-6, 1240, 1285-7, and on Antony's policy in general Bowersock 1965 (c 39) 42-61. 132 Tac. Ann. 11.42.2.
[74] Plut. Ant. 36.3-4 and Dio XLIX.32.3-5 agree in placing these grants in 37-36. Joseph. A] xv.94-5 appears to place the gifts of parts of Phoenicia, Arabia and Judaea in 34, but he himself seems to associate these gifts with that of Lysanias' domain, which certainly belongs in 37-36: he is clearly combining several different phases of Qeopatra's past. Cf. for the date Buchheim i960 (c 49) 69-73; for the Arabian grant Bowersock 1983 (e 990) 40-4; for the balsam woods Schŭrer 1973 (e 1207) 198-300.
[75] Porphyry FCrH 260 p.2.17; Dio xux.32.5; Joseph. A] xv.92, BJ 1.440. The adjoining territory probably included Canatha (Joseph. AJxv. 112, BJ 1.366), Hippos and Gadara (Joseph. AJ xv.217, BJ 1.396); possibly also Damascus, where Cleopatra's portrait appears on coins (though that need not be decisive). Cf. Bicknell 1977 (c 29) 339.
[76] Dio xlix-32.5; cf. Grant 1946 (в 322) 55-8; Buttrey 1983 (в 315) 24-7.
[77] Cf. Plut. Ant. 37.1-2 withPtlling 1988 (в 138)ad!oc.\ Dio xux.23.5, xlix.24.3 with Reinhold 1988 (в 150) ad lot. Phraates won Monaeses back suspiciously quickly; Ног. Carm. 111.3.9-12 may even indicate that he entrusted him with an important command. Possibly Monaeses' 'desertion' was simply a signal to Phraates that he would go over to Rome unless restored to authority.
,<0 Suet. lul. 44; cf. Bengtson 1974 (c 22) 4-9, Malitz 1984 (c 169) 56-7.
Dio xlix.2j. 1. In 54-3 he had advised Crassus similarly (Plut. Crass. 19, 22.2).
That had been agreed at Brundisium (see above, p. 18). The strong stress in the tradition that Ventidius had already avenged Crassus (Plut. Ant. 34.3; Dio хых.21.2; Val. Max. vi.9.9; Flor. 11.19.7; Tac. Germ, xxxvn.4) probably reflects an idea contemporary with the events themselves, and one which Octavian would have found welcome: cf. Buchheim i960 (c 49) 39; Timpe 1962 (c 236) 114-19; Wallmann 1989 (c 243) 236, 238-9, 263-4.
[81] The city's site is uncertain: according to Dellius (cit. Strab. xi.i 3.1-4 (523С)) it was 2,400 stades, i.e. some 480 km, from the Armenian border. Its conventional location at Taht-i-Soleiman is not at all likely, and it was probably much further east, near Maragheh. Cf. Schippman 1971 (F220) 338-47; Bengtson 1974 (c 22) 29—30. Much of the standard topographical reconstruction of this campaign is in need of correction (it is mainly still based on Rawlinson 1841 (e 866) 113-17): cf. now Sherwin-White 1984 (a 89) 311-21 and Pelling 1988 (в 138) 220-43.
Plut Ant. 38.4; Arr. Parti, fr. 95R.
[83] Veil. Pat. 11.82.2; cf. Livy, Per. 150; Plut. Ant. 38.5 (10,000 men).
[84] Plut Ant. 38.6; Dio xux.25.4; cf. below, p. 38.
[85] Plut. Ant. 39, though the account has implausible elements: cf. Pelling 1988 (в 158) ad he.
[86] It is embellished by Plutarch (cf. Pelling 1988 (в 158) 221), but perhaps originates with Dellius: so Jacoby on FGrH 197 f 1.
[87] Presumably the western rather than the eastern foothills, if Phraata was near Maragheh (cf. n. 152): cf. the map in Pelling 1988 (в 138) 230; Sherwin-White 1984 (a 89) 318 and n.53.
[88] Plut. Ant. 50.1, 51.1, cf. Veil. Pat. 1.82.3; Flor- i-го ю; Livy, Per. 130.
[89] App BCiv. v.99.414, 112.470. 161 App. BCiv. v.99.414.
162 Dio xlix.ii; cf. App. BCiv. v.132.547. Octavian had spent some time there in 38. Dio
xlviii.46.2-3. 163 See above, p. 24.
164 Flor. 11.18.9; З00 fought at Naulochus (App. BCiv. v.i 18.490, 120.499). Cf. Brunt 1971 (a 9)
507-8, Hadas 1930(0. 108) 123. 165 Dio xLvin.46.2.
166 Cf. App. BCiv. v.98.406, 104.450-2; Veil. Pat. 11.80.1; Brunt 1971 (a 9) 499.
[95] App. BCiv. V.137.J71, 138.574.
[96] There was a popular demonstration against Titius, Veil. Pat. 11.79.6.
[97] Dio l.i.4; cf. App. BCiv. v.i27.525.
[98] Dio XLvm.30.5-6. Titius was later unfairly represented as Sextus' personal enemy: cf. App. BCiv. v.140.584 with Gabba 1970 (в 55) ad loc., 142.589-90. But Dio XLIX.18.3 more shrewdly suggests that Sextus had hopes of Titius' goodwill.
1,1 Dio XLIX.18.4—5 with Reinhold 1988 (в 150) ad loc.; App. BCiv. v. 144.598-600. But Velleius, as ever a faithful follower of Octavian's line, has no doubts: "iussu M Antonii', 11.79.5 (cf. 87.2).
[100] So Dio xlix.}}.}, possibly conjecturing, but intelligently.
[101] Cf. above, p. 30; Plut. Ant. 36.5 with Pelling 1988 (в 138) ad loc., 5 3.9-10, 54.3.
[102] Plut. Ant. 53.1.
[103] Despite the implications of Plut. Ant. 53.5-9: cf. Pelling 1988 (в 138) ad loc.
[104] App BCiv. v.138.575 - unless these 'cavalry' are the same as the 200 'elite troops', cf. Gabba 1970 (в 55 )ad loc.
[105] See above, p. 26.
196 Their use against Sextus: cf. App. BCiv. v.98.406; Dio xlix. 1.1,5.1. Their return: App. BCiv. v.i29.5 37, 139.577; Dio xlix. 14.6.
[107] His attacks on this front probably began as early as winter 35/4; cf. Plut. Ant. 54.1.
[108] To stay in Athens: Plut. Ant. 53.2. To return to Rome: Dio xLix.33.4.
[109] Dio хых.40.3; Plut. Ant. 56.1: cf. below, p. 48.
[110] 'Octavian claimed that Antony's treacherous arrest had brought great discredit on the Roman people', Dio l.1.4: cf. Tac. Ann. ii.j.i with Goodyear's commentary; Veil. Pat. 11.82.5; Fadinger 1969 (в 42) 150-1. The emphasis on Artavasdes' treachery probably originates with Dellius: cf. Strab. xi.i j.4-6 (524C); Dio хых.25.5; Plut. Ant. 50.5-7 with Pelling 1988 (в 158) adloc.
[111] RRC 545, of about 52 B.C.
[112] Silver: Dio xlix.59.6. Gold: Veil. Pat. 11.82.5, with Woodmann 1985 (в 205) ad he. Cf. Dio
xlix.40.5. я» Cf. Versnel 1970 (a 97), especially 20-58, 255-54, 288-9.
[114] That is the emphasis of Plut. Ant. 50.6-7; cf. Veil. Pat.11.82.4 with Woodmann 1985 (в 205)0/ loc.-. Grant 1974 (c 101) 161-2; Reinhold 1988 (в 150) on Dio xux.40.5-4; Wallmann 1989 (c 243)
288-91. 207 As Dio xux.40-1 implies.
[116] Plut. Ant. 54.8, with Pelling 1988 (в 138) adlot.
[117] Pelling 1988 (в 138) 249-50, on Plut. Ant. 54.4-9 (contra, Wallmann 1989(0 243) 291-6). Even the association of Caesarion in the monarchy was not new: that dates back to 37-36 (Samuel 1971 (c 206)).
[118] Dio xux.41.6, cf. Suet. Aug. 28.1. This offer may have been included in the dispatch to the Senate which arrived in early 32 (see below, p. 49); so e.g. Fadinger 1969 (в 42) 119-28, 195-206; Gray 1975 (c 102) 17-18; but Dio's language does not fix it so precisely.
[119] Especially RRC 543, the ARMENIA DEVICTA coin (see above, p. 40), but also some more minor local issues: cf. Buttrey 195 3 (в 314) 54—86 (esp. 84), 95; Wallmann 1989 (c 243) 2; 1-2, 255.
[120] RRC 541: cf. Wallmann 1989 (c 243) 251-2. 213 Dio xlix.41.4. 214 Dio ibid.
215 Scott 1933 (c 212) collects the material; for subtler treatment, with illuminating modem
parallels, cf. Kennedy 1984 (c 134), Watson 1987 (в 192) and especially Wallmann 1989 (c 243). On
artistic questions Zanker 1987 (p 632) is outstanding.
[124] Battle-record: Suet. Aug. 10.4, 16.г; cf. Charlesworth 1955 (c 60) 174-j. Lepidus, Sicily and
settlements: Plut. Ant. 5 j; cf. Dio l.1.5-4, 20.2-3. Apolline banquet: Suet. Aug. 69.1, 63.2, 70; cf. Charlesworth 1933 (c 60); Wallmann 1989 (c 243) esp. 268-74. 222 Suet. Aug. 69.2.
[126] Suet. Aug. 71. 224 Pliny, HN xiv.148; cf. Scott 1929 (c 211); Geiger 1980 (c 96).
225 This punctuation and interpretation is clearly right: cf. Kraft 1967 (c 140) and Carter 1982
(в 24) ad loc.
[129] Hercules and Omphale: the Arretine cup in the Metropolitan Museum, New York (CVA Metr. Mus. iv в f PI. 24): Zanker 1987 (f 632)65-7. Cf. Prop. hi. i i. 16-20; Plut. Ant. 90(3).4.Coins:
Zanker 1987 (f 632) 61-5; cf. Wallmann 1989 (c 243) 273-4 and (on Apollo) Mannsperger 1973 (c 171). 227 See above, p. 17. Cf. Wallmann 1989 (c 243) 151-2, 159-61, 219-20, 339-43.
[131] Cf. САН ix2 471-8. 229 Suet. Jul. 52.2; cf. DioxLix.41.2, l.i.5.
230 Britain: Dio xlix.38.2 with Reinhold 1988 (в 150) ad toe.-, Virg. G. 1.30, 111.25; Hor. Epod.
vii. 7. The temple was not finished till 29 b.c., though celebrated on coins as early as 36 (RRC 540; cf. Weinstock 1971 (f 235) 399—400; Zanker 1987 (f 632) 44).
[134] Я/в/XIII i 342-3, 369-60.
2,2 On all this cf. below, pp. 785-9, and Shipley 1931 (f 571), Zanker 1987 (f 632), 73-80.
[136] For the details, Roddaz 1984 (c 200) 148-52.
[137] Dio xlix.42-3 with Reinhold 1988 (в 150) ad /ос.; cf. Roddaz 1984 (c 200) 145-57.
[138] Dio xlix.43.3. 246 Suet. Aug. 95. 247 Dio xlvin.43.4.
Suet. Aug. 72, with Carter 1982 (в 24) ad loc. He acquired the house in 42/1.
Dio xlix.43.5. 250 Plut. Ant. 56.1; cf. Dio xlix.40.2, see above, p. 40; Brunt 1971 (a 9)
504. 251 Dio xlix.44.2. 252 Plut. Ant. 53.12. 253 See Endnote, p. 67. 254 See above, pp. 26-7.
[142] Syme 1959 (a 9}) 278 and others state that there were more than 300: this is because RG 25.3 claims 'more than 700 senators' serving under Octavian's colours in the Actium war, and the
Senate's total strength was more than 1,000. The inference is most precarious.
2" Plut. Ant. 56.1-3; cf. ZPE 14 (1974) 257-8, an inscription honouring Domitius as patron of
Ephesus and Samos.
Plut. Ant. 61 with Pelling 1988 (в 138)ad lot.; Brunt 1971 (a 9) 503-7. Most of those troops would have joined Antony by the spring of 32.
Brunt 1971 (a 9) 507, Levick 1967 (e 851) 58-60. Already in 38 some cohorts included 'many recruits from Syria', Joseph. A] xiv.449, 1-324. 264 Plut. Ant. 56.2, cf. 61.5.
2« Plut. Ant. j 6.6-5 7. i: doubtless elaborated, but some of the detail (e.g. the gift of Priene to the 'Artists of Dionysus') seems too circumstantial for sheer fiction. It was perhaps now that Antony also granted privileges to 'the worldwide association of victors at the festival games' (above, p. 11 and n. 31). 246 Plut. Ant. 56.2.
[149] Plut. Ant. 61 with Pelling 1988 (в 138) ad loc.-, Brunt 1971 (a 9) 501—7. Legend doubtless
exaggerated the superior size of Antony's ships (perhaps as early as Hor. Epod. 1.1-2), cf. e.g. Prop.
111.11.44, iv.6.47-50; Plut. Ant. 62.2; Veil. Pat. 11.84.1 with Woodman 1983 (в 203) ad he.: Octavian's were the massive galleys which had defeated Sextus in 36. But Antony's doubtless were
bigger still. 298 Dio L.7.3. 299 See above, p. 52.
*» Caes. BCiv. 3.7-8, 14, 23-6; cf. САН ix2 432. 301 САН ix2 432; see above, pp. 6-7.
[154] For the early stages of the Actium campaign cf. esp. Kromayer 1899 (c 144) 4-28.
[155] [Plut.] Мог. 207л.
[156] 'At hue frementes uerterunt bis mille equos|Galli canentes Caesarem' (Epod. ix. 17-18). That
Epcde seems to be a dramatic recreation of the moods of a spectator of the campaign: cf. Nisbet 1984 (в ! }2) 10-16. 307 Plut. Ant. 62.1, 63.8, 64.
301 The outstanding modern discussions of the battle are by Kromayer 1899(0 144); Tarn 1931 (c 232); and Carter 1970 (c 31). For further discussion and argument for the views presented here, cf. Pelling 1986 (c 186) and 1988 (в 138) 272-89, esp. 278-9.
[159] Kromayer 1899 (c 144) 30-2; Brunt 1971 (a 9) 508: Pelling 1988 (в 138) 268, 276, 287-8.
[160] Cleopatra Selene survived to marry Juba of Mauretania; Alexander Helios walked in the triumph of 29, but is not heard of after that and was probably murdered. Ptolemy Philadelphus is not mentioned at the triumph, and probably died even sooner.
[161] The same tradition is reflected by Flor. 11.21.9-10 and Oros. vi. 19.18. It probably owes its currency to Livy, who had a taste for such final scenes (cf. his Sophoniba, xxx. 12-15) and certainly dwelt on the importance to Cleopatra of the triumph (fr. 54, ou врюц/Зсиооцш).
[162] Cf. esp. Griffiths 1961 (c 105), Nisbet and Hubbard 1970 (в 133) on Hor. Carm. 1.37.
[163] I-37-
[164] Cf. esp. Nisbet and Hubbard 1970 (в 153) on Hor Carm. 1.37. It is often stated confidently that Octavian ordered or connived in her suicide; cf. e.g. Grant 1974 (c 101) 224-7; Huzar 1978 (c 122) 227; Syme 1939 (a 93) 298-9 is only a little more cautious.
[165] Dio Ы.17.4 with Reinhold 1988 (в 150) ad /ос.; Strab. xvn.1.52-3 (819Q.
could of course be removed then: a tawdry execution would not be necessary, but an accident might
happen a little later, or a wasting disease. These things could be managed.
[168] Though some may not: cf. Pelling 1988 (в 138), 318-23.
[169] 6-5 b.c. excerpt only; 4-3 b.c. no Dio at all; 2 в.с. begins with excerpt, becomes full again, but ends with excerpt; i b.c., a.d. i and ), excerpt only; a.d. 8, nothing except a scrap of excerpt at the end; a.d. 9, full Dio except for a gap after the 'Varian disaster', where there is only excerpt; summer a.d. 13 to summer a.d. 14, excerpt only.
s Millar 1964 (в 128) T02-i8; McKechnie 1981 (в 116); Espinosa Ruiz 1982 (c 84).
[171] Wallace-Hadriil 1983 (в 190) io-ij; Gascou 1984 (в 39) 390-6.
[172] Veil. Pat. 11.88-123, cd. Woodman 1983 (в 203), with commentary.
[173] E.g. Aufidius Bassus; Servilius Nonianus (on whom Syme in Hermes 92 (1964) 408-14 = Syme 1970 (в 178)91-109).
[174] Literature of the age discussed in ch. 19 below. 15 Dio li. 1.2. 16 Ch. 1 above, pp. J9-6J.
He will always be so named in this chapter, until he becomes Augustus.
Especially Sattler i960 (d 63) and Schmitthenner 1962 (c 305).
" A major politico-agrarian problem; see Brunt 1971 (a 9) 332—42.
20 N. Purcell, САН ix2, ch. 17.
[179] Strab. xvii.3.23 (840Q. 49 Suet. Aug. 7.2; Dio liii. 16.6-8.
Text of the copy from Aries, EJ2 22; picture, Earl 1968 (c 81) pi. 38.
Livy, Per. 134 gives also the change of the name of the month Sextilis to 'Augustus'; but other
evidence suggests a much later date for that change.
Gardthausen 1891 (c 93) 1 806. 53 Suet. Aug. 47.
[184] Schmitthenner 1962 (c 305). See also ch. 1 above and ch. 4 below.
[185] Syme 1986 (a 9j), chs. 15 and 16, and, on the prefecture of the city, esp. 211-12.
[186] 'Claiming that he did not understand the job-description', Tac. Ann. vi.i 1; 'Embarrassed by the job', Sen. Apocot. 10; 'Unconstitutional position', Jerome, Cbron. sub ann. 26.
[187] Roddaz 1984 (c 200) 3 39-51 has a full discussion; it is not in Dio. Essential now is EJ2 366, the
Greek fragment of Augustus' funeral oration for Agrippa, with the additional fragment published by Gronewald 1983 (в 370) 61-2. 74 Dio tin.32.3.
[189] Dio liii.32.5; Talbert 1984 (d 77) i6j.
[190] Tac. Arm. in.;6.2. 'Title of highest pre-eminence' must be an echo of an official description; the Greek for it can be seen in the oration for Agrippa, EJ2 366, lines 11-12.
[191] Though not immediately: Lacey 1979 (c 147). 80 Dio liii.32.5.
[192] The story at Suet. Aug. 56.4 implies that it had shaken him badly.
" Perhaps separate trials: young Tiberius was prosecutor of Caepio.
41 Dio's '...on the grounds that they intended to flee' is probably just a mistake natural to one of
his century. 93 Suet. Aug. 66.}.
[196] Twice, he says in the Ret Gestae. 95 Dio Liv.1.4-5; Suet. Aug. J2.
96 Augustus probably just leant heavily on hoarders: cf. Dig. 48.12.2 on the lex lulia de anmma.
[198] Dio liv. 10.5, exactly analogous to'... for life, to the extent of not having to relinquish...' at Lin.32.5; see above p. 86.
[199] Dio liv. 12.4. Agrippa's imperium was not made maius until 15 b.c., Dio Liv.28.1 (and that is
the correct inference from the lauiatio, EJ2 366). 114 Pp. 732-3, 885-93.
[201] Dio liv. 19.6: Dio's Greek implies that title: it was probably a formal, even if not a standing,
office. 124 Dio liv. 24.4-6.
[203] Rajak 1984 (e 1194) favours the authenticity of the texts cited by Josephus, but minimizes their scope.
■я Dio liv.2ĵ-ĵ puts it in i} b.c.
[205] Boatwright 1986 (c 53). 147 Dio lv.6.6. See n. 51 above.
,4S Veil. Pat. n.97.4; but see ch. 4 below, pp. 181-5.
149 The Res Gestae record troop discharges in 7, 6, 4, } and 2 B.C.
[208] The epitome of Dio says others were executed, and on a charge of conspiracy, but names no
names. 164 Syme 1986 (л 9;) 91. 165 Syme 1978 (в 179). 166 DioLV.io.ii.
[210] See above, p. 90.
[211] A propemptic eflusion: Antipater, Poem 47 (Gow and Page 1968 (в 65)). Cf. Ov. Art Am.
1.171. 169 The year immediately following i в.с. 170 Romer 1979 (c 501).
his death, in an elogjum (EJ2 69) he is called 'already designated princeps.
[214] Velleius was present, and describes it, 11.201.
[215] Bowersock 1984 (c 40) speculates about the divided allegiance in the East between Tiberius
and Gaius Caesar. 175 DioLV.ioa.8.
[216] He did, under popular pressure, allow his daughter to change her place of exile as far as
Rhegium. 177 So Dio lv. 13.2. Suetonius is wrong.
while. Domitius Ahenobarbus, who reached the Elbe, and Marcus Vinicius had both won onumenta
triumpbalia. 17» Veil. Pat. 11.104.1; Suet. Tib. 21.3. 1>0 Levick 1976 (c 366) ch. 4.
[220] The 'conspiracy of Gnaeus Cornelius Cinna Magnus', placed in this year by Dio lv.14-22.1 (cf. Sen. Cltm. 1.9) is a moral fiction. The Lex Valeria Cornelia of a.d. 5 is described in ch. 3 below, p. 127.
[221] See ch. 18 below, pp. 893-7. 184 Suet. Aug. 32.3; Bringmann 1973 (d 249).
iss Veil. Pat. и.105-7; and see ch. 4 below, pp. 183-4.
386 five legions were very nearly cut to pieces in a.d. 7, with severe loss of junior officers: Veil.
Pat. 11.112.6. 187 Dio lv.28.1-4.
188 Dio LV.27.6; Joseph. B/ii.ii i and 117. 189 DioLV.23.1.
100 He also set up a committee of consular senators to review expenditure in the public sector.
[226] DioLv.2j.j. RC 17.
153 Dio 1_v.26.4-5. A new 2 per cent tax on sales of slaves was instituted to fund the new service.
'« Dio Lv.27.2-j. EJ2 568. Dio lv.jki.
147 Veil. Pat. it. 115. ,,e Already stated by Dio LV.27.5.
[230] Suet. Aug. 19.2. 201 Tac. Ann. 11.59-40.
Tac. Ann. i.j.i (a'rumour'); Dio lvi.jo.i. Dismissed by Syme 1986(л 95)415. Part, perhaps,
of a propaganda campaign against Tiberius and Livia.
[233] Dio lvi.1-9 invents two speeches; Suet. Aug. 54 with 89, 2 and Livy, Per. 59.
[234] Dio lvi.io; Suet. Aug. 34; Tac. Ann. 111.28.j-4.
2,1 Numerous subordinate commanders got ornamenta triumpbalia for their services during the critical campaigns: Messalla Messallinus, M. Lepidus, C. Vibius Postumus, M. Plautius Silvanus.
[236] A'set piece'in Velleius, и.117.2-119; another in Dio, lvi.18—22.2. 213 DioLvi.2j.
A vexed problem of chronology plagues these у ears,crystallizing round the question whether
Tiberius' triumph was in a.d. 12 or 13 (we know at least the day: 23 October).
[239] Of which the Gemma Augustea is the visual monument: Simon 1986 (p 577) 156-61 and
PI. 11. 216 Dio lvi. 11 and 15.
[241] Sailer 1982 (f 59) esp. ch. 2. 5 Herrmann 1968 (c 117). 6 Sailer 1982 (f 59) 73-4.
Bowersock 1965 (c 39) ch. 3, and texts in Reynolds 1981 (в 270) nos. 10-12.
Braund 1984(0 254).
[244] lus and potestas. » Gai. Inst. I. j. 15 Suet. Calig. 14.1. 16 Strab. xvn.3.2; (840Q.
The Greek is The Latin word that stood in that place was not known until discovery
of the Antioch-in-Pisidia copy of the RG (published 1927), and Mommsen's guess was digiitas.
Respectively, Magdelain 1947 (c 167); Grant 1946 (в 322); Grenade 1961 (c 103).
[248] The view here argued for is mentioned, but dismissed, by Brunt 1977 (c 33]) 113.
[249] For my negative argument, see Jolowicz and Nicholas 1971 (f 660) 365-6; for my positive argument, see Hammond 1959 (л 43) 306, n. 59; de Martino 1974 (л 58) fasc. 1, 501-2.
[250] Dig. 1.4.1 pr., Ulpian, i Inst.: 'Quod principi placuit legis habet vigorem: utpote cum lege regia, quae de imperio eius lata est, populus ei et in eum omne suum imperium et potest»tem conferat.'
[251] And after the one great burst of 'Julian Laws' there are very few certain cases of even those.
[252] For normative-looking edicts of Augustus see EJ2 282, and, in the law, Dig. 16.1.2 pr. and
[253] E.g. Dig. 25.2.14.4. See also the new fideicommissary jurisdiction, Inst. Just. 11.25 pr. and
2}.i. 31 Pomponius at Dig. 1.2.2.49. respondendi see, especially, Wieacker 1985 (f 706).
[255] Essential still: Girard 1915 (f 655). On the decuriat, see Bringmann 1975 (d 249) 235-42.
[256] Suet. Aug. 55; Val. Max. VH.7.J-4; Dio Lv.7.2.
[257] The principal attempt is that of Jones i960 (a 47) ch. j.
[258] Dio li.19.7; and see ch. 2 above, p. 74. 36 Though contra, Eck 1986 (c 82).
37 Brunt 1984 (d 27). 38 Ov. Tr. 11.131-2; Dio Lv.34.2; and see ch. 12 below, pp. 408-9.
[260] Suet. Aug. 46; cf. EJ2 301 II, 2. 53 Suet. Aug. 40.2; 56.:. 54 Dio liii. 2.3.
People who became collegae imperii seem to have held, as praetors, the urban praetorship.
Szramkiewicz 1975-6 (d 75).
[263] Not only in the capital: Suet. Aug. 47.1; Dio Liv.23.7-8. 77 Dio Liti. 15.4.
Sutherland 1976 (в 356) ch. 4, and ch. 8 below, pp. 316-19. 80 See ch. 2 above, p. 93.
[265] Respectively, Tit. Ulp. голо; Dig. 28.2.26.
[266] RG 8, j. The Greek version says 'i gave myself as an example'.
[267] They are influenced by Weinstock 1971 (f 235). See, e.g., Gros 1976 (f 397) esp. ch. 1; Zanker 1987 (p 632) 110-13; 115-
[268] Suet. Aug. 28.г; 98.2. 91 Mellor 197J (f 186). 92 Reynolds 1982 (в 270) nos. 7, 8 and 12.
93 Millar 1984(0 102). The 'Common Councils'certainly pre-existed, but they were turned into a
95 Simon 1986 (f j77) 97-103; Zanker 1987 (f 632) 135-8.
[271] Duthoy 1978 (e 57).
" Augustus was, besides pontifex maximus, a member of all the major priestly colleges; and their
role on the Ara Pacis is evident. 96 Kienast 1982 (c 156) 211, with n. 168.
[274] Coarelli 1985 (e 20) 129-55. 100 Suet. Aug. 72.1.
101 Wiseman 1994 (f 81) esp. 101-8. »» RC 54, 2.
[276] The Calendar for April 28, in EJ. 104 Dio lv. 12.4-5.
side, via the Forum Romanum.
I* Beginning with the grant of tribunician sacrosanctity to Livia and Octavia, the wives of the
triumvirs, in 55 B.C. 107 EJ2 61.
[280] Agrippa was offered a home there in 25 b.c., after Ms own had burnt down, Dio liii.27.5; but
it is not clear that that was more than temporary. 109 Suet. Aug. 64.3; Claud. 4.1-6.
[282] Wallace-Hadrill 1983 (в 190) 177-80; Kienast 1982 (c 136) 253-63.
1,1 Alfoldi 1971 (f 246) and 1980 (f 247).
[284] EJ2 68-9, and the material in n. 58 above.
[285] Consigliere 1978(064); Sutherland 1976(8 556); Levick 1982 (в 338); Wallace-Hadrill 1986 (в
1,5 Suet. Aug. 28.3. Carrara marble had just come into use. 116 Ov. Ars Am. iii.i 13.
[287] Campbell 1978 (d 172) esp. 15 5—4.
[288] Illuminated by the new bronze from Larinum, AE 1978, 145; see Levick 1985 (c 369).
[289] Julia: Macrob. Sat. n.j; Augustus, ibid. 11.4. 133 See ch. 19, below.
134 Vitr. De Areb. Praef. 2-5. Vitruvius was the only one to whom Augustus is known to have been direct patron.
[290] Raaflaub 1980 (c 190), and see ch. 4, below.
[291] Nero's remark, in the course of murdering Britannicus (Suet. Ner. j j.2), 'So I'm supposed to
[291] See the studies in the bibliography, л 82л.
[292] Plut. Лpophthegmata reg. et imp. 2070, то &шта(ш ttĵv xmdpxovaav.
[293] Strab. h.j.12 (118Q; xvi.4.22 (780C); xvii.i.53-4 (819-21C); Jameson 1968 (e 939), on the chronology and motives; cf. Bowersock 1983 (e 990J 46-7; Sidebotham 1986(0 311), >92-3; 1986(0 310) 120-4, 138-40; Desanges 1988 i(c 263) 4—7. On Roman commerce in the East, see Raschke 1978 (c 298) 650-76; Schmitthenner 1979 (c 306) 104-6.
' Aug. RG 26.5; Strab. xvi.4.23-4 (780-2Q; xvii. i. 5 3 (819Q; von Wissmann 1978 (c 326) 31318; Isaac 1980 (e 1015) 889-901; Bowersock 1983 (e 990) 46-9; Sidebotham 1986 (c 311); 1986 (c 310) 124-30; Desanges 1988 (c 263) 7—12.
[295] Strab. xi.2.11 (495C); x(i.j,29(5 56C); Hoben 1969(e 840)47-53; Sullivan i98o(e 879) 91 j-22; Roddaz 1984 (c 200) 463-8.
1! Strab. xn.3.29 (5 56C); xn.3.37 (5 59~6оС); Pani 1972(0295) 140-2; Cimma 1976(0 120)293, n. 8.
[297] Suet. Tib. 8; Dio lvii.17.3; Pani 1972 (c 295) 107-11.
[298] Dio lvii.17.4-5. Perhaps during Archelaus' trial; Romer 1985 (c 302) 76-84.
[299] Cf. Pani 1972 (c 295) 131-45; Sullivan 1980 (e 880) 1149-61; Romer 1985 (c 302) 84-100.
[300] Strab. xii.3.41 (562c). 24 Magie 1950 (e 853) 1283-4.
[301] Magic 1950 (e 853) 1303-4; Levick 1967 (e 851) 26-8; Hoben 1969 (e 840) 1 30-8.
[302] Dio LIII.26.J; Strab. xii.5.i (567Q; xn.6.j (569Q; xn.8.14 (577C); Levick 1967 (e 8ji) 30-2.
[303] Strab. xiv. j.6 (671Q; Dio Lrv.9.2.
[304] Magie 1950 (e 835) 465-6, 1328-9; Sherk 1980 (e 873) 960-1. » OGIS 532.
[305] Strab. xii.6.5 (569C); Tac. Arm. 111.48.2. Levick 1967 (e 85 i) 32-41, sees long-range design on
Augustus' part; cf. 203-14. 32 Dio Lv.28.3; Sherk 1980 (e 875) 970.
[307] References and discussion in Bowersock 1965 (c 39) 46-51, 57-8. On Commagene, see
Sullivan 1977 (e 878) 775-83. 34 Dio li.7.1-2, Lv.18.1.
[308] Just. Epit. xlii.j.6-9; Dio, liii.53.2; Aug. RG 52.1. Chronology is uncertain; cf. e.g.,
Debevoise 1938 (a 19) 136-7, Ziegler 1964 (c 327) 147, and, esp., Timpe 1975 (c 320) 157-60. On Tiridates' coinage, see Timpe, 1975 (c 320) 155-7. 54 Dio Liv.7, uv.9.1-3.
[310] Dio Li v.9.4—5; Veil. Pat. 11.94.4; Aug. RG, 27.2; Tac. Ann. 11.3; Strab. xvn.1.54 (821Q; Joseph. A] xv. 105.
и BMCRR, и nos. 301-8; cf. Hor. Epiit. 1.12.26-7; Veil. Pat. n.94.4;Chaimont 1976 (a 15)73-5.
[312] Aug. RG 29.2; Strab. xvi.1.18 (748-9C); Veil. Pat. 11.100.1; Oros. vi.21.24. Parthia's acknowledgment of Roman interest in Armenia: Suet. Aug. 21.3; cf. Veil. Pat. 11.100.1; Eutrop. vii.9. The Euphrates as boundary: Strab. xvi.1.28 (748Q. Hostages to Rome: Suet. Aug. 21.3; Eutrop. vn.9; Oros. vi. 21.29.
[313] Aug. RG 29.2; Dio liv.8.1—3; BMCRE Augustus, nos. 410, 412, 414—19, 421—3. The propaganda may be reflected also in the report that Phraates gave up the standards out of fear of a Roman invasion; Dio liv.8.i; Just. Epit. xui.5.10-11.
[314] Tac. Ann. 11.1; Strab. xvi.1.28 (748-9Q; Aug. RG 52.2; Veil. Pat. 11.94.4; Joseph. A J xviii. 41—2; Suet. Aug. 21.3. Cf. Braund 1984 (c 254) 12-13, rightly stressing that they should not be considered hostages.
[315] Dio Lv.9.4—j; Tac. Ann. 11.4. The record is sparse and frustrating on this period. Numismatic testimony helps only slightly; Chaumont 1976 (a 15) 75-7.
[316] Dio. lv.io.i8; Veil, Pat. 11.100.1.
[317] Aug. RG 27.2; Tac. Ann. 11.4; Veil. Pat. 11.102.2; Flor. 11.32; Dio Lv.ioa.5-7. See the
reconstructions of Chaumont 1976 (a i 5) 80-3, with numismatic testimony; Pani 1972 (c 295) 5 5
64; Cimma 1976 (d 120) 328—9.
[320] Aug. RG 33; Tac. Ann. 11.2; Joseph. A J xvni.43-6; cf. Suet. Tib. 16.
[321] Joseph. A J xviii.47-50; Tac. Ann. 11.2-4.
[322] The distribution of provinces in Dio mi.12.4-5; rf- Syme 1934 (c 313) 300. Augustus' announced resolve for subjugation: Dio ып.13.1. The ferocity of the foe: Strab. 111.4.17-18 (164- 5C); Oros. vi.21.8. The opening of the gates: Oros. vi.zi.i.
[323] Dio lin.26.5; cf. Flor. 11.33.53; Barnes 1974 (c 253) 21. 75 Suet. Aug. 85.1.
Aug. RG 26.2-3; cf. 29.1.
Livy, xxvin.12.12; Flor. 11.33.59; Vel1- Pat- n.90.2-4. 78 Suet. Aug. 26; Dio Lin.23.1.
[326] Dio liv.j.i-j. 87 Dio liv.: 1.2-6; cf. Roddaz 1984 (c 200) 402-10.
A minor rising was quelled in 16 b.c.; Dio liv.20.5.
Dio lrv.23.7, Liv.25.1, Liv.43.3; Aug. RG 12.2.
Dio XLVin.9.4; App. BCiv. iv. jj; Pliny, HN v.4.25.
" Carthage: Dio Lii.43.1; App. Pta, 136; Grta: AE 1955, 202. « Dio Lin.12.4.
[331] Fasti Triumph, for the years 54, 33, 28, 21, 19.
[332] Virg. Aen. vi.792—j. The conquests of Balbus are recorded by Pliny, HN v.33-7. See the exhaustive reconstruction by Desanges 19)7(0 262) 1-43; cf. Romanelli 1959 (e 760) 176-81; Rachet 1970 (c 297) 70-4; Gutsfeld 1989 (e 742) 26-30.
[333] Cf. Romanelli 1959 (e 760) 186-7; Rachet 1970 (c 297) 74.
* Veil. Pat. 11.116.2; cf. ILS 120, 8966.
[335] Veil, Pat. 11.116.2; Flor. 11.31.40; Dio Lv.28.3-4; Oros. vi.21.18. L. Cornelius Lentulus may have been among the Roman generals who perished at the hands of the rebels; Just. Intl. 11.25. Sethi general, Romanelli 1959 (e 760) 181-6; Benabou 1976 (e 715) 61-5; Gutsfeld 1989 (e 742) 31-9.
[336] Dio Liv.22.1-2; cf. Flor. 11.22. 108 Dio Liv.22.5-4; Veil. Pat. 11.95.i-2.
109 Dio Liv.22.3-4; Veil. Pat. 11.95.1-2; Strab. iv.6.9 (206Q; Suet. Aug. 21; Tib. 9; Flor. 11.22;
Livy, Ptr. 138; Consolatio ad Uviam, 15-16,175, }8 j—6. Cf. the discussion of Christ 1957(0 259)416-
28; Waasdorp 1982/3 (e 639) 40-7; Schon 1986 (e 635) 43-56. A summary in Drack and Fellmann
1988 (e 608) 22-5. »0 Dio Liv.24.3. 111 ILS 94. On his family, see Letta 1976 (c 283) 37-76.
[341] Strab. iv.6.9 (206Q. For the occupation and administration of Raetia, see Wells 1972 (e 601) 67-89; Overbeck 1976 (e 633) 668-72; Laffi 1975-6 (e 627) 406-20.
1,3 Dio Liv.20.2; Strab. tv.6.8-9 (206Q; Flor. 11.22 (inaccurate).
[343] Veil. Pat. 11.39.}; Dio, Liv.20.2; Festus, Brev. 7. Alfoldy 1974 (E652) 5 2-6, is too confident in setting annexation in 15 b.c.; so also Winkler 1977 (e 709) 197-9; Kienast 1982 (c 136) 297. By contrast, Kneissl 1979 (c 280) 261-72, goes too far in denying any occupation before Claudius.
[344] See, esp., Kraft 1973 (a 53) 1,181-208; cf. also Wells 1972 (e 601) 70; Kienast 1982(0 136)297.
[345] Cf. van Berchem 1968 (e 605) 8-9; Christ 1977 (c 260) 188-9.
[346] Christ 1957 (c 239) 425-7. I1S Hor. Carm. iv.4.17-18, rv.14.7-19.
Consolatio ad Liviam 15-16, 175, 384-6. 120 Pliny, HN111.136-8. 121 Aug. RG 26.3.
[348] VeU. Pat. п.78.2. 123 App. BCiv. v.128.
124 App. 111. 12-13, 15, 18; BCiv. v.145; cf. Dio xlix.34.2. 125 Dio xlix.36.1
126 App. III. 16, 27; Suet. Aug. 20; Pliny, HN vn.148; Flor. 11.23; Dio xlix.35.2.
[350] Announcement of tribes subjugated: App. III. 16-17. The standards: App. III. 28; cf. Dio xux.43.8. Honours for Livia and Octavia: Dio xlix.38.1. The political implications are rightly noted by Schmitthenner 1958 (c 304) 218-20, 231—3. Useful summaries of the campaigns can be found in Mocsy 1962 (e 675) ; 38—9; Wilkes 1969 (e 706) 49-57. Further bibliography in Roddaz 1984 (c 200) 140-5.
[351] The campaigns are recorded in detail by Dio li.23—7; cf. Flor. 11.26; Livy, Per. 134-5; Danov
[351] Veil. Pat. 11.96.2; Flor. 11.24.8; Dio uv.28.1.
[352] Dio liv.} 1.2-4, "v.54.j; Veil. Pat. 11.96.3; Flor. 11.24.8; Suet. Tib. 9; Festus, Brev. 7;Frontin. Str. ii. i. 15.
[353] Veil. Pat. 11.98.1-2; Dio uv.34.3-7; Flor. 11.27; Danov 1979 (e 660) 129-31. On Roman connexions with friendly Thracian dynasts, see Sullivan 1979 (e 698) 189-204.
[354] Dio lrv.34.4.
[355] Aug. RG 30.1; Diouv.36.2, Lv.2.4; cf. VelL Pat. 11.90.1. On the operations from 16 to 9 B.C., see Syme 1971 (e 702) 18-22; Mocsy 1962 (e 673) 340-1; Wilkes 1969 (e 706) 63-5.
[356] Appuleius: Cassiod. Cbron. 11.3;; Ahenobarbus: Dio Lv.ioa.2; Tac. Ann. iv.44; M. Vinicius (?): ILS 8965; cf. Syme 1971 (e 702) 26-59; Mocsy 1962 (e67j) 543-4; Aelius Catus: Strab. vii.3.10 (303C); Lentulus: Flor. 11.28-9; Tac. Ann. iv.44; Aug. RG 31.2; Syme 1971 (e 702) 40-72.
[357] Dio Lv.29.3, Lv.30.4; Syme 1971 (e 702) jo-8.
[358] Aug. RG 50.2; Strab. vii.3.11, vii.3.13 (304-5Q. Defeat of the Dacians may have been spurred by a Dacian invasion of 10 B.c.; Dio Liv.36.2.
145 Suet. Tib. 16.Fortheoriginsandoccasionoftheconflict,seeDioLV.28.7,Lv.29.3,Lvi.16.3. A less satisfactory account in Veil. Pat. 11.109.5-110.5. Cf. Dyson 1971 (a 25) 250-3.
[360] Dio lv.29.3—31.4, Lv.34.3; Veil. Pat. ii.i 10.5—112.2.
[361] Veil. Pat. ii.i 12.3-6; Dio lv.33.3. Veil. Pat. 11.113.1-3.
147 So Koestermann 1933 (c 281) 362-3. 148 Veil. Pat. 11.114.4; Dio lv.33.1-2, lv.54.4-7.
[363] Dio Liv.25.1.
[364] For the archaeological evidence - which cannot fix specific dates - see Wells 1972 (e 601) 94148; cf. Schonberger 1969 (e 591) 144-7.
[365] On Augustus' activities in Gaul, see Frei-Stolba 1976 (e 615) 355-65. 166 Dio uv.25.1.
161 Livy, Per. 139; Dio Liv.32.1; ILS 212.11, lines 36-9; Timpe 1975 (c 321) 142; Dyson 1975 (c
266) 155—6.
[368] T)io Liv.32.1-3; Livy, Per. 139. The campaign probably included a defeat of the Bructeri on the Ems; Strab. vn.1.3 (290Q.
[369] Dio uv.j). 1-5; Livy, Per. 140; Flor. 11.30.23; Suet. Claud. 2.1. On Haltern, see Wells I972 (e 601) 163—211.
[370] DioLtv.36.3-4;Oros.vi.21.ij;Livy,Prr. 141.AspeculativereconstructionbyTimpe 1967(0 316) 296-300.
[371] Dio lv.1.2-j; Flor. 11.30.23-7; Strab. vii.1.3 (291C); Livy, Per. 141; Suet. Claud. 1.2.
[372] Dio Lv.1.3; cf. Suet. Claud. 1.2. On the tale and its significance, see Timpe 1967 (c 316)
289-306. 173 Dio lv.2.1-3; Livy, Per. 142; Suet. Claud. 1.3-j; Tac. Ann. 11.7.
[374] Dio uv.33.4; Flor. 11.30.26.
[375] Schonberger 1969 (e 591) 147-9; Wells 1972 (e6oi) 161-233.
[376] Dio lv.6.2-3; Suet. Aug. 21; Tib. 9; cf. Tac. Am. 11.26, xn.39.
[377] As, e.g., Wells 1972 (e 601) 46-7; Kienast 1982 (c ij6) }oo-i.
[378] Veil. Pat. 11.97.4; Flor. n.30.29-30. Florus' claim, 11.30.22, that Augustus sought to make Germany a province in order to honour Julius Caesar is not to be taken seriously.
[379] Dio lvi.i8.i; cf. Christ 1977 (c 260) 189-98.
[380] Tac. Am. 1.39,1.57.2. '8< Dio Lv.8.3.
[381] Veil. Pat. 11.108.2-109.4; Strab. vii.1.3 (290C).
1,1 Veil. Pat. 11.109.5; cf. Tac. Ann. 11.46. 152 Veil. Pat. 11.110.1-3; Dio lv.28.7.
1,3 Tac. Am. 11.46,11.65. 194 Tac. Ann. 11.26; cf. 11.45.
195 Dio lvi. 18.1-2. On this passage, see the astute remarks of Christ 1977(0 260) 194-8, as against
Timpe 1967 (c 317) 288-90; 1970(0 319) 81-90.
1* Veil. Pat. 11.117.2. For his relationship to the imperial family, PKoln 1.10, AE 1966, 425.
m Dio lvi.18.3; Veil. Pat. 11.117.2-118.1; Flor. 11.30.31.
[388] Epirote Nicopolis: Strab. vh.7.j-6 (524-5С); x.2.2 (450C); Pliny, HN tv.1.5; Paus. x.38.4; Dio li.1.2-}, liii.1.4—5; Suet. Aug. 18; the inscription: Oliver 1969 (в 259) 178—82; Carter 1977 (в 216) 227-30; Alexandrian Nicopolis: Strab. xvii.i.io (795C); Dio li.18.1; see Hanson 1980 (c 116)
249-54. 225 Suet. Aug. 22; Dio li.21.5-9.
[390] Aug. RG 26.2—j, 27.1, 27.3, 29.1-2, 30.1-2; cf. Nicolet 1988 (a 69) 28-40.
[391] Aug. RG 26.1. The passage is interpreted, rather too strictly, by Braunert 1977 (c 25 5) 207-17, to imply that Augustus created no new provinces. See Veil. Pat. 11.39.3.
[392] Aug. RG 13; cf. Dio Liv.36.2.
[393] The only exception is a claim that the Alps were subdued without bringing an unjust war on any tribe; RG 26.3.
[394] For various views, see e.g., Meyer 1961(0 288); Brunt 1963 (c 256) 170-6; Seager 1980(0 309) 103-11; Williams 1990 (c 325) 258—75. Recent bibliographies in Doblhofer 1981 (c 265) 1922-6; Little 1982 (в 111) 352-70. See esp., Johnson 1973 (в 93) 171-80; Griffin 1984 (c 269) 189-218.
[395] Virg. G. 11.169-72, hi. jo-}, lv. j j 9-62.
[396] Virg. Am. 1.278-9,111.714-18; cf. 1.286-90, vi.791-800, vii.601-15.
[397] Hor. Epod. vii.3-10; Sat. пл.10-13; Carm. 1.12.49-37, 1.29.1-5, 1.35.29-40, 111.3.45-58,
111.4.25-36. 234 Hor. Carm. 1.2.51-2,1.12.53-4,1.29.4-5,11.9.18-22, III.3.43-4,111.5.2-12.
[399] Hor. Epist, 1.12.27-8, 1.18.56-7, Ii.i.2j6; Carm. IV.14.41-J2, 1v.1j.6-8, Iv.15.21-4; Carm.
Saec. 53-6. 236 Prop. ii.i.2j-36, n.io.13-18; cf. iv.4.11-12.
[401] Prop. 11.10.13-14,11.14.23-4,111.4.1-9, hi.9.54, in.12.3, iv.3.7-10, iv.3.35-40, iv.3.63-9.
** Prop. rv.6.79-80.
[403] Bibliography on the Ara Pacis is immense. Among the more important publications, see Moretti 1948 (f 505); Toynbee 1953 (f 597)67-95; Kahler 1954 (F439) 67-100; Hanell i960 (f 405) 31-123; Simon 1967 (f 576); Borbein 1975 (f 294) 242-66; Pollini 1978 (f 531) 75-172; Torelii 1982 (f 596) 27-61; Zanker 1988 (f 633) 172-83, 205-6. de Grummond 1990 (c 272) 663-77, unconvincingly identifies the female deity with Pax.
[404] See the meticulous calculations of Buchner 1976 (f 304) 319-65; 1983 (f 307) 494-508.
[405] Luttwak 1976 (a 57) 13-50, 192.
[406] See the list of scholars in Oldfather and Canter 1915 (c 294)9-10, and note, esp., Syme 1934(0 J12) ЗИ-4; Kraft 1973 (a 53) 181-208.
[407] Brunt 1963 (c 256) 170-6; Wells 1972 (e 601) 1-15; Moynihan 1986 (c 291) 149-62; Nicolet 1988 (a 69) 41-8.
[408] For imperial 'policy' as a response to initiatives from others, esp. Millar 1977 (л 59). Patronage: Wallace-Hadrill 1989 (f 75), esp. chs. j and 6. Showmanship: Gzek 1971 (c 540) (and below, on Nero). Succession in pre-industrial states: J. Goody (ed.) Succession to High Office, Cambridge, 1966, p. 115: 'The Baganda firmly maintain that it is dangerous to publish in advance the choice of a successor, as he will surely commit murder to hasten his succession.'
[409] Tiberius has attracted numerous biographers, among them Seager 1972 (c 992); Levick 1976 (c 366). Cf. Pippidi 1963 (c 385); Rogers 1943 (c 388); Syme 1974 (c 398). On the events of 2 B.C. and a.d. 8, Meise 1969 (c 373), chs. 2 and 3; Syme 1974 (c 229).
[410] Elections: Levick 1967 (c 365).
[411] On the military sacramentum-. Campbell 1984(0 173), pp. i9fT. Mutinies: Schmitt 19)8 (c 391); Sutherland 1987 (в 358) ch. 16.
[412] Koestermann 1958(0 363); Hennig 1972 (c 35 5); Sutherland 1987(0 3s8)ch. 19. On Tiberius' own network of patronage in the East, Levick 1971 (c 156). Piso's temper: Sen. Ira i.iS.jff. Egypt: EJ2 320, J79 = ЛЛГ 5)7, 558. Funeral honours for Germanicus: Gonzalez 1984 (в 234).
[413] Libo: Weinrib 1967 (c 411)
[414] Bauman 1974 (f 641). Nero cut rewards to one fourth: Suet. Ner. 10. Dig. 37.14.10 (Antistius Labeo) on the accused's immediate exclusion from the emperor's amicitia. Moderatio and dementia-, n. 17 above.
[415] Only a late source, John of Antioch (FHG iv. j 70) states that Tiberius 'called him his child [ie., son-in-law] and successor'.
[416] Syme 1956 (в 288). The inprobae comitiae are mentioned in ILS 6044= EJ2 5 3 = AN 101. On Sejanus, Meise 1969 (c 375) ch. 4; Hennig 1975 (c 354); Woodman 1977 (в 202).
[417] The prosopography of individuals' careers and family relationships often has to be based on epigraphical evidence and chance remarks in literature. Many questions remain unresolved (e.g. the relationship to each other and to the Caesars of different Scribonii and Pisones). Family background was an essential element of imperial biography, but even Suetonius' lives (Galba, Otbo, Vitellius and Divus Vespasianus) contain unreliable or ambiguous statements. For Valerius Asiaticus, cf. Tac. Hist. I.; 9; for the clients of Germanicus and Antonia the Younger, see Gallotta 1988 (c 348); Kokkinos 1991 (c 364).
[418] Finance and credit: Rodewald 1976 (в 548); Sutherland 1987 (в j 5 8) ch. 14. Jurisprudence: chs 12 and 21 below. Note Sejanus' relationships with Aelius Tubero and the Cassii; and his son Decimus Capito Aelianus may have been adopted by C. Ateius Capito. Claudius blames the 'absentia pertinaci patrui mei' for failure to resolve the citizen status of the Anauni: ILS 206.
[419] Provinces: Orth 1970 (c 384); Rectus: Dio Lvn.10.5.
[420] Oaths: GCN 32 = AN 362, from Aritium in Lusitania: 11 May 37; GCN 33 = AN 563, from Assus in the Troad. Tiberius' funeral: Dio Lix.3.7. The inscription on Gemellus' tomb shows that no formal adoption in fact occurred: ILS 172.
[421] Possessio'. Buckland 1965 (f646) 20 j. Legal recognition of usucapio of an estate was only granted after one year; but possessio itself was a matter of immediate fact. On the adoption of the deceased's name by an heir, Syme 1984 (d 72).
[421] Britain: Barrett 1980 (с 352); Murison 1985 (c 379); Boatwright 1986 (c 33) (pomerium). Arch: GCN 43. The representation of'Bretannia' at Aphrodisias: JRS 1987, plate xiv; Levick 1990 (c 372)
plate 20. 43 Corbulo: Syme 1970 (c 397).
[422] Corn: Momigliano 1934 (c 377); Meiggs 1973 (e 84); Chandler 1978 (c 338); Rickman 1980 (e 109). CERES AUGUSTA: GCN 312(a) = AN Si у Frontin. Aq. 106; 'urbem inundationis pcriculo liberavit', ILS 207 = GCN 312(b) = ЛЛГ 81 j. On Pallas, Oost 19; 8 (c 3 8 3); Sutherland 1987 (в 3 j 8) ch. 34.
[422] 'Crescent, rationemque a se omnium factorum acciperet': Suet. Claud. 43.
[423] Main sources: Tac. Ann. xiii-xvi; Suet. Nero.; Dio lxi-lxiii. Biographers are attracted to Nero: cf. Wankenne 1984 (c 408). Assessments: Warmington 1969 (c 409); Griffin 1984 (c 352); Cizek 1972 (c 340) and 1982 (c 341); V. Rudich, Political Dissident; under Nero (London, 1993).
[424] Ephesus dossier: Engelmann and Knibbe 1986 (в 228). Egypt: edict of Tiberius Iulius Alexander, MW 528 = GCN 591 = AN 600; cf. Chalon 1964 (e 909), and ch. 14л below.
[425] Timarchus: Tac. Алл. xv.20
[426] Problems in the provinces: confiscations in Africa: Pliny, HN xvni.7.55. For Judaea, see ch. 14Л. Bullion shortage: Sutherland 1987(8 358) ch. 40.
[427] The narrative sources for a.d. 68 are unsatisfactory: we cannot even be certain that Vindex's province was Lugdunensis, Suet. Ner. 40-50; Plut. Ga/ba; and Dio LXii(Lxm).22-Lxm.}. On the numismatic evidence, see Sutherland 1987 (в 558) chs. 41-6; Zehnacker 1987 (в 564). For Vindex's coin issues, see GCN 70 (cf. MW 27): SALVS GENERIS HVMANI; SPQR; MARS VLTOR; SIGNA POPVLI ROMANI; HERCVLES ADSERTOR; ROMA REST1TVTA; 1VPPITER LIBERATOR. For Galba's coins, see GCN 72 (cf. MW 25-6): LIBERTAS P.R.; GENIO P.R.; CONCORDIA HISPANIARVM ETGALLIARVM; VICTORIA P.R.
For discussions of the end of Nero's reign, Griffin 1984 (c 352); Reece 1969 (c 387); Warmington 1969 (c 409) ch. 13. The 'native revolt' interpretation of Vindex's uprising can still be found; Dyson 1971 (a 25). Galba's supporters are discussed in Syme 1982 (c 400). There is a readable biography of Galba in French; Sancery 1983 (c 390).
[427] On the difficulties of evaluating the tradition about Vesontio, see Brunt 1959(0 354); Daly 1975 (c 342); Levick 1985 (c 370). Cassius Dio's account is at lxii(lxiii).24. Rufus' epitaph (Pliny, Ep. vi.10.4; cf. 11.1):
Hie situs est Rufus, pulso qui Vindice quondam imperium adseruit non sibi sed patriae.
[428] For Vespasian's supporters, see Townend 1961 (c 404); Nicols 1978 (c 381); Gallivan 1981 (c 547); Jones 1984 (c 360); Wallace 1987 (c 407). See also following note.
[429] On the fighting in Italy and Rome in a.d. 69, see Tac. Hist, in; Suet. Dom. i.2f. For the destruction of the Capitol, Murison 1979 (c 578); Wellesley 1981 (c 415). On Domitian's role, Waters 1964 (c 410) is still sensible.
,J The lex de imperio-. ILS 244= MW 1 = AN 293; cf. Brunt 1977 (c 335).
[431] Slightly differing versions in: Suet. Vesp. 3-4 and 14; Tit. 2; Tac. Ann. xvi.5; Dio lxxi.ii; cf. Gascou 1984(8 39) 323-6.
[432] Chantraine 1967 (d 9); Weaver 1972 (d 22); Boulvert 1970 (d 6) and 1974 (d 7).
[433] Pflaum 1960-1 (d 59); cf. Brunt 1983 (d 26).
[434] Syme's prosopographical work is informed by tacit understanding of the nature of the imperial court; for a rare statement, Syme 1939 (a 93) 385.
[435] Dio Liii.19. 5 Syme 1938 (в 176) 206 and passim; cf. Ginsburg 1981 (в 6i).
[436] For criticism of use of anecdotes, see Sailer 1980 (в 156).
[437] So explicitly Momigliano 1954 (c 577) xiii.
[438] See (for a later period) the fundamental analysis of N. Elias, The Court Society (English trans, hv E. Jephcottof Die bofiscbe GescUscbaft, 1969) (Oxford, 1985).
[439] Friedlander 1922 (a 30) 1. 33—103 remains the best discussion of the court as social
[440] See Carettoni 1983 (f 316); Zanker 1983 (f 630); Coarelli 1981 (p 332) 129-34.
[441] Millar 1977 (a 59) 61-6; Turcan 1987 (d 20) 76ff. 28 Joseph. A] xix. 1.117.
Asc. Scaur. 27c; Pliny, HN xvn.5.
On the Domus Aurea and its extent, see Griffin 1984(0 352) 134-42; further Frezouls 1987(0
n). 31 Giuliani 1982 (f 387) 246-54 on structures beneath Domitian's palace.
[445] D'Arms 1970 (e 30) 73-11 j.
[446] For imperial ceremonial, Friedlander 1922 (a 30) 1. 90-103; Alfoldi 1934 (d i); for republican
practice, Kroll 1933 (a 54) 11. 59-81. 34 Suet. Aug. 45 and 72; Pliny, HN xxxvi.6o.
[448] Epictetus, Diss. 1.19.16-23. 36 leaver 1972 (d 22) 90-2, 212—23.
For hellenistic court hierarchy, Corradi 1929 (a i8),Mooren 1977(0 16); for analysis of status
dissonance, Herman 1980-1 (d 12).
[451] Friedlander 1922 (a 30) 1. 76f; Bang 1921 (d 5); Crook 1955 (d 10) 21-30.
[452] Wallace-Hadrill 1982 (d 21).
[453] Friedlander 1922 (a 50) i.goff. (imperial receptions), 140Й(aristocratic receptions); Sailer 1982
(f 59) i28f; Turcan 1987 (d 20) 1 jzfF. 41 Seneca Ben. vi.34.2; contra, Alfoldi 1934 (d i) 28.
[455] Suet. Vesp. 21; Millar 1977 (a 59) 209^ cf. Pliny, Ep. hi.5.9 with Sherwin-White ad loc.; cf. Wilcken 1912 (в 389) no. 41 for the cmmentarii of a local strategos'm Egypt, the fullest of the handful of such documents to survive.
[456] Suet. Calig. 52. Alfoldi 1935 (d 2) lays too much emphasis on exceptions.
[457] Crook 1955 (d 10) 4-7, 22—4; Millar 1977 (a 59) 110-18; Amarelli 1983 (d 4); Turcan 1987 (d 20) i43ff.
[458] Busy: e.g. Sen. Ben. 1.27.2, Pliny, Ep. 111.5.7, Epictetus, Diss. 1.10.9. Held in awe: Tac. Dial. viii. 3; Pliny, Ep. 1.18.3.
[459] Crook 19 5 5 (d i o) 104 and passim. Augustus may have planned something more formal: p. 3 31 (below).
[459] Philo, Leg. 175, cf. Millar 1977 (a 59) 74.
[460] Millar 1977 (a 59) 112; Wallace-Hadrill 1982 (d 21) 40.
Zanker 1988 (f 63 3) ch. 7 on the court circle as model for taste. On the parallel role of courts in
the evolution of European culture, see Elias, Court Society, esp 25 8ff.
[463] Suet. Gram. 17 (Verrius Flaccus); Suet. Claud. 32, cf. Tac. Ann. xiu.16. Friedlander 1922 (a 30)
[464] Tac. Ann. xvi.j; cf. Warmington 1969 (c 409) i69f.
[464] Tac. Ann. xiii. 16. See Elias, Court Society, 104ft on observation at court.
[465] Tac. Ann. in. 5 4. i.
[466] Griffin 1976 (в 71) izyf on the context of the Apocolocyntosis.
[467] So Elias, Court Society, 78ff. « Wallace-Hadrill 1982 (d 21).
75 Epictetus, Diss. iv.i.60; cf. Millar 1965 (d 14). 76 Diss. iv.7. 77 Diss. 1.10.
[468] Stat. Silt. iii.5.6}f, cf. Weaver 1972 (d 22) 28^.
[469] C. Given-Wilson, The Royal Household and the King's Affinity. Service, Politics and Finance in England 1Ĵ60—141Ĵ (New Haven-London, 1986), ;8f.
[470] Tac. Ann. xiii.4; Pavis d'Escurac 1987 (d 18).
[471] Suet. Tib. 42.2; CIL vi 8619 (Ianuarius Aug. lib.), 'ad splendidam voluptatum statio[nem
[472] Suet. Tib. 61.6. « Suet. Vesp. 3 and 21; Dio Lxvi.14.
» Sailer 1982 (p 59) 73ff; Wallace-Hadrill 1989 (f 75) 78ff.
[474] See Millar 1977 (a 59) 27jff; Brunt 1983 (d 26); Demougin 1988 (d 37).
[475] Tac. Ann. 1.7; Suet. Claud. 28; cf. Tac. Ann. xvi.17 on the 'praepostera ambitio' of Annaeus
Mela. 105 Hopkins 1983 (a 46) i76ff.
[476] Hopkins 198} (a 46) 171; Elias, Court Society, 169(1.
[477] Tac. Ann. xii. 1; cf. Crook 195 j (d 10) 42.
[478] Sen. Ira ii.j j.2. 1и Wirszubski 1950 (a 107) 44S; Bnint 1988 (a i i) 28iff.
Tac. Arm. vi.8.
[480] Hopkins 1980(0 135) 124-5; MacMullen 1984(0 146).
[481] Pliny, HN vii. 129. 5 Frank 1940 (d 128) v.6. 6 Veyne 1976 (a 98).
7 Pflaum 1940 (d i 5 3); Jones 1974 (d 137) 169 n. 96, 180; Mitchell 1976 (в 255); Lewis 1982 (e
94 0-
[484] Thornton 1989 (f 594) chs. V-VI; Frank 1940 (d 128) v. 42, 57; Noe 1987 (d 152) 49-51.
15 Brunt 1981 (d 118); Rathbone 1995 (e 962). 16 See n. 7 above; also Brunt 1974 (d 171).
[486] Tac. Ann. iv.6; Pliny, HN xviii. j j.
[487] Domergue 1990 (e 216); Dodge 1992 (d 127) ch. 5.
[488] Burnett, Amandry and Pipolles 1992 (в 312); Sutherland 1984 (в 357); Crawford 198; (в 320) ch. 17; Walker 1976 (в 361).
[489] Dio liv.21.
[490] Wallace-Hadrill 1986 (в 562); Kraft 1962 (в 334); Griffin 1984 (c 352) 57-9, 120-5.
[491] Crawford 1985 (в 320) 271; Howgego 1982 (d 134). 30 Howgego 1992 (d 135).
[492] Corbier 1974 (d 122); Corbier 1977 (d 123); Millar 1964 (d 149).
[493] Millar 1963 (d 148); Brunt 1966 (d i 16); Jones 1950 (d 136); Rathbone 1993 (e 962).
* Veil. Pat. 11.39.2; Tac. Ann. 11.42 (cf. 1.78); Dio LV.26.5.
[495] Chastagnol 1975 (d 33); Sailer 198 2 (f j 9) 51 n. 5 8; Talbert 1984 (d 77) 513.
[496] Millar 1983 (d ioi) 88-90. 7 Levick 1983 (c 369) 97-115.
8 Morris 1964 and 1965 (d ji).
[498] Tac. Ann. ш.65. 12 Dio lix.18.5.
[499] Brunt 197j (e 906). <1 Brunt 1966 (d 87); Alfoldy 1981 (d 23).
42 Tac. Arm. xvi.17. 43 Dio lv.26.4-5.
44 Pavis d'Escurac 1976 (d 5 5); Rickman 1980 (e 109). « Eck 1979 (e 38) 88-94.
46 Brunt 1983 (d 26).
[503] Calculation of the revenue to be derived in return for protection is explicit in Strabo iv.5.3 (200c), reflecting that Britain would need a legion plus cavalry forces to ensure collection of tribute and the expenditure on troops would equal the revenue. On the spread of currency and economic interests in general see Crawford 1985 (в 320) ch. 17.
[504] App. BCiv. iv.2.7, Dio xlvi.55.3-56.1.
[505] Reynolds 1982 (в 270) nos. 7, 11, 12; Mylasa, RDGE 59, 60.
[506] Dio lin. 12; Baetica was transferred to the Senate probably soon after 27 b.c., see Mackie 198 5 (e
753) 353—•4- 7 Dio liii.12.7, Liv.4.1, Thomasson 1975 (d 110) 1 87ff.
[508] Strab xvii.3.24-j (8j9-40c); Egypt, Tac. Ann. xn.60.3, Dio Lvni.19.6, Philo, In Flacc. 1.2; Felix, Tac. Ann. xn. 5 4. The use of the term 'senatorial' to refer to provinces governed by proconsuls is here deliberately avoided, in favour of the word 'public' which more accurately reflects Strabo's assertion (loc.tit.) that these were the provinces of the people.
' Illyricum, divided into Pannonia and Dalmatia, was transferred from proconsuls to legates, as was Macedonia (see above, n. 7); Sardinia was governed by proconsuls, then praefccti, then proconsuls again in the Julio-Claudian period; Lycia-Pamphylia was transferred from legate to proconsul in the second century (Thomasson 1975 (d 110) 1. 27jff); Moesia combined with Macedonia and Achaea, Tac. АпплЛол, Dio Lvin.25.4; Thrace, Noricum and Raetia were at first
[510] German forts: Schdnberger 1969 (e 591) 151, Tac. Л ля. XI. 19.7; soldiers: Tac. Ann. i.j6.i; Segimundus: Tac. Атл.^.г-, Aelius Catus: Strab. vii. 3.10 (303c) (for the conjectured date see Syme 1971 (e 702), 40-72, at 53-5, J.h. Oliver, GRBS 6 (196;), 51-5); Silvanus GCN 228; colonies in Mauretania: Pliny, HN v.i, 5, 20—i,cf. Mackie 1983 (e 753); Gauls: Joseph. BJ 1.397.
[511] Extortion: EJ2 311.72—141; Jews: Joseph. A] xix.286.91; veterans: FIRA 1 56; vebiculatio-. Mitchell 1976 (в 255) ( = AE 1976, 653), cf. GCN 375, 382.
[512] RDGE 67. 24 Tac. Ann. xn.60.1-2, iv.ij.3.
25 Vindex, governor of Lugdunensis in a.d. 68 an Aquitanian, Dio 1x111.22.1(2); Ti. Iulius
Alexander, Tac. Hist.1.11, cf. PIR21 139.
[515] Lampo, Philo, In FUuc. 151—4; Euryclids, Bowersock 1961 (e 817) 117-18.
[516] Note the precision with which Pliny and Trajan describe the position vis-a-vis the request of
Amisus, a civilas libera etJoederata, to be allowed to have a benefit society: 'ut tu ... dispiceres quid et quatenus aut permittendum aut prohibendum putares' (Ep. x.92), 'possumus quo minus habeant non impedire' (Bp. x.93); compare bp. iv.22, Trajan's consilium upholding the right of a magistrate of Vienne to abolish games endowed in a will. 48 Plutarch, Praecepla reipubticaegfrendac 17, 18.
[518] Elections at Malaca, MW 454, caps.55-9; the demos, many examples including EJ2 114 (Alabanda), 318 (Cos), RDGE 26, col.d (Mytilene), 60 (Mylasa), AJ 68, cf. J.H. Oliver, CRM 6 (1965) 143-56 (Histria), GCN 371 (Thasos).
[519] AJ 68, cf. J.H. Oliver, GRBS 6 (1965) 145-56.
[520] Thessalian League, EJ2 521; Sardinia, GCN 392.
[521] 1G 5.i.i432f with A. Wilhelm, JOAI 17 (1914) 1-120; for the dating to a.d. 35-44 (not universally accepted) see A. Giovannini, Rome et la circulation monitaire en Grece(Basel, 1978) 115—22.
[522] Civil functions: RAtfR 51; ccnsus: 11S z6S 3; transport annOTW- O. Gueraud, jyp 4 (19 50) 107— 15; resettlement: above, n. 21; peace-keeping: Joseph. BJ 11.266-9, EJ2 227, Dig. 1.18.3.
[523] Evidence for the provincial census collected by Brunt 1981 (d i 18); public land in Egypt, Rowlandson 1996 (e 963).
[524] Suet. Iul. 26.}. 4 Polyb. v1.39.15; cf. Tac. Ann. 1.17.
5 Different from the more familiar rectangular shield of the Principate (below, p. 3 79); illustrated
at Keppie 1984 (d 202) 112-13, pi. 3.
[526] App. BCiv iv.3.
[527] Breeze 1969 (d 166). 27 See below, pp. j24-8. 28 Le Roux 1982 (e 228) 105.
29 Tac. Ann. 1.17ff, 78; Wilkes 1963 (c 414). » Tac. Ann. 1.78.
31 Saddington 1982 (d 227).
[530] Veil. Pat. II. 118.
[531] Suet. Aug. 38.2. For examples, see ILSyi i = F,J2 193 = H. Devijver, Prosopograpbia Militiarum
Equestrium quae fuerunt ab Augusto ad Gallitnum (Leuven, 1977) (hereafter PME), N. 15; 1LS 912 = PME a 162; CIL vi 3516 = PME с 257. 38 Dio lv.29.1; cf. Tac. Ann. 111.41-2.
[533] Veil. Pat. 11.109.1. 41 Tac. Ann. iv.46.
Dio lv.31, lvi.23; Veil. Pat. 11.111; Pliny, HjVvri.149; Suet. Aug. 25.2.
AE 1973, 501 = EJ2 368; Tac. Ann. 1.16, 31; Brunt 1974 (в 214).
[535] Dio Lv.31.1, LVi.23.3; Veil. Pat. 11.111.1; Suet. Aug. 25.2. Note especially Macrob. Sat.
[535] App. BCiv. iii. 45, 67-9, v.j, 95; Plut. Ant. j3. ss Tac. Ann. iv.j.
[536] Jsvri»
[537] Tac. Ann. xiii.31, xiv.27; Suet. Ner. 9.
Roman Military Diplomas, 1978-84, (London, 1985). 75 E.g. Tac. Hist. Ш.47.
[539] 'City of Rome' being defined since Sulla at the latest by 'in urbe Roma propiusve mille passus", as e.g. in the lex Cornelia de sicariis (Mosaicorum et Komanorum Legum Collatio i. 3.1).
[540] N.N., standing for Numerius Negidius, the man who denies, and A. A., i.e. Aulus Agerius, the plaintiff, are stock blanks, as well as 'Titius' for the judge. For introductions to the formulary system cf. Jolowicz and Nicholas 1972 (f 660) 199-232 and Kunkel 1973 (f 667) 91—8; also below, ch. 21, pp. 959-60.
[541] Gell. NA xiv.2.2-11. 16 Cf. the discussion in Kaser 1966 (f 661) 298-9.
[542] The procedure is best known from the Gracchan lex repetundarum\ cf. A. Lintott, Judicial Reform and Land Reform in /be Roman Republic (Cambridge, 1992), 116-22.
[543] During the Republic rewards had been mostly political, i.e. promotion in civic status. Pecuniary awards seem to be first introduced by the Lex Pedia against the murderers of Caesar and became usual (consisting in a quota of the condemned's fortune) in the Empire, especially in maiestas trials.
[544] lnfamia was the consequence of condemnation in some civil and all criminal trials. There exist several, slightly different lists of infaming actions, in Gai. Inst. 4.182; D 3.2.1; Tab.Heracl. 108-25; and now in ch. 84 of the Lex Irnitana.
[544] Jones 1972 (d 264) (but cf. the critical reviews of Behrens 1975 (d 246) and Brunt 1974(0 251)); Crook 1967 (f 21) 69 and Brunt 1964 (d 250) are sceptical about this capital jurisdiction; Cloud in САН ix2 501 accepts it as far as slaves, perhaps even working-class citizens were concerned.
[544] Cf.Cic. Clu. 176 for capital proceedings initiated by municipal magistrates against Cluentius. These are probably the iudicia publico mentioned in Tab.Heracl. 119 (FIRA i2 p. 149).
[544] Richardson 1983 (в 271) and Birks, Rodger and Richardson 1984 (d 247).
a Sometimes the governor would call together (mean) the inhabitants of more than one eonventus, as did Cicero in his province of Cilicia (Alt. v.21.9, vi.2.4).
[546] Habicht published an inscription from Ephesus giving a register of towns in Asia Minor by dioiceseisjconventus (JRS 6 j (1975)64-91); Burton deals with the assize organization in a more general
[546] Sen. Apocot. 12.2, cf. Garzetti 1974 (a 35) 137^ 6oof.
[546] Dio li.19.7 and Lintott 1972 (d 271) 263-7. 38 Suet. Aug. 33.3.
proclamation of Nero as Tacitus.
[548] Jones 1960 (a 47) 9of suggested that it was the lex lulia de iudiciisprivatis which reintroduced the criminal jurisdiction of the consuls. In view of the decidedly political implications of many such cases it is not very probable that such senatorial jurisdiction was permitted by Augustus before the final settlement of power in Rome. The trials of 23 в.с. still took place apud indices and before the
[548] This is not the place to discuss the many problems connected with this archive, still not entirely published, which contains documents in Aramaic, Greek and Latin; cf. Wolff 1980 (d 278) and
[549] Ann. 1.2. i 'insurgere paulatim, munia senatus magistratuum legum in se trahere nullo adversante'.
[550] Cic. Flac. 101-2; compare Set/. 9-11; Gabba 1986 (e 49).
[551] Syme 1938 (d 68); Syme 1939^93)90-4; Wiseman 1971 (d 81), documents at length and for all periods down to Augustus the incorporation of Italians in the Roman governing class; see also Nicolet 1966 (d 32) I. 387-422; Сё be iliac Gervasoni 1978 (e 14); the papers in Epigrafia e ordine senatorio 1982 (d 42); David 1983 (e 32); D'Arms 1984 (e 31); for the jurists, see Frier 1985 (f 632) 25 3-4; for cultural links, see Wiseman 1983 (e 138); Dumont 1983 (e 36); Wiseman 1985 (e i 39); Rawson 1983 (a 79).
[552] See Rawson 198; (e 107); Pais 1918 (e 88) 1 antedates the process where Rome and a foreign state are concerned, as opposed to Rome and a municipium. Brunt 1982 (f 644) seems to me in the end right to argue, against Braunert 1966 (e 9), and Galsterer 1976 (e 5 2) 162-4, that in purely legal terms there was no case against Balbus.
[553] See Hammond 19; 1 (e 54); also de Ruggiero 1921 (f686); Bonjour 197) (e7). Gely i974(e j 3)
romanticizes. 18 D'Arms 1970 (e 30).
For what may be inferred about developments in municipal charters in the Caesarian and
Augustan ages, see M.H. Crawford (n. 2j).
[557] M.H. Crawford (n. 23).
[558] Spoletium: CIL xi 4809, not in ILLRP or CIL i2, fasc. 4, but see Gaggiotti eta/. 1980 (e 50) 107; Ferentinum: CIL x 5837 = ILLRP 584.
[559] Praeneste: ILLRP 653; Brundisium: ILLRP 558; Formiae: A. Colombini, Athenaeum 1966, 137; for local military exercise grounds, see Devijver and van Wonterghem 1981-2 (e 35).
[560] See in genera] de Simone 1980 (e 121); Coleman 1986 (e 22). The best account of the disappearance of Etruscan is still that of Harris 1971 (e 55) 172-84; note also 1975 (e64); Michelsen 1975 (в 2 j4): Etruscan letters in texts inscribed in Latin are of extreme rarity. For the disappearance of Oscan at Pompeii, see Castren 1975 (e 12), 44-6. See Appendix III, p. 983.
Poccetti 1988 (e 97): the single Umbrian bilingual seems earlier than the Social War.
Heurgon 1953 (e 59); Briquel 1990 (e 10).
Ilari 1974 (d 196); the ethnic contingents in the army of Spartacus perpetuate earlier Roman practice.
[562] To the texts cited above, add Suet. Aug. 59; Galsterer 1976 (e 52) 128-9, does not give sufficient weight to the phenomenon.
18 ILLRP 589 (Ferentis), to be read with Emiliozzi 198} (e 39) (the name of the month is uncertain, but is in any case not Chosfer); Degrassi 1961-2 (в 223); ILLRP jo8, to be read with Laffi 1978 (e 69).
45 Л/л/ xiii 2, nos. j, 6, 7, 8, 9, 15, 16, 17, 21, 22, 24, 25, 37, 39; the elogia of Roman type from Arretium and Pompeii form part of the same phenomenon.
[565] McBain 1982 (f 177), with the review by Beard 1983 (f 90).
[566] E. Gabba (n. 40). 52 Frederiksen 1976 (e 42).
[567] ILLRP 286 (Trasacco of the Marsi), 483 (Ager Falernus), 1254 (Forum Novum in Sabina);
Vetter 195 (Lucania); see in general Lejeune 1976 (e 74), for the loss of the rich variety of Oscan pratnomina, the emergence of standard abbreviations for the praenomina that survived, the adoption of the abbreviation "f(ilius)' and the appearance of cognomina. 61 Poccetti 1984 (e 96).
[569] Domitian's letter to Irni shows for a later period how difficult the process was; Mourgues 1987 (в 2; 7) is not persuasive.
[570] Frederiksen 1959 (e 4i) = (in part) Frederikson 1984 (e 43) 285-318, 281-4.
[571] Degrassi 1961—2 (в 225).
[572] See Leg. 11.1.2-2.5, with n. 17 above; compare Off. 1. 54-5, 'magnum est enim eadem habere monumenta maiorum, iisdem uti sacris, sepulcra habere communia'; the passage has nothing to do with the institution ofacommon tomb for a single family, contra de Visscher 1963 (e 135) 129—30.
[573] Bejor 1979 (f 269) 126; Rossignani 1990 (e i i 5); Italy is hardly present in the great exhibition catalogue Kaiser Augustus und die verlorene Republik 1988 (f 443).
[574] A similar pattern on a smaller scale is also evinced by the red-gloss table-ware produced at Puteoli, Pucci 1981 (e ioi) 107—10; and in the pottery style discussed by Lavizzari Pedrazzini i987(e 72). See also M. Torelli (n. 20), at 34-6, for the spread throughout Italy between 50 B.C. and the turn of the eras of the 'villa system', whatever precisely that may have been.
[575] Thomsen 1947 (e 127); Nicolet 1988 (a 69) 221-3; f°r Italy under the Empire, see Eck 1979 (e I")-
[576] Smith 1958 (d 232); Harmand 1967 (d 193); Keppie 1983 (e 6j).
[577] Vittinghoff 1952 (c 239); Keppie 1983 (e 65); for Schneider 1977 (d 231), see the review by Keppie 1981 (d 201), rightly dismissive; for some recent new evidence, see Tagliaferri 1986 (e 125); Solin 1988 (в 283) 99-101.
[578] Note that in the eyes of Aulus Gellius intermarriage with other groups by men of the Marsi led
to the loss of their magic powers, NA xvi.ii.i. 72 Susini 1976 (e 124).
[580] Panciera 1985 (E91).
[581] For the phenomenon in general, see the articles in Studi Miscellanei 10, 1965-4; Torelli 1976 (e 130) 101, for a case at Falerii Novi linked to colonization.
[582] Torelli 1969 (e 129): one of the monuments at Beneventum is again that of a veteran; see now also Sena Chiesa 1986 (e 119) (at least from the area of Mediolanum).
[583] L. Keppie (n. 69) supersedes the speculations of Ciampoltrini 1981 (e 16).
[584] CIL i2 5107.
[585] Crawford 1989 (e 28), correcting (n. 3), 160; for the gravestones of the imperial period, see Bermond Montanari 1959 (e 3).
[586] Coins: Grant 1946 (в 322) 190-2, 195; Burnett 1992 (в 311). Inscriptions: H. Willers, RhM 60 (1905) 321-60; G. Manganaro, Cronachedi ArcbeologiaeStoriad' Arte 3 (1964) 5 3-68 (Tauromenium); IG xiv 367 (Haluntium); 1G xiv 954 and AE 1966, 168 bis (Agrigentum). See also Wilson 1990 (e '97) Я7 notes 25-6. I take AE 1966, 163 (= 1990, 437), referring to an <27701*10 at Centuripae, to belong to 44 в.с. immediately after Caesar's grant and before Antony's conversion of it to full citizenship (Wilson 1990 (e 197) 41-2); if so Caesar planned colonial Latinae in Sicily along the lines of those established in Narbonensis c. 45 в.с.
[587] Pace Stone 1983 (e 188). For this period in detail, Hadas 1930 (c 108) 71-150; Tarn 1934^ 189); Goldsberry 1982 (e 161) 489-97; Roddaz 1984 (c 200) 117-38.
[588] Cessation of corn exports: App. BCiv. iv.84-6, cf. Dio XLVin.17.4-19; their resumption: App. BCiv. v.56, 67-74; Dio XLVin.36.1.
[589] Lepidus: App. BCiv. v.98.408. Lilybaeum defences: ILS 8891. Later stages: App. BCiv. v.105; 109; 110-12.
[590] Not all scholars agree. Beloch 1886 (a 4) 327 emended Pliny's text (HN nr.91) to imply that all the communities were Latinat condicionis, but that Centuripae, Netum and Segesta were tax free (immunts), the rest stipendiary. Scramuzza 1937 (e 187) 343-7, Manganaro 1980 (e 170) 452, and Clemente 1980 (e 1; 4) 466-7 have followed Beloch, but tampering with Pliny's text is unwarranted (Wilson 1990 (e 197) 36-7).
[591] CIL x 7463 (Haluntium), 7458 (Halaesa). Coins: Grant 1946 (в 322) 195-7; Burnett 1992 (в 311). Full references in Wilson 1990 (e 197) 42.
[592] Probably Augustan, certainly pre-Claudian: Tac. Ann. xii.23.1 (a.d. 46), cf. Dio lii.42.6 (29 b.c.).
[593] Cf. Strab. vni.7.5 (386-8C) (on Patras) and vi. 1.6 (257-90) (on Reggio);cf. also RG 28.1; Suet.
Aug. 46. 17 Strab. vi.2.4 (269-72C).
[595] Wilson 1988 (e 196); 1990 (e 197) with full discussion of the evidence.
" Wilson 1985 (e 194); 1990 (e 197) 143-59.
[597] Tac. Ann. iv.43; Suet. Claud. 25.5.
[598] So all sources (and apparently CIL x 8034) except Appian, who calls him Menodorus: see BCiv. v. 56 with Gabba 1970 (в 5 5) ad loc.
[599] App. BCiv. iv.2; v.56,67, 72, 78—80; Dioxlvin.28.4; 30.7-31.2; 36.1-6;45.4-9; Plut. Ant. 32.
[600] Dio lin.12.4 (27 b.c.); lv.28.1-2 (a.d. 6), cf. Livy, xl.54.13.
[601] Praefectus Corsicae: CIL xn 245 5 (Julio-Claudian); praefectus Sardinian. EE vin 744 (a.d. 46); AE 1893, 47.1 take T. Pompeius Proculus on an Augustan milestone (ILS 105) to be governor; he appears as pro legato (sc. praefectus?), perhaps in acknowledgment of legionaries in his command (so Meloni 1958 (e 174) 11-17). Others, however (J. Saŝel, Chiron 10(1974) 467-72; Thomasson 1972 (e 190)), take pro legato and praefectus Corsicae to be subordinates of a single governor of Sardinia- Corsica, the split in administration not occurring until 67. Cf. also RE xxn 2 (1954) 1291—2.
34 Strab. v.2.7 (224—5c). a.d. 19: Tac. Ann 11.85.4 (with Goodyear ad loc.), cf. Suet. Tib. 36 and Dio Lvii. 18.5a.
[603] AE 1921, 86 = Sotgiu 1961 (в 286) no. 188; not necessarily post-19,pace Meloni 1958 (e 174) 15-17.
[604] Paus. vii.17.3; Suet. Ner. 14.
[605] Tac. Hist. 11.16 (with Chilver ad loc). The title had changed before 56: Vipsanius Laenas, the procurator of Sardinia condemned for extortion in that year (Tac. Ann. xin.30.1), was clearly the governor.
[606] Per» Rowland 1985 (e 185) no and Dyson 1985 (e 157) 138. The inscription is ILS 5947.
[607] Sardinia: CIL x 8023-4 (a.d. 74). Corsica: CIL x 8038 (a.d. 72).
[608] Sen. Dial, xii.6. 5; 7.8-10. Sardinia, too, was used to exiles: Anicetus, C. Cassius Longinus and Crispinus were banished there by Nero (Tac. Ann. xiv.62.6, xvi.9.2 and 17.2).
[609] Pliny, HN 111.80; Moracchini-Mazel 1971 (e 177) and 1974 (e 178) (Mariana); for Aleria, Jehasse and jehasse 1982 (e 166), but I have not followed their chronology, which is too high. On the dating of double-precinct fora, Todd 1985 (f 395) 64.
[610] Meloni 1975 (e 175) год. Quattuorviri-. ILS 1402, 6765; CIL x 7600, 7605.
[611] It is omitted in the list in RG 28.
[612] Sotgiu 1961 (в 286) no. 45 (Nora); Sotgiu 1961 (в 286) no.), ILS 6764, and C/L x 7519 (Sulcis). For Cornus, Meloni 1975 (e 175) 242. Carales, if it remained provincial capital, was doubdess later made a colonia (cf. AE 1982,423); Olbia is a likely candidate for at least municipal rank. On the rarity of quattuorviri in provincial municipia under the Empire, A. Degrassi, Scritti vari di anticbita 1 (1962) Moff, iv (1971) 79.
[613] Exceptions include ambulations at Carales before a.d. 6 (CIL x 7581), a Neronian temple of Ceres at Olbia (Sotgiu 1961 (в 286) no. 309), and probably the theatre at Nora (on its date Wilson
1980-1 (e 193) 222, n. 7). The Porto Torres baths are not late first century B.C.,pace Maetzke 1966 (e 168) 162, as the axial type is not pre-Neronian in Rome; a brick-built provincial example on an imposing scale such as this is hardly pre-100 (cf. Boninu, Le Glay and Mastino 1984 (e 151) 13-18). On the cities in general, Tronchetti 1984 (e 191). " Meloni 1975 (e 175) 268 with references.
46 Grain: Rickman 1980 (e 109) 106-7; Rowland 1984 (e 183). Countryside in general: Rowland 1984 (e 184). Mines: Meloni 1975 (e 175) 157-61. Iron: DioxLii.56.3 (46 B.c.). Ingot: CILx 8073.1.
[616] AE 1907, ii9 = Sotgiu 1961 (в 286) no. 177.
[617] Acquaro et al. 1969 (e 143) (Antas); Meloni 1975 (e 175) 231, 323 and 338.
[618] Guzzo Amadasi 1967 (e 162) 135—6.
[619] M.D. Dopico Cainzos, Gerion 4 (1986) 265-83; cf. Ah 1984, 5 5 3.
[620] Strab. ш.4.20 (167c). On the Roman army in Spain, see now, above all, Le Roux 1982 (e 228), cf. Alfoldy 1987 (d 159) 482-513.
[621] Cf. Le Roux 1982 (e 228) 107-18, with the list of the inscriptions attesting the prata (pasture- lands) of legio IУ Macedonica and cobors IV Gallorum.
[622] CIL xr 395 = ILS 2648: [p(rimc)p(ilo)] legionii) VI victr(icis), donisdonato ob resprosper(e)gest(as)
contra Astures (c. a.d. 60 or some years before). 9 Cf. Le Roux 1982 (e 228) 85-93.
•o Strab. ш.4.9 (160c); P. Sillicres, REA 83 (1981) 255-71. On the Via Augusta which was, unlike its predecessor, the republican Via Domitia, more a system of roads than a single road, cf. F. Palli Aguilera, La via Augusta en Cataluna, Bellaterra, 1985.
[625] G. Fabre, M. Mayer and I. Roda, Inscription! romaines de Catalogne i, Barcelone (sauf Barcino) (Paris, 1984) no. i; C. Castillo, J. Gomez-Pantoja and M. D. Mauleon, Inscripciones romanas del Museo de Navarra(Pamplona, 1981) no. \ \ ibid. no. 2 = G. Fatasand M.A. Martin Bueno, Epigrafia romanade Zarago^ajsuprovincia(Zaragoza, 1977) no. r 1; ibid. no. [9 cf. AE 1984,583-5. On [he road system in Roman Hispania, cf. Roldan Hervas 1975 (e 236).
[626] J.M. Roldan Hervas, lterab Emerita Asturicam. El Camino de la Plata (Salamanca, 1971) 51 no. 25
[627] On urbanization in Roman Spain, see, above all, Galsterer 1971 (e 221); Wiegels 1985 (e 245);
Alfoldy 1987 (e 205).
[628] Pliny, HN hi.7, hi. 18,111.77-8, iv. 117.
[629] CIL и 5103-4 (aed., a.d. i 2/14); CIL и 381* (certainly authentic, tui. Illlvir). Cf. Alfoldy 1987 (E 205) 77-80.
[630] A list of the coloniae in Spain: Brunt 1971 (a 9) J90-3.
[631] Cf. Alfoldy 1987 (e 20j) 53-4 and 104-j; cf. also the lists and maps in Wiegels 198) (e 24J)
164-8. 18 AE 1971, 172; cf. Wiegels 1983 (e 245) 20-2.
[633] On municipal institutions in Roman Spain, cf. Alfoldy 1987 (e 205) 27-9 (with further bibliography).
[634] See on this A. d'Ors, Anuario de Historia del Dereebo Espanol 54 (1984) 535-73; id.. Lex Flavia Municipalis (Rome, 1986); Gonzalez 1986 (в 235).
[635] For what follows see Strab. in.2.3-10 (142-8c).
[636] Cf. especially the development in the north-western part of the Iberian peninsula; on this Tranoy 1981 (e 244) esp. 261-384.
[637] On clan organization, see now Gonzalez Rodriguez 1986 (e 225); on local magistrates and
senates cf. now esp. Alfoldy 1987 (e 205) 50-1. 31 Alfoldy 1987 (e 205) 110-11.
[639] Tac. Ann. 1.78. Imperial cult in Spain: cf. Etienne 1938 (e 217); cf. now also Fishwick 1987 (p
157) esp. 150-8, and 2:9—39. 34 Tac. Hist. 1.4.
[641] Strab. iv.j.j (194c). 41 See above, n. j.
42 e.g. Dio Lix.22; Tac. Ann. xi.23; Hist. 1.51 and iv.74; Suet. Ner. 40.
[643] Caes. BCiv. 1.35. 44 Caes. BCiv. 111.59.
BCiv. 1.59: 'ex omnibus civitatibus nobilissimo et fortissimo quoque evocato'.
Cic. At/. xiv.i. 47 App. BCiv. v.75.318. 48 App. BCiv. v.92.586.
[646] Tac. Hist, iv.68-9 cf. above, p. ooo. 57 Tac. Ann. xi.24; C1L xiii 1668.
58 Tac. Ann. xiv.46.2.
[648] For example the civitas of the Turones is referred to as libera by CIL xiii 3076 and 3077.
[649] Strab. iv. 1.г (190-tc).
[650] At least the allied states were awarded this, to judge from Tac. Ann. xi.23.
[651] the invasion and its aftermath
Numerous reasons, apart from that advanced above, have been put forward to explain Rome's decision to invade Britain at this precise juncture. Among them can be listed the military ambition of Claudius, now emperor after Gaius' assassination; the prospect of mineral and other wealth; a surplus of legions on the German frontier after Gaius had created two more to back his abortive invasion attempt; the final suppression of druidism, which had been outlawed in Gaul, no doubt
[652] Wacher 1995 (e 560) 242. It has, however, been argued that the Iceni lay outside the province,
see Wacher 1981 (e 561) 136. " Tac. Agr. xiv. 18 RIByi. SeeBogaers 1979(в 211) 243-54.
" Frere 1961 (e 535). Wacher 1995 (e 560) 23, 189-241.
[655] Bennett 1984 (e 528) 47-56. 25 Tac. Am. xiv.33. 26 Milne 1982 (e 549) 271-6.
27 RIB 12. » Frere 1983 (e 536) 11. 26-8.
29 Tac. Am. xiv.33. But see also J.E. Bogaers, 'Review of Wacher 1966 (e 559), JRS 57 (1967)
2 3 3-4- 30 Frere 1972 (e 536) 1 ptusim.
31 Frere 1983 (e 536) 11 69-72. 32 Frere 1983 (e 536) 11 35-54.
[660] Greene 1978 (e 542). 43 Frere 1972 (e 536) 1. 18.
44 But see reservations expressed by Whittick 1982 (e 366) 113—24. 4S Strab. iv. 5.3 (200-1C).
46 R/B2091. 47 RIB 141-jo. 48 Wacher 1978 (e 562) 217-26.
[663] Tac. Hist. rv. 12. Batavian coinage: N. Roymans, W. van der Sanden, Bericbten van de Kijksdienst
voor bet OudbeidkundigBodemondtr^oek 30(1980) 175-254. 7 Suet. Aug. 23.1.
' Pliny, HN iv. 106.
[666] Cuppers 1990 (e j74) 8}, Abb. $9.
[667] Arminius: Veil. Pat. 11.118.2, Ahenobarbus, Dio Lv.10a.2-3.
" Veil. Pat. 11.104.2. 20 Cŭppers 1990 (e 574) 85, Abb. 39.
[669] Tac. Hist. rv.22.
[670] Iulia Tridentum in AE 1984, 707; building: ILS 86; on the Anauni-edict (ILS 206) cf. Th.
Mommsen, GesammcUc Scbriĵtcn 4 (Berlin, 1906) 291-511; E. Frezouls, Ktema 6 (1981) 259-52, esp.
243. 2 Dio liv. 20.1-2. 3 Pliny, HNih.i)6f; CIL v 7817 = EJ2 40.
[673] Dio liv.22; Hor. Carm. iv.4; iv.14; Strab. iv. 6.8 (206C); vii.i.j (292Q; Veil. Pat. 11.95.if.
[674] Ancient sources relating to Roman commanders are collected in AfRR vol. n (down to 30 b.c.), in PIR2 which has currently reached the letter О and also in the Laltreuli Pracsidum compiled by Thomasson 1975-84 (d iio). The siege equipment captured from D. Brutus in 43 b.c., Dio xlvi-5 3.1, was used eight years later by the Iapodes against Octavian, App. III. xviii. Before his operations against the Parthini, Asinius Pollio may have attacked the Delmatae and seized Salona,
but the sources are late and confused. Some have rejected the story, e.g. Syme 1979 (a 94) 1 18-30, while others have accepted it, Bosworth 1972 (c 34) 464-8. Antony's attack on the Dardani is noted in App. BCiv. v.75. 5 CIL hi 14265: 'Sicilia recepta'.
[676] Dio liv.20.3. Most have assumed the province of Silius to have been Illyricum, though nothing connects him with that region while a dedication honouring him as proconsul was erected at Aenona in Liburnia, ILS 899. The end of the Dalmatian 'rebellion' is noted by Veil. Pat. 11.90.1.
[677] Most have accepted the identification of the [ ] QVS on the Tusculum elogium, ILS 896),
[678] RG 30.2, with Suet. Aug. 21 and Strab. vn-3.11, 13 (303-4Q.
[679] Dio lv. ioa.2-3 (under a.d. 1).
[680] Suet. Claud. 2;; Dio lx.24.
[681] Tac. Am. xii. 1 j-21; cf. Gajdukeviĉ 1971 (e 664) j j 8. The war was named Btllum Mitbridati- eum, Il-S 9197 (Tarracina).
[681] By L. Arruntius Camillas Scribonianus, Suet. Claud. 15.2; Dio lx.t5.1-2. For the legionary
titles see Wilkes 1969 (e 706) 96. 24 Tac. Ann. xn.29-30.
[683] ILĴ 986 (Tibur). On these events see Pippidi 1962 (e 685) 106-132, revised and reprinted in Pippidi 1967 (e 686) 287-348.
[684] Tac. Hist. 1.79. The victory was acknowledged on that day with sacrifice on the Capitol by the
Arval Brethren, MW p. i j. 27 Tac. Hist. 111.46 cf. iv.4.
[686] Tac. Hist. hi.46.}; Joseph. BJ v 11.4.5.
[687] Hoddinott 1981 (E670).
[688] Alfoldy 1964 (e 647); Garaŝanin 1982 (e 665) 586-7 and 598-610.
[689] Strab. vn.3.13 (josQ.
[689] Cri$an 1978 (e 6)6); Crawford 1985 (в 520) 227-35. 35 Papazoglu 1978 (e 681) 272-8.
Strab. vii.5.4 (314—15c); Dion. Hal. Jr. 16, calls them a Celtic people.
Uiria II: La Villt Illjritnnt (Tirana, 1972) 239-68 (Lissus). 38 Marie 1977 (e 673).
39 Alfoldy 1968 (E650) 1213-14.
[693] For example, ILlug 1852-j. 41 Stipĉevic 1977 (e 696) 207-14.
42 Batoviĉ 1968 (e 653) 1973 (e 654). 43 SvoljSak 1976 (E 699).
Piccottini and Vetters 1981 (e 684) 10-17.
[696] Daicoviciu 1972 (e 658) 127-99.
[697] The date of the division of Illyricum into Pannonia and Dalmatia remains a problem and has most recently been considered by Fitz 1988 (e 663) (suggesting a.d. 19/20). A belief that a division of Illyricum, either in a.d. 8 or 9, produced two provinces known for a period as Illyricum Superius (Dalmatia) and Inferius (Pannonia) is now to be abandoned since it rests on a doubtful MS record of the full text of the now fragmentary C/L tn 1741 (Epidaurum) as a dedication to the early Tiberian legate Cornelius Dolabella by the 'civitates superioris provinciae Hillyrici'. See Novak 1966 (e 680). The earliest record of Dalmatia is a monument, probably of Claudian date, erected at Rome, AE 1913, 194, but Illyricum, evidently denoting Pannonia still appears in official documents as late as a.d. 60, CIL xvi 4.
[698] Alfoldy 1974 (e 6)2) 7-15.
[699] Mocsy 1974 (e 677) j j—4. A more southerly line for the Pannonian-Dalmatian boundary has
been suggested by'DuSanic 1977 (e 661) 64-6. 50 Gerov 1979 (e 668).
[701] ILIug 57 and 60 (a.d. 53/4). 52 Wilkes 1969 (Е 706) nci-xxvii.
[702] AE 1957, 25, in which a procurator is honoured by 33 itratcgiac. Tac. Ann. хн.62-3 (appeal of
Byzantium in a.d. 5 3). 54 ILĴ 208.
[704] CI.Liii 3198-201,10156-9, and Wilkes 1969 (£706)452-5 (readings based on Alfoldy 1964 (e 648) 247). The road beyond Burnum to the Sava valley was completed in a.d. 47, CIL 11113 3 29ft. On 'viae militares' in the Danube lands see J. Ŝaŝel, Studim den Mililargren^en Roms II (Koln, 1977)
235-44. 58 Tac. Am. 1.20.
[706] ILlug j 6,5 5 and 5 8. One of the two Tiberian texts is illustrated by Swoboda 1939 (e 701) pi. V.
[707] ILS 231 and p. CLXX (CIL 111 6123 cf. p. 1059= 14207м), AE 1912,193, recording work in
a.d. 61 under the procurator T. Iulius Ustus. 61 Wilkes 1969 (e 706) 456-9 and 1974 (e 707).
[709] Dalmatia: Alfoldy 1987 (d 159) 259-97. Pannonia, Mocsy 1974 (e 677) 48-51. Noricum: Alfoldy 1974 (e 652) 65.
« J.J. Wilkes in Hartley and Wacher 1983 (c 274) 266-7.
[711] Zaninovic 1977 (e 711) 791-}, and 1980 (e 712) (Narona); Clairmont 1975 (e 6)5) 58-82 (Salona); Suiĉ 1976 (e 697) 1 jo-j (Iader and Aenona), 158 fig. 74 (Asseria), 88-104 (centuriation); ŜaSel 1968 (е 691) 549-55 (Emona); Mocsy 1974 (e 677) 74-89 (Emona and Savaria), 78-9 (centuriation);Wilkes 1969 (e 706) 559 fig. 15 and 569 (Aequum), 566-7 (Asseria); Alfoldy 1974 (e 652) 87-9 (Virunum). Bradford 1957 (a 7) 175—95 (centuriation).
[712] Wilkes 1969 (e 706) 499-502; Matijaŝiĉ 1987 (e 674) 495-551.
[713] Cic. Leg. Мая. 34; cf. shipping at Utica, Caes. BCiv. 11.23.6. For amphorae, A. Hesnard in Lancel 198J (e 748) 49-59.
[714] Dio xliii.14.1; Suet. Ы. 42.1. The best discussion of Caesarian settlements is Teutsch 1962 (e
765). 5 See Broughton 1971 (e 721), against Kornemann, who put forward this view.
[716] EJ2 191 is a milestone recording the road.
" Dyson 1975 (c 266). For causes in general, see Dio Lxvii.4.6; Tac. Am. ill.40; Hilt iv. 14; Agr.
xxxi. " CIL hi 538. Tacfarinas' land demands, Tac. Am. 111.73.
[719] Trousset 1978 (e 768) 141.
[720] Desanges 1964 (E 728).
[721] Tac. Aim. 11.52; ш.20-1, 52,73-4; iv.i 23-6; Veil. Pat. 11.12 5. Places discussed by Syme 1951 (e 764).
[722] Tac. Am. m.74 and EJ2 210 show the commander, P. Cornelius Lentulus Scipio, came with the legion.
[723] Aur. Vict. 4.2; ILS 2721; /RTjji; EJ2 218a (dated a.d. j;/6).
[724] Land markers-C/Lvni 22786 (cf. EJ2 264), 22789; ILTun 71,73,74. Lepcis monument-AE 1961, 107-8. See Trousset 1978 (e 768).
[725] Note the Numidians at Masculula not far from Simitthu (cf. n. 29 below), EJ2111. Tacfarinas' corn — Tac. Ann. rv. 13. Massinissa's claims - App. Pun. 68.
[726] leg(io) III Aug(uita) leimitavit, e.g. EJ2 264.
[727] Tac. Hilt, iv.48; Dio Lix.20.7. Benabou 1972 (e 714).
[728] E.g. EJ2 260 - a soldier who served nineteen years in an outpost at Simitthu in the north west of the province over this period; Tac. Hist. rv. jo — the legate at Hadrumetum.
[729] Suet. Calig. j 5; Dio lix. 2 j; Tac. Am. 1v.23.Faur 1973 (e 730) in preference to Fishwick 1971 (e 7 Ьг).
[730] AE 1966, 595; Tac. Hist. 11.58-9.
[731] praef(ectus) avxilior(um) advtrm Aedtmontm oppressum btllo - GCN 407. Whether municipal status is implied by the grant of civitas romana is controversial; for this and for possible federated status of Volubilis, Gascou 1982 (e 758) 148-9.
[732] Romanelli 1959 (e 760) 260; cf. Dio Lx.24.5. Dio lx.8-9; Pliny, HN v.i 1-15.
54 Aur. Vict. 4.2; Suet. Galba 7-8; cf. Tac. Hist. 1.49; Dio Lx.9.6; Plut. Galba y,AE 1966,595. The
history of 'national consciousness' and 'permanent insurrection' in Roman Africa is discussed by Benseddik 1982 (e 716) 145-62. » Gascou 1982 (e 738) 145-J8, Mackie 1983 (e 753).
[735] Chevallier 1958 (e 724) and Atlas des centuriations romainesde Tunisie (Paris, 1954). Dilke 1971 (a 21) 151-8.
[736] Republican taxes are discussed in САН ix2 585-9. Augustan edict on veterans - EJ2 302. Gaetulians - discussed below, p. 608.
[737] mancupes — EJ2 191. civitates stipendiariae etc., - AE 1963, 96; App. Pun. 68; cf. ILS 9482 recording pagi Muxsi, Cususiet Zeugei.E)2 3; j refers to civitates stipendiariae in a pagus which seems to be called Gur^enses and it contains the names of three places, one of which is Uzita known by Julius Caesar as an oppidum near Hadrumetum (BAfr. 41) while Gurza was a civitas later in the same locality. CIL viii 2 3 j99 records a prefect of sixty-two civitates at Mactar in a later period. All are discussed by Picard 1966 (e 758). Phileros - EJ2 330; he had served the governor T. Sextius c. 43-40 b.c.
[738] The evidence is now well collected by Gascou 1972 (e 735) and 1982 (e 738).
[739] The complex difficulties are discussed by Teutsch 1962 (e 763). See also Brant 1971 (a 9) App. 4-
[740] Thompson and Ferguson 1969 (e 767) 13 2-81; modified by Lassere 1977 (e 749) 152—3.
[741] EJ2 163; CIL viii 9257. Leschi 1957 (e 751) 389-93; Salama 1955 (e 761).
[742] App. Pun. 136; Strab. xvii.3.15 (832-30); Plut. Cats. 57; Virg. Eel. 1.64.
[743] For a summary and interpretation of the results of the UNESCO project at Carthage, see Hurst 1985 (e 745). Saumagne 1962 (e 762) discovered the centuriation. The latest information and bibliography on Carthage is published regularly in the bulletin of the Institut National d'Archeolo- gie et d'Art de Tunis, CEDAC (Centre J Etudes et de documentation arcbeologique de la conservation de Cartbage). Before the UNESCO project it was a common view that Virgil's description of Dido's city was an accurate guide to the Augustan colony.
[744] Evidence given by Pflaum 1970 (e 755); most recently discussed by Gascou 1980 (e 737).
[745] EJ2 330; CIL viii 26274. 60 lLAFr 301; CIL viii 885; 25423.
[746] For Pliny's list, see n. 43; Utica - Dio xlix. i 6. i; Thysdrus - Grom. agrimens. 57.3 (Lachmann); Caesar — BAfr. 77.1, 97.1.
[747] Building at Lepcis - e.g. EJ2 iojb (9-8 b.c.). Thugga - ILS 6797, CIL viii 26580. Poinssot 195 8 (e 75 9), Beschaouch 1968 (e 718) 151.
[748] Cillium - CIL viii 211-16; Thala-Tac. Ann. m.21. Broughton 1968 (e720) 9;; Gascou 1972 (E 735) 39
[749] Massinissa - Vitr. De Arcb. viii.3.24-5; Maria Plancina - ILTun 1633; CIL viii 16159. See Broughlon 1968 (e 720) 187 for castella inscriptions of Sicca.
[750] Bulla - Thebert 1973 (e 766); Thugga - Poinssot 1958 (e 759).
[751] ILS 6797; referred to again below.
[752] Le Glay 1966 (e 750), esp. 62-80; Picard 1954 (e 7j7) 21-27. The evidence is summarized by Benabou 1976 (e 71;).
[753] 'Resistance' is the theme of Benabou 1976 (e 715).
[754] Caes. BAfr. 40, 65. Confiscations - e.g. Caes. BAfr. 97. Pliny, HN xviii.jj. Petron. Sat. 48,117. Sen. Ep. ad. Ljai/. 114.26.
[755] Pliny, HN xviii.95; ILAlg 1 524.
[756] SEG ix. i (now thought to date to 522/1 B.C.).
[757] Fadel Ali and Reynolds, AR 11 (1994).
[758] Redde 198 8 (e 800); P. Vat. Gr. 11 (E. Catani in Barker, Lloyd and Reynolds 198 5 (e 77 j a) with references).
[758] Laronde 1987 (e 790)
[759] Hdt. iv.196; Strab. xvii.3.23 (838-9C); Pliny, HN v.5.33; Diod. 111.50.1.
[760] JRS j z (1962) 99-101, and other inscriptions especially at Ptolemais and Teuchira.
[761] Hdt. iv.ij8f; G. Barker and G.D.B. Jones, LS if (1984) 1-44.
[762] M. Luni,QAL 10 (1979) 4$(- 14 G. Herman, Cj2 40 (1990) 349-65.
SEG ix. i, xxvi 1817.
C.B.M. McBurney, The Haua Fteah (Cyrenaica), Cambridge, 1967.
[765] Plut. Мог. 2 5 ~ja—c, Diod. Ш.49, with F. Chamoux, QAL 12 (1987) 57-65.
[766] App. BCiv. m.1.8 withGc. Pbil. 11.58.97, и. 11, 27. For coins Buttrey 1985 (в 515); Plut. Ant. 54.4, 69.2; Dio x1.1x.52.4-5, li.5.6; RG 27. Sidi Khrebish: Lloyd 1977-85 (e 795).
» PBSR 50(1962) 35-6.
[768] SEG ix 8, xxvii 1159, Pliny, HN xix.15.3, Fadel Ali and Reynolds, LS 25 (1994) 214-17.
[769] CIG hi 5194.
[770] SEG xvi 9 31, xvii 823. J R does not accept the view that this was a civic amphitheatre in which the Jews had a right to display their inscriptions and an obligation to contribute to maintenance.
[771] SEG ix 4, and some unpublished texts.
[772] Joseph. AJxvi.i6o.9f, 165f; SEG xx 737.8, 740.2-3, 7418.34,47,48,57, 741c. 13; D 50.2.3.3.
[773] SEG ix 8 = EJ2 311.
[774] AE 1927,140, 1968,536-8, probably also 532-4,559,540; G. Oliverio, Africa Italians 3 (1930) i98f; L. Gasperini,QAL 6 (1971) 3-22; and some unpublished inscriptions.
[775] For instance L. Gasperini in Stucchi 1967 (e 805л) 175, no. 38.
[776] See the inscription cited in n. 28. 37 Unpublished. 38 E.g. SEG ix 183, 184.
[777] ImcrCret iv 272 (ILS 158); Tac. Ann. hi.38.1, xiv.18.1, Hill, iv.45.2.
[778] Goodchild 1930 (e 781). « J. Reynolds, LA 8 (1971) 47-51.
[779] Dio liii. 26.3 seemingly implying that Pamphylia was assigned to a governor of its own; but see Syme 1937 (e 882) 227—31, Garrison: Mitchell 1976 (e 834).
[780] Quirinius: Levick 1967 (e 851) 24-41; 203-14; a.d. 6: Dio lv.28.3.
[781] Plut. Ant. 68.4.
" Plut. Praec. reip.ger. 17 (Мог. 814c), dated by CP. Jones, JRS 56 (1966) 72.
[783] Dio Chrys. xxxi.66.
[784] Delphi: J. Bousquet, BCH 8j (1961) 88-90; birthday: 1G ii/hi2 1071; ephebes: 1069; CIA hi
444. 32 Dio Lv.28.2; see Bowersock 1965 (e 818) 280-2.
[786] Strab. vm.5.5-6 (366c), with Bowersock 1961 (e 817) and 1984 (c 40).
[787] Blood: Dio Liv.7.3, with Bowersock 1964 (c 38) i2of. Discontent at the end of Augustus' reign: Eus.-Jer. 170 Helm (i46f Schoene), with Graindor 1927 (e 832) 41-3. Transfer requested: Tac. Ann. 1.76.4, with 1С v (2), 268, for implied dissatisfaction with earlier proconsuls. For the view that the unrest led to the transfer, see G.W. Bowersock, Entreliens Hard! 33 (Geneva, 1987) 292. Athens' ill repute: Dio Chrys.xLvin.13.
[788] Smallwood 1967 (в 284) 404, with A.J. Gossage, ABSA 49 (1954) 51-6 (I owe these references
[789] EJ2 303 of 31 b.c.; Dio uv.23.7 (Cyprus); Eus.-Jer. 168 Helm (i44f Schoene) (j b.c.), with S.M. Sherwin-White, Ancient Cos (Hypomnemata 51), (Gottingen, 1978) 148.
[790] Diouv.7.5. 43 Agathias, 11.17. 44 /GRR rv 202. 45 EJ2 98.
44 See Price 1984 (f 199) 140. <7 IGRR iv 947, with Price 1984 (f 199) 62.
[792] MAMA ix (Journal of Roman Studies Monograph 4) (London, 1988) ixf.
[793] For Germe see H. von Aulock, 'Die romische Kolonie Germa in Galatien und ihre
Mŭnzpragung', MDAI (I) 18 (1968) 221-37. Iconium and Ninica are argued for by Mitchell 1979 (e 857), on the numismatic evidence proffered by von Aulock 1976 (в 306).
» Mitchell 1978 (e 85 j). * Pliny, HN v.146.
[796] Jones 1971 (d 96) 119 and for Caesarea 168.
[797] EJ2 316 (Nysa); 319 (Aezani); 102, with Bowersock 1961 (e 817) (Gytheum); 105*, with Mitford i960 (e 858) 75-9 (Palaepaphos); GCN 33 (Assos); 401 (Cyzicus).
» Dio lv.27.6 (a.d. 6); Tac. Ann. 1. 80.1.
[799] Treasury: IG ii/iii2 3504; general: Philostr. VS 526; Corinth: A.B. West, Corinth VIII, 2: the
Latin Inscr. (Cambridge, MA, 1931) 83 п.; 86 п. (references to famines); price of grain during a famine: Eus.-Jer. 181 Helm (a.d. 49). 73 Tac. Ann. 11.47 (A-D- '7); iv.13.1 (23).
[801] Vogel-Weidemann 1982 (e 885) 274-80 (Petronius); Tac. Ann. vi.40.3 (Galba).
[802] Sen. Ira 11.5.5 (Volesus); Tac. Ann. 1.74 (Marcellus); iv.15 (Capito); lit.66-8 (Silanus).
[803] Tac. Ann. iv.55; Gaius' temple: Dio Lxix.28.1. 77 SEG rv 707.
See Price 1984 (f 199) (8.
GCN 34 (Kula); 112 (Nero, Poppaea - unless Agrippina is to be read - Britannicus).
See Smith 1987 (f 580).
[807] Tac. Ann. xii.21; Dio lx.5;. j (Cilo); Tac. Ann. хш.1.3; 33.if (Celer); GCN 408 (Cibyra).
[808] Tac. Ann. xn1.33.3f. 83 Tac. Ann. 11.54.2.
84 Arist. Pol. и.127зЪ; Pol. vi.56.13; Cic. A/I. vi.2.5. 85 CCN 380.
[810] See Tac. Ann. 11.42; 56. 90 Sullivan 1980 (e 879) 921. " Tac. Ann. vi.41; xii.j 5.
[811] For legionary recruitment, see Forni 19 j 3 (d 188), and 1974 (d 189); for Galatia, see Mitchell,
[812] Suet. lul. 56.7 (Macer); GCN 264 (Laco); 127 (Capito); 261 (Balbillus); 262 and Tac. Ann. хи.61.2 (Xenophon); GCN 347 (Arruntius Aquila); Tac. Ann. xn.21 and GCN 349 (Iulius Aquila);
267 (Proclus). 103 For senators from the East see Halfmann 1979 (d 44) and 1982 (e 836).
[814] Halfmann 1982 (e 836) nos. 1 (Macer), 2 (Rufus), 6 (Montanus), 8 (Plancius Varus), 5 (Servenius); 12 (unknown from Miletus).
[815] Above, ch. i. s COrdPtol 75-6. 6 Quoted by Strab. xvii. i.ij (798c).
1 Maehler 1983 (e 948).
[816] bureaucracy and administration
From the first, care was taken in the establishment of the status and administration of a province which yielded almost as much revenue as did the Gallic provinces added to the empire by Augustus' adoptive father and twelve times as much as the province of Judaea was to provide.13 The emperor immediately took on the role of a Pharaoh and the familiar cartouches were to appear on temple reliefs until the reign of Decius (a.d. 249-51); the lamplighters of Oxyrhynchus duly adapted their customary oath of office and swore by Caesar, 'god, son of a god' (theon ek theou) in 30/29 B.C.14 But Egypt was to be anomalous in being governed by an equestrian praefectus appointed by and directly responsible to the princeps (though a freedman could also hold the office as did one Hiberus for a brief period in a.d. 3 2, replacing the deceased Vitrasius
САН ix2, ch. 8r. Porter and Moss 1937, 1939 (e 958) v j 1, 35, 128, 135, 151-7, vi 79.
BGU 2376; 0G1S 193; Porter and Moss 1972, 1939 (e 958) и2 714, vi 79.
[817] Ann. II.59, Hist. i.II. 22 BGU 1210pratj.
Parassoglou 1978 (e 956) App. II, 69-8).
Joseph. BJiv.6i6ff; SB 10295 cf. Bowman 1970(e 899), with Sijpesteijn, ZPE8(1971) 186-92.
Tac. Ann. xn.60; D. 1.17. 26 Philo, In Flacc. 3, cf. Brunt 1975 (e 906).
[821] POxy 3014. 33 BGU 1210, section 70. и SEG viii 527 (a.d. 22/3).
[822] That the disappearance of Ptolemaic military ranks was gradual is indicated by the existence of a thirty-seven-year-old katoikos, described as teij bipparcbias ton bekontarouron, in a document of a.d. iz/ij, PKoin 127.4-6.
[823] Iustus, RMR 51 with Davies 197} (e 915); Aeternius Fronto, PIR (2) l287 (tic).
[824] Gilliam 1986 (d 192) 335-40; Whitehorne 1988 (e 982).
[825] PBad 57. » POxy 254, cf. PMicb 578, Montevecchi 1988 (e 952) 177-8.
[826] Chalon 1964 (e 909), cf. SB 8900; Hanson 1988 (e 932)
[827] PRyl 74; POxyHels 19; SB 4416.27; PR?/4)4. 53 FIRA 111 171; POxy 2757, 3015.
и SB 4416.28-9, cf. Philo, In Flacc. 133.
55 N. Lewis, 'Un nouveau texte sur la juridiction du prefet d'F.gvpte', in RHDFE 1972,5-12, cf.
ibid. 1973, 5-7. 56 PR у/ 74.
[831] Joseph. BJ 11.38}—6; Diod. xvn.52.6; for a higher estimate of the Alexandrian populadon see
Fraser 1972 (e 921) 90-1. Rathbone 1990 (e 961). 60 Bowman 1990 (e 901) App. II.
[833] [Aur. Vict.] Epil. de Caes. 1.6, cf. Garnsey tt al. 1983 (d i 30) 119, Rathbone 1990 (e 961).
[834] WCbr 341 (63 per cent private land at Naboo in Apollonopolis Heptakomias in the early second century); PBouriant 42 (29 per cent private land at Hiera Nesos in the Fayum in 167).
[835] POxy 2873 (Seneca); POxy 3047 (Calpurnia Heraclia).
[836] Bowman 1990 (e 901) App. II.
[837] PLcrnĴ 151 verso (Johnson 1956 (e 940) no. 105) (a.d. 78/79).
[838] PMicbTeb 121-8, 257-42 (reign of Claudius).
[839] Illustrated generally by the Piriptous maris Erytbraei(ed. W.H. Schoff, New York, 1912 and L. Casson, Baltimore, 1988); Pliny, HN vi. 101 attests 50 million sesterces-worth of annual trade with India and Arabia; for exhaustive documentation see Raschke 1978 (c 298), Sidebotham 1986 (c } to).
[840] See Hobson 1983 (e 934), 1984 (e 935).
PMicb 467-72; POxj 3208; PRj/608 with Rea, CE43 (1968) 373-4; FIRA ш 8; for a corpus of Latin non-literary papyri see CPL; for literary texts see Pack 1963 (e 95 5), 2917-32 and the useful citations in Anderson, Parsons and Nisbet 1979 (в 4) n. 43.
[842] E.g. PLugd-bal 19. 26-8; OLeidDem, passim; ORom 8 (cf. n. to line 7), 16, 2j, 46-7; West,JEA 55 (1969) 161-83.
[843] Chaeremon, fr. 10 (ed. P.W. Van det Horst, EPRO 101, Leiden, 1984); BGU 1210, sections
71-96. « WCbr 41; POxy 1211.
" BGU 362; PMilVogl 233; SB 4282; CbLA 10, 11; PFaj 119.
[846] Strab. xvii.i.8-10 (793—5c); Dio Chrys. xxxn.36, 55, 59, 62.
7' Strab. xvii.i.53 (819c); POxy 2433.1-28; EJ2 320; Sen. Dial, xn.19.6.
[848] Scholars arc generally agreed that while there has been no significant change in climate since Classical Antiquity, there have probably been minor changes which could have disproportionately large impacts in marginal areas.
[849] The status of Palmyra vis-a-vis the Roman empire is much debated. See below, p. 720.
[850] Teixidor 1984 (e 1066) 49.
[851] Brunt 1961 (d 86); Cn. Piso was prosecuted for treason after attempting to regain control of the
province by armed force (Tac, Ann. in.iof). 39 Schŭrer 1973 (e 1207) 1 381-98, 453-70.
43 That Antioch and Apameia are conspicuously absent from the cities in which Jews were
massacred in 66 (above, p. 708 and n. 11) may reflect the long-standing grip the army had on those
places. Note the immediately calming effect on the mob at Ephesus when a magistrate reminds them of the consequences of provoking the intervention of the proconsul for their ncar-riotious behaviour (Acts 19:3 5 -41).
[856] The only such gatherings in which we know governors interested themselves, are those of the
Jews, but there it is surely no coincidence that time and again they turn up in Jerusalem at the Passover, when, according to Josephus, huge numbers gathered (he claims 3 million) (Joseph. BJ 11.280; cf. 11.10; AJ xvii.213, 2j4> xx.106. 45 Teixidor 1984 (e 1066) 102—3.
[858] Malalas, 235.3—6; Strong 1957 (e 1063). 47 Joseph. AJxvi.270.
[859] The evidence is collected and discussed by Keppie 1986 (d 203).
[860] Gracey 1981 (e ioio) chs. 1 and 4. In some cases at least, precise locations may have had much to do with the availability of supplies or the means of bringing in food and equipment for a large body of men.
[861] Positive evidence detailing the origins of legionaries (Forni 1953 (d 188); 1974 (d 189)) and auxiliaries (Holder 1980(0 195) 109-39; esp. 121) serving in Syria, is slight. The supposition above is based on the likely implications of the known indications of Roman attitudes towards local recruitment in the region.
[862] Foundation by Claudius is explicitly attested by Pliny (HN v. 17.75) and that testimony and the likely date of between 32/3 and 54 proposed by Seyrig 1962 (в 330) 44f and now modified by Millar 199о(е 1040) 24 n. 76, are to be preferred to the arguments of Kadman 1961 (в 329) 23 in favour of a Neronian foundation in Claudius' name. That it was a proper veteran colony is likely (Mann 1983 (d 215) 41); contra, Rey-Coquais 1978 (e 1054) 52f(cf. PECSs.v. 'Ptolemais') who regards it as a colony in name only on the basis of D 50.15.1.3.
[863] See now the important discussion of the ramifications of imperial building in Greece and Asia
Minor by Mitchell 1987 (p 503). 65 Joseph. BJ 1.422-5; A] xvi.148, xrx.333ff.
[865] Antioch: Lassus 1972 (e 1032) 72; Berytus: Lauffray 1978 (e 1033) 148 and 157.
[866] Van Berchem 1976 (e 987) 170.
[867] Lyttleton 1974 (f 476) 93-6, 183-5; Colledge 1976 (e 994).
[868] Welles in Kraeling 1938 (e 1031) 373-8. nos. 2-7. 74 Ploug 1985 (e 1051)passim.
75 BJ 11.504. 76 Strab. xvi.2.23 (757c). 77 Teixidor 1984 (e 1066) 63.
[870] Mouterde 1944-6 (e 1043). Cf. Aristomachus, son of Zabdion at Gerasa (Kraeling 1938 (e
1031) 373fno. 2). 97 Rey-Coquais 1973 (в 269) ji.
[872] Kraeling 1932 (e 1030); Meeks and Wilken, 1978 (f 185) 2-13. Joseph. A] xvii.23-7.
[873] PDura 54.
[874] Holum it at. 1989 (e i 140) 88f; cf. nof for an inscription of Pontius Pilate recording a
Tiberieum. 107 Sourdel 1952 (e 1061); Teiiidor 1977 (f 227); 1979 (e 1065 a).
106 Hands 1968 (f 39) 77-88. See e.g. Joseph. AJ xx.219; Acts 11.27-301.
[876] Bowersock 1965 (c 59) ch. III. We might note too, apparently from Syrian Hierapolis, a great
local benefactor at Athens, Julius Nicanor, hailed as the New Themistocles and New Homer (Jones
1978 (e 1020)). 110 Bowersock 1965 (c 39) 75-84. 111 Joseph. В/1.239; AJxrv.i^-j.
[879] App. BCh. v.io; Dio XLix.32.4f. 113 Pliny, HN v.8if; 74.
114 Caesar had recognized petty rulers on condition they defended the province (BA/r. 65.4).
[881] Joseph. AJ xv.544-9, 559-63, xvi.271; BJ 398-400.
1,6 AE 1976,677-8; Rey-Coquais 1975 (в 269). The Roman census at Apameia in a.d. 6 suggests the tetrarchy had ended by that time (ILĴ 2675) - perhaps precisely at that time. The sole auxiliary regiment named for Apameia, the cobors I Apamenorum, lacks an imperial title, which may point to formation before Claudius - again perhaps the result of taking over the tetrarchic army.
[883] Joseph. BJ vii.219-22; cf. Kennedy 198} (e 1023).
1,8 By the end of Nero's reign at least, an entire legion was based only 45km away at Raphanaea
(Joseph. by vii.18). 1,9 Joseph, AJxvu.itj; BJ 11.68; cf. below, n. 135.
[886] Tac. Ann. 11.57. 121 Joseph. BJ 11. joof. 122 Joseph. BJ. 111.68; Tac. Hist, v.1.2.
[887] As an ala and probably five cohortts Commagtnorum—c. 3,000 men: Kennedy 198о(е 1022)91—7.
[888] Joseph. AJ xviii. 5 3; contra, Tac. Ann. 11.42.5. Cf. the parallel situation in Judaea after Herod's death in 4 b.c.: Joseph. AJxvu.299; 504-14; BJ 11.80; 84-91.
[889] Tac. Hist. n.8i; Suet. Catig. 14. 5.
[890] Sullivan, 1978 (e 1065); (e 1224); (e 878); (e 1064).
[891] Diod. 11.48. if or x1x.94.2-j. 128 xvi.4.21 (779c).
xvi.2jo and 33j-j2 (9 and 6 b.c.); cf. Strab. xvi.4.2J (782-3C) (embassies).
[893] Cf. Braund 1984(0 254) 39-j3. 131 Cf. Joseph. AJ xviii.i 12.
132 Jaussenand Savignac 1909 (e 1017)1189^ no. 29; 1 j4f no. 7; 12of no. 20; 202ff no. 38; i92fno. 44.; Perip/us 19. 133 E.g. Joseph. AJ xiv.31; Diod. 11.54.3; Strab. xvi.4.23 (780-ic).
The Roman and Byzantine Army in the East (Krakow, 1994) 265-31
13s Caesar at Alexandria (47 b.c.), Aelius Gallus (26/5 b.c.), Varus (6 b.c.) and for the Jewish
Revolt (a.d. 68-70).
[898] Wenning, 1987 (e 1069). 161 Dentzer and Dentzer 1981 (e 1002). 162 Tac. Hist. n.80.
163 The text of this chapter was completed in 1987 and it has therefore not been possible to take
account of recent important work, in particular, F. Millar, The Roman Near East (Cambridge, Mass.,
1995); M. Sartre, Vorient romain (Paris, 1991).
[902] For events after Herod's death, see Joseph. AJ xvn.206-525; BJ 11.1-100; Nicolaus of
Damascus, FGrH 90 f i j6(8)—(11).
* See discussion of the role of this Judas in Freyne 1980 (e i ii j) 214—17.
' For the link to the Maccabees, see Farmer 19)8 (e 1115). 10 BJ 11.5 5-78.
[906] Descriptions of Agrippa's death are given in A] xix.343—j г; Acts 12:19-23.
[907] See Jones 1938 (e 1152) 259-61.
[908] For the careers of Agrippa's children see Joseph. A] xvni-xx; B] ii-vii; Suet. Tit. 7; Tac. Hill. 11.2.81; Dio lxvi.15■ 3—51 18.i.
[909] On this uneasy coexistence, see Bowersock 198j (e 990) esp. pp. 50-3, 63-7.
[910] Suet. Tit. 7; Dio lxvi.15.3-4; 18.t. See Crook 1951 (e 1106).
[911] See Sullivan 1978 (e 1064)935-8 onC. Claudius Severus and other consular descendants of the eastern client kings; Smallwood 1976 (e i 111) 5 51, on C. Iulius Severus.
[912] The history of Judaea from a.d. 6 to a.d. 70 is found in Joseph. BJ 11.117-vn end; AJ xviii- xx; Vit.\ Philo, Leg. The emphasis in the three narratives by Josephus varies in accordance with their different purposes, but they can usually be reconciled.
[913] Joseph. A] xvii.342-3; BJn.i n-13; Dio Lv.27.6; cf. Smallwood 1976 (e 1212) 117.
[914] Burr 1935 (c jj6). 37 Tac. Ann. xn.54; Hist, v.9.3; cf. Joseph. AJxx. 182.
38 Tac. Ann. 11.42.5; Hist, v.9.2. 39 Joseph. BJ 11.169-77; A]xviii.5 5-62.
41 Joseph. AJxviii.261-309; Philo, Leg. 188, 207-333; Tac. Hist. v.9.
[917] Joseph. BJ 11.4J7,449-56. For some of Agrippa's troops joining the rebels, cf. BJ 11.430, j го.
[918] Joseph. BJ iv.j 18, }J 5-6, 565.
[919] Joseph. B/tv. 554-44; v. 568; vi. 113. This point is argued more fully in Goodman 1987(61150)
[920] Kadman i960 (в 528) 78.
[921] Joseph. BJ vi.254—66; contra, Sutp. Severus, Cbron. n.30.6-7. For arguments supporting Josephus' defence of Titus, see Rajak 1983 (в 147) 206-11.
* BMCRE и nos. 115-18. 55 Cf. Joseph. Д/хх.253-8; Tac. H«/. v.10.1.
[923] Buildings dating before a.d. 70 have been identified as synagogues at Masada, Herodium and Gamala, although none of these identifications is beyond dispute. Cf. Levine 1981 (e i 168).
[924] Joseph. BJ VT.94.
[925] Joseph. Vit. 12; Phil. 3:5.
[926] Joseph. BJ 11.162-3; AJ xiu.iji-),288,294,297-8, xvn.41, xvni.12-17; Vit. 2, 191. On the rabbinic texts, see Neusner 1971 (e i i 84). On the extent of the Pharisees' influence, see Neusner, Politici to Piety (Leiden, 1971) and the summary of the arguments in Goodblatt 1989 (e i i 23).
[927] Jews' avoidance of pork was particularly notorious, cf. Joseph. Ap. 11.137; Plut. Quaest. com. iv.4-6.2.
[928] Lewis, Yadin and Greenfield 1989 (в 375); see in general the tractate Ketubotb in the Mishnah; cf. Epstein 1942 (e in 1); Archer 1983 (e 1076) and 1990 (e 1077).
[929] Joseph. Vie. 2. « Tobit 6:12; Hachlili and Killebrew 1983 (e 1132).
[930] 2 Cor. 11:14. 112 Goodenough 1929 (e i 124). 113 Joseph. BJ vn.44-5.
Philo, Leg. 20 (132); Joseph. BJ vn.44-5; t.Sukk. 4: 6. On synagogue buildings, see Shanks
[932] For the temporary nature of these buildings and their vulnerability to redevelopment, Phillips 1973 (f 324). The vocabulary of matniana, tabulatio, contignationei is expressive; Festus, s.v. adtibernium\ Pliny, HN xvi.36 on use of shingles, making a connexion of thought with the vanished timber of the site of Rome; for good and bad practice in >»r«Јi-building, Vit. DeAreb. 11.8.18—20. On collapses, Strab. v (234-34 xiv.5.4 (670Q, and Dio xxxix.61 (dissolving of unbaked brick by floodwater). For the piling up of tall buildings, Sen. Controv. 11.1.11-12; Sen. Ep. 90-7; Amm. Marc. 27.9.8. On insHlae in general, Boethius i960 (f 290) 129-8 j. For the materials, note also the passage of Ovid quoted on p. 803.
s Pliny's description covers both the operapensilia of substructions and platforms, and the sewers which lay beneath the city to serve as storm drains: cf. Strab. v.3.8 (235C); Soranus, ii.xx (xl)-44 (113). These were a standard ingredient in the praises of the city.
[934] Zanker 1988 (f 633) ch. 3 for the change; id. Forum Augustum n.d. [c. 1968] (f 625) (note the caryatids). Note however that Athenian craftsmen worked on the Pantheon (Pliny, HN xxxvi.38). For the politics - and the phrase 'Crisis in the Party and State' - Syme 1939 (a 93) ch. 23.
[935] For the platform under the Farnese gardens, Krause 1985 (f 458); on Augustus' house, Wiseman 1987 (f 81). The new discovery of the grand houses of the Via Sacra (Carandini) confirms his account strikingly. Houses too close to the Forum were already a risk politically in a.d. 20 (Tac. Ann. hi.9, strikingly confirmed by the new sinatusconsultum on the verdict on Piso); after the great fire those that survived could help destroy a consul (Ann. xv.69).
[936] Finley 198} (a 28) j i-j on the 'end of polities'.
[937] Elections under the Principate: Talbert 1984 (d 77) 341-j.
[938] Levick 1976 (c 366) 37—42. We may note also that the plebeian violence in a.d. 6 almost
constituted popular revolution, if we are to credit the language of Dio lv.27.1—3. Ov. Fast. 11.527
[940] suggests that some truly archaic elements in the Roman constitution (the curiae) were no longer understood. Nicolet 1980 (a 68) 313-15; T. Siarensis. ILS 6049 shows the tribal structure being deployed to celebrate Vespasian's first adventus at Rome.
[941] In general, Yavetz 1969 (a i 10); for messages about Rome's place in the world, Nicolet 1988 (a 69) esp. chs. 1, a, 5, 9; also 1980 (л 68) 383-98.
[942] CIL vi 30705 = ILS 3090; Niebling 1936 (f 190); Boyance 1950 (e 8). For Solus cf. Macrob. Sat. 1.16.8 'Salutem Semoniam Seiam Segetiam Tutilinam'. On the compita see also Liebescbuetz 1979 (f 174) 70-1, and for the Augustan shrines to the tares, Ladage 1980 (f 42).
[943] North 1976 (f 194); North 1986 (f 193). 38 Altheim 1938 (p 84) 4ц(.
[944] For banqueting, D'Arms 1990 (f 24); Mrozek 1972 (p 46). For the 'associative urge' among inhabitants of Rome, cf. САН ix2, 67 iff and Flambard 1981 (f 30).
[945] Spectacle-architecture, Frczouls 1984 (f 31), Humphrey 1986 (f 427), Rawson 1983 (f 55), Gros 1978 (f 398); Clavel-Leveque 1984 (f 17).
[946] Cf. Coarelli 1985 (e 19) 11 11-21; Gros 1987 (p 399).
[947] Bollinger 1969 (f 8); cf. Levick 1983 (c 369).
[948] Cameron 1976 (f 16); Millar 1977 (a 59) 568-75; Yavetz 1969 (a i 10); Deininger 1979 (e 53); Kloft 1970 (d 138).
44 Hobsbawm 1973:0 E. Bosworth The Medieval Islamtc Underworld (Leiden, 1976) for the Islamic underworld. On the close cultural identification of plebeians and elite, cf. Jongman 1988 (e 62) 175-H9-
[949] Roueche 1984 (в 277) 184, for imperial acclamations; cf. CIL rv 1074, a graffito 'iudiciis Augusti Augustae feliciter!' Note also the performance of the arcbimimus Favor at Vespasian's funeral (Suet. Vcsp. 19.2).
[950] For the commodum of available employment, see Brunt 1980 (d 117). Thornton and Thornton 1989 (f J94) develop the idea of the dependence of the plebs on imperial buildings, but their quantitative methods are unreliable.
[951] Markets: MacMullen 1970 (f 43), quoting Il/al xii 2 (1963) 301-4. The connexion between markets and religious festivals should also be noted.
[952] For the formation of Rome as capital of the world, Nicolet 1988 (a 69); cf. Purcell 1990^77).
[953] Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1.33.3.
[954] ibid. 1.40. Cf. Wissowa 1912(p 241) 273-5. Winter 1910 (p 239) and Bayet 1926 (f 88) 127-54 elucidate the different versions of the story; Coarelli 1988 (e 21) 61-77 notes the Greek design of the altar. Virgil too incorporated this story into his 'history': Aen. vin.267-79.
[955] Origo gen til Romance 6.7, from Cassius Hemina; cf. Plut. Qwest. Rom. 60.
[956] Macrob. Sat. 1.12.28. Prop, iv.9 follows Varro's account, not without a sense of humour.
[957] This perspective persisted through the imperial period. An inscription of the early third century, probably put up near the altar, commemorates the offering of the solemn sacrifice which Hercules had established at the time of Evander: ILS 3402.
[958] Ov. Fast, rv.820; Plut Rem. 12. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rem. 1.88.3 is uncertain whether it predated the foundation of the city. For testimonia on the Parilia sec Utal xin 2.443—5 ■
[959] Ov. Fast, rv.725-8. i' Fast, rv.735-6. 1» Varro, ap. scbol. Pers. 1.72.
[960] Fast. iv.8j 5-48. There was another version of the killing of Remus: Livy 1.7.2; Dion. Hal. Ant.Rom. 1.87.2. Bremmer in Bremmer and Horsfall 1987 (f 105) ch. 3 discusses the myth of Romulus and Remus.
[961] Weinstock 1971 (f 235) 184-6. Prop. iv.i. 19-20 notes that the ritual had become more
elaborate. a Ath. vm.j6icf; Beaujeu 1955 (F93) 128-35.
[963] The execution of those who damaged city walls was justified in Roman law by the story of Remus: Dig. 1.8.11 (Pomponius). For sources on the pomerium see Lugli 19; 2 (e 82) 1116-31 and for Roman preoccupation with space see Rykwert 1976 (л 8j), Meslin 1978 (f 188) ch. 2.
[964] Labrousse 1937 (e 68); Boatwright 1987 (f 289) 64-71. According to Varro, there were
markers in the republican period, but they do not survive. The area enclosed by the pomerium was almost exactly that covered by the early third century a.d. official map of Rome, though the pomerium itself was not marked. 26 ILS 244.14-16, citing Claudius as precedent.
[966] Tac. Am. xii.24.2; Gell. NA xm.14.3. The SHA claims that Augustus, Nero, Trajan and Aurelian extended the pomerium, but see Syme 1978 (f 225).
[967] Pliny, HN x.35. Cf. Tac. Am. хш.24, Hilt. 1.87.1, iv. j 3, with Wissowa 1912 (f 241) 391. Such lustrations may be the origin of the alleged festival of the Amburbium: Wissowa 1912 (p 241) 142 and n.12; Scullard 1981 (p 223) 82-3.
[968] Joseph. BJ vn. 125. For the Younger Drusus see Tac. Ann. m.ii.i, 19.4; for Trajan see the relief from Arch of Beneventum, Hassel 1966 (f 412) 19—20 and pis 15 and 17.
[969] Richard 1966 (f 204).
[970] Dio lin.32.5. But note Tac. Ann. xii.41.1 on the young Nero.
«"Alfoldi 1935 (d 2) 5-8, 47-9. 37 Val. Max. 1.
[972] Obsequens, 69; Dio xlvi.46.1-3 gives six plus twelve. Suet. Aug. 95 and App. BCiv. nr.94 give twelve only and treat them as a different type of auspicy.
[973] Suet. Aug. 7.2, drawing on the Augustan writer Verrius Flaccus, also used by Festus p. 2L; Ov. Fast. 1.608-16. Cf. Gage 1930 (p 141); Erkell 1952 (p 129) 9-39; Dumezil 1937 (p 122).
[974] Hommel 1934 (f 425) 9-22; Koepel 1984 (f 164) j 1-3. In the original temple the Senate had erected in 43 b.c. a statue of Caesar: Cic. Att. xn.4).), хш.28.3. On the Forum Augusti see below, p. 833.
[975] Hor. Epod. vii; Ov. Fast, iv.813-14. Cf. Wagenvoort 1956 (в 189); Koch 1954 (f 163); Grant ■975 (filO Ю1-47-
[976] Cf. above, ch. 15, pp. 794, 801-02.
[977] Wissowa 1912 (f 241) 167-73; Alfoldi 1973 (f 83) 18-36; Liebeschuetz 1979 (f 174) 69-71; Kienast 1982 (c 136) 164-7.
[978] Boyance 1950 (f 102). Dion. Hal. Ant. Кот. iv.14.4; Degrassi 1965 (в 226) 269—71.
[979] Festus, p. 108L; Am. Adv. Nat. 111.41 ( = Varro fr. 209 Cardauns).
[980] The only precedent for the Lares Augusti is a solitary dedication from Gallia Cisalpina: Degrassi, ILLRP 200 (59 b.c.), but the popular veneration of the Gracchi and Marius Gratidianus seems to have taken place at the neighbourhood shrines. For the relation between these cults and Augustus' cult of Vesta see below, p. 826-7.
[981] Nash 1968 (e 87) 1 290-1. For full publication see Colini 1961-2 (f 334)andTamassia i96i-2(f 226); Dondin-Payre 1987 (f 330) gives further details. Cf. Holland 1937 (f 420).
[982] IltaI xiii 2, p. 96; Ov. Fast. v.145-6.
ss Zanker 1969 (f 243); Panciera 1987 (E92) 73-8. For example, one altar turned the victory with the official shield of Virtue into a Victory with a purely military shield in front of a trophy.
[984] Panciera 1970 (e 89) 138—51; 1980 (e 90); 1987 (e 92) 61-73. ^H 1975, 14: an attempt to avoid the duties of vici magister, which involved games with venatio.
[985] Sutherland and Carson, R/C1.69, nos 367-8. Cf. R 1С 1.73, no. 410, 13 в.с. Gage 1931 (f 142); also Bayet 1955 (f 89). Gordon 1990 (f 148) stresses the emperor as the archetypal sacrifices
[986] Weinstock 1971 (f 235) 28-34; Lewis 1955 (f 173) 23, 94-101.
[987] R/C1.125, nos. 76—7, 129.no. 107, a.d. 50-4. For the history of this type see BMCRE ni.xl-
xliii. 60 Gage 1930 (f 141).
[989] Revival: Suet. Aug. 31.4; Dio Li.20.4. Repeated: CIL vi 36841; Tac. Ann. xu.23.1. For the semantic link with 'Augustus', see above, p. 822.
[990] RG 10.2; /Ыхш 2, p. 420; Ov. Fast. 111.415-28.
[991] Dio uv.27.3; lv.12.4-5. In 36 b.c. Octavian had been voted a house at public expense: xlix.15.5. Cf. Weinstock 1971 (f 255) 276-81.
[992] Aeneas: Virg. Aen. 11.296,567:0V. Fast. 1. 5 27-8,111.29, vi.227; Met. xv.730-1; Prop, iv.4.69; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rот. 11.65.2. Romulus: Plut. Rom. 22; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 11.64.5-69 argues at length for the (older?) alternative that Numa established the cult in Rome.
[993] Fast. hi.423-6. Ovid does not spell out how they are related. For the various options see
Bomer 1987 (f 98). 67 Ov. Fast, iv.949-54. Cf. Wiseman 1987 (f 81).
« Ov. Fast. 111.699, v. 573; Met. xv.778, retrospectively applied to Julius Caesar. In the third and fourth centuries the pontifices were also known as pontifites Vestae-. RE viii A. 2, 1760.
[996] Wissowa 1912 (f 241) 74; Wilheim 1915 (f 238); Liebeschuetz 1979 (f 174) 70.
[997] Beard and North 1990 (f 92л). 71 Dioxuv.5.3. 72 DioLin.17.8.
73 RG 25; Dio li.20.3. Scheid 1978 (f 62) against Schumacher 1978 (f 65) on numbers. Millar
■977 (A 5?) i 5 7 1 i on the first cumulation of major priesthoods.
[1000] Scheid 1975 (f 61); Syme 1980 (d 70).
[1001] This change might be connected with a development in the function of the sodales Augustaks and other imperial priesthoods in Rome itself, who may have taken over sacrifices to the divi
previously carried out by the Arvals. 86 Suet. Aug. 31.4.
[1003] Dio Lix.11.5. 91 Ov. Fast, rv.367-72 with Brelich 196) (f 104).
Lambrechts 1951 (f 167); Boyance i9h(f io3); Bomer 1964 (f 97); Wiseman 1984 (f 140). For
later developments in the cult at Rome, see Wissowa 1912 (f 241) 519-27; Lambrechts 19)2 (f 168); Van Doren 1955 (f 230).
[1006] Lightning: Suet. Aug. 29.3;Dioxlix.i 5.5. Grandeur: Prop. 11.31; Pliny,HNxxxvi. 24,23, 52.
[1007] Liebeschuetz 1979 (f 174) 82-5; Zanker 1985 (F650). Gros 1976 (f 597) 211-29 disposes of the
alleged restoration of the earlier temple by Sosius in 54-52 b.c. 95 GagЈ 1956 (f 144).
[1009] Nilsson 1920 (f 191); Pighi 196) (в 265), who reprints the sources. There are two new fragments of the inscription in Moretti 1982-4 (в 2)6). La Rocca 1984 (f 16)) 5—j j discusses the Tarentum.
[1010] Suet. Claud. 22, 15.5. Cf. Tac. Ann. xi.ij on baruspices.
[1011] Tac. Ann. in.71. i. Pontificer. Millar 1977 (a 59) j j9—61.
[1012] Whatmough 19} 1 (p 236); Illalxiii 2; Panciera 1973-4 (e 93). The calendar from Cymae (ILS 108 = Iltal xiii 2, p. 279) is very different and probably not civic.
[1013] Festus, p. 146L s.v. municipalia sacra\ Dig. 47.12.3.;.
[1014] Wissowa 1912 (f 241) 157 11.4, 519-21, 555 11.2; Ladage 1971 (f 166) 8-10.
"126 Wissowa 1915 (f 242); Purcell 1983 (f 49) 167-79; Saulnier 1984 (f 216). E.g. ILS 5004.
[1016] ILS 6087. Cf. D'Ors 1953 (в 222) 167-280; Mackie 1983 (E231) 222-3.
[1017] Levick 1967 (e 851) 35—7, SNG von Aulock, Index pp. 224, 241.
[1018] ILS 6308, Capua; Urso sect. 73 ; Frontin. De controversies (Corpus agrimensorum Romanorum, ed. C. Thulin, p. 7; the section is misplaced in the text, but ancient).
[1019] Hyginus Gromaticus, Constitutio limitum (ed. Thulin, p. 135; also pp. 10-11, 131-2). Cf. Le Gall 1975 (f 171) 301-8; Dilke 1988 (f 121).
[1020] Bianchi 1949 (f 95); Barton 1982 (f 86). Cologne and Xanten: Ristow 1967 (f 203); Follmann- Schulz 1986 (e 579) 735-8,766-9. Baalbek: Seyrig 1954 (e 1060); Liebeschuetz 1977 (e 1035) 485-9.
[1021] Ladage 1971 (p 166) 10-11, 32—j, 39—41, 5 1-4, 79-80, 103; Galsterer 1971 (e 221) 59-61.
[1022] ILS 112 = FIRA hi 73 (Narbo, a.d. 11) - the colony may have been founded originally in the late second century b.c.; ILS 4907 = FIRA 111 74 (Salona, a.d. i 37). Cf. CIL xi 361 (Ariminum).
[1023] Dion. Hal. Ant. Rот. iv.26.5; Festus, p. 164.
[1024] Arch. Epb. (1983) 75—84, a.d. i. Cf Price 1984 (p 199). 138 Fayer 1976 (f 134) 213-36.
[1025] Our next information is not until the early second century when Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, can refer to churches (plural) with bishops, in the immediate neighbourhood of Antioch, ad Pbilad.
10 (? including the port of Seleucia, Acts 13:4).
" Other known missionaries at Antioch are converted Jews from Cyprus and Cyrene (Acts 11:io), Barnabas from Jerusalem but by birth a Cypriot (Acts 4:36, 11 :ii), the Gentile Titus (Gal. 2:zf), Simeon called Niger, Manaen, Lucius of Cyrene (Acts 13:1), John Mark (Acts 12:25, from Jerusalem) - as well as visitors from Jerusalem (Silas, Judas Barsabbas (Acts 15:22), Cephas (Gal. 2:11), Agabus (Acts i i:27f). " For these cities see Schŭrer 1979 (e 1207), и §23.7, 9, 11.
[1028] Though we must be aware of fluctuating populations over time, and changing levels of tolerance, Schiirer 1979 (e 1207), 11 §23.31 and 33.
[1029] Ep. Philemon (certainly Pauline, unlike Col.) also records many of these same names. Consult Hemer 1986 (в 80) i78ff on these cities of the Lycus.
[1030] Note, incidentally, the Christian Jew, Aquila of Pontus, Acts 18:2.
[1031] They include, during this period, Priscillaand Aquila (Acts 18:26). Timothy and Erastus(Acts 19:22), Gaius and Aristarchus (Acts 19:29). Col 4:7ff preserves some further names (cf. Philem. if,
M.ijO-
[1032] Two strong candidates are, of course. Magnesia on the Meander and Tralles, to whom Ignatius writes early in the second century.
[1033] One thinks, for example, of Lydia the purple-seller, from Thyatira but domiciled at Philippi at the time of Acts i6:i4f, 40.
[1034] See Frantz 1988 (e 827) i8ff. In 1 Cor. 16:15 we meet Stephanas and his household as the 'first converts in Achaea': are we to suppose they were in Athens at the time of Paul's visit?
[1035] On archisynagogus Schiirer 1979 (e 1207) и 434ft.
[1036] To judge from the reception they give Paul on his arrival in Corinth we probably ought to surmise that Prisca and Aquila, the much-travelled Jewish artisans recently come from Rome, are already Christians (Acts i8:iff, cf. Acts 18:18, Rom. i6:jff) - though it was not to the writer's purpose to emphasize this fact, and Paul feels free to boast in 2 Cor. 10:14 'we were the first to reach you [Corinthians] in preaching the gospel of Christ'.
[1037] To the households of Stephanas, Titius Iustus, Gaius, Prisca and Aquila (already noted) we should probably add that of Chloe (1 Cor. 1:11). It was a fact worth recording that Gaius could act as 'host of the whole church' in Corinth, Rom. 16:23.
[1038] Acts, typically, places emphasis on the respect Paul wins of'the first man of the island, named Publius' and on Paul's wonder-working (Acts it-.ySff): of actual converts we hear nothing.
[1039] It is characteristic of our patchy information that we have to wait until the middle of the third century for the first firm evidence of Christianity in Sicily, [Cyprian], Ep. 50.5.2.
[1040] Later documents understand the aspiration to have been realized, Clem, ad Cor. 5.7, Мига/. Canon PL 5.181, Jerome, Commtn/. in Cap. xi. Isai. PL 24.151.
44 It would not be unreasonable to conjecture that in other similar Italian port-cities such as Ostia - with the same combination of resident Jewish community and exposure to frequent travellers - some Christian cell, however small, might also have been found. But it must remain conjecture.
[1042] There is a congregation at the Roman house of Prisca and Aquila and note the household groups of Aristobulus and Narcissus (Rom. i6:)f, 11) as well as the further two identifiable and separate groups in Rom. i6:i4f. And some ethnic enclaves could be expected.
[1043] Meeks 1983 (f 18 j) en&(Corinth), 5 5 ff (other names in the Pauline churches) provides a useful
survey. 52 For careful analyses, Witherington 1988 (f 82).
[1045] Sec Brooten 1982 (e 1098).
[1046] The neologism Christianas being a derogatory epithet devised by their opponents, Acts 11:26 (Antioch) - still in vogue as a taunt there in the late second century, Theophilus, ad Autol. 1.12.
[1047] Emblematically encapsulated in the words of Agabus in prophecy: 'Thus will the Jews in Jerusalem bind the man whose belt this is and hand him over to the Gentiles' (Acts 21:11).
[1048] See, for example, Sherwin-White 196) (d 109) 4off.
[1049] Cohen 197; (f 18). For discussion of social structures over a longer period see Garnsey and Sailer 1987 (a 34) ch. 6; Alfoldy 1985 (f i) ch. 5. MacMullen 1974 (f 44) ch. 4 gives a broader perspective on the economic basis of class. See also de Ste Croix 1981 (A90) 35 off.
[1050] Wiseman 1971 (d 81) 6jff, 1 i6ff. Cf. Harris 1988 (f40).
[1051] Crassus: Whitehead 1986 (f 80); Ahenobarbus: Brunt 197; (f 13) 619it, 634^ Lucullus: Shatzman 1975 (d64) 378-81. For republican senatorial fortunes in general see Shatzman 1975 (d64).
[1052] Par ad. 47ff, cf. Wiseman 1970 (d 80) 77.
[1053] Pliny, HN xxxiii. 135; Brunt 1975 (f 13).
[1054] EJ2 358. Maximus' father, Messalla Corvinus, had probably gained from the civil wars (Syme 1958 (в 176) li )7з). His mother was presumably the heiress of the Aurelii Cottae: Syme 1985 (a 95) 131-2.
[1055] Wiseman 1971 (d 81) 9iff; Dobson 1974 (d 182) 392ff; Treggiari 1969 (f 68) ioiff, 109.
[1056] On earnings, Wells 1984 (a ioi) 203-5 for a succinct and judicious summary; Duncan-Jones 1982 (л 24) 54. For more general accounts of lower-class workers Garnsey i98o(f 57); Brunt 1980(0 ii7);de Ste Croix 1981 (a 90) i87ff;MacMullen 1974 (f 44) 42-5, on a later period, is suggestive. On soldiers, Campbell 1984 (d 173) i77ff.
[1057] Cf. Balsdon 1979 (a 2) i9f; Wiseman 1974 (d 82).
[1058] Wiseman 1971 (d 81); Brunt 1982 (f 14); Hopkins 198} (a 46) j6ff; Syme 1986 (a 95).
[1059] Sen. Ep. ioi.if. For the topos on social mobility see Sen. Соя/гор. t.6.)f, with Winterbottomad lee.
[1060] Brunt 1965 (f ii), 1988 (f 15); Wiseman 1971 (d 81) 3 jff; Sailer 1982 (f 59); Wallace-Hadrill I989 (F 75)-
[1061] Tac. Dial, vni.3. Curtius Rufus (cos. suff. a.d. 43, legate of Upper Germany 47) was alleged to
[1062] Hor. Epitt. 1.2. especially 7-11,12-16, 17-22, 25, 26-53. (Dated to 22 by Fraenkel 1957 (в 53)
316.) 36 Nep. Att. 10.2; Hor. Carm. i.54.i2ff, 1.55.if. 37 Nep. Alt. 16.4.
38 Yavetz 1985 (c 252) 154f. 35 Syme 1959 (a 93) jo6f; Wells 1984 (a ioi) ; jff.
[1065] Cf. Balsdon 1971 (в 11).
[1066] Ant. Rom. 11.24-26. i. On this tendentious passage see Corbett 1930 (f 6 jo) aigff; Watson 1973 (f 701) 34.
[1067] RG 19.2, 20.4, cf. App. 2; Nep. Att. 20.3 (temple of luppiter Feretrius restored on Atticus' advice).
[1068] Prop. 11.7. Cf. Flor. 11.34; Oros. vi.22.3. The view given in the text is best presented by Williams 1962 (c 231). Badian 1983 (f 4) has recently challenged this reconstruction (with full bibliography).
[1069] D. 40.8.1. Silanian decree: Barrow 1928 (f 5) 56. See also Watson 1983 (f 702).
[1070] Tac. Ann. iv.27.3 for Rome. Brunt 1971 (a 9) 131-55 for Italy.
[1071] Brunt 1971 (a 9) 114 (birth registration mentioned in both the Lex Aelia Sentia and the Lex Papia Poppaea, cf. FIR A in 2-3), ibid. 120 (aliens). See Gardner 1986 (f 34).
[1072] Dio lx.24.3 shows that the ban on soldiers' marriage predates Claudius. Cf. Campbell 1978 (d 172).
[1073] RC 8.j; Tac. Аппш.5 2-5 6.1, especially j 4. j, on debate on sumptuary measures in a.d. 22, cf.
[1074] Dio liv.i6.i. Seniority: Lex Malacitana (FIRA i 24) 56; Gell. NA 11.1j.3-6; cf. Suet. Tib.
3).2.
" Brunt 1971 (a 9) j6iff.
[1076] Brunt 1971 (л 9) 104,114 argues that Augustus' motive was demographic, but the law 'would at best have had little demographic effect' (1J4). Galinsky 1981 (f 32) concentrates on the need to maintain the morality and moral prestige of the ruling class. Wallace-Hadrill 1981 (f 73) stresses economic motives.
[1077] Shaw 1987 (f 65), modifying Hopkins 1965 (f 41); Sailer 1987 (f 60).
[1078] Attested trials or punishments under Augustus and the Julio-Claudians usually concern members of the imperial family (e.g. the Iuliae, Appuleia Varilla, Aemilia Lepida, Claudia Pulchra, Livilla, Octavia).
[1079] Suet. Tib. 33.2; Tac. Ann. 11.8.5; '978, 145 with Levick 1983 (c 369).
[1080] E.g. Sen. Ben. 1.9-10. Various scandals in Tacitus, e.g. Ann. хш.21, 42, 44, 45, xiv. 1, xv.68.
[1081] Ann. 111.27.3. Cf. Garnsey 1970 (f 33) 2iff. See further Bauman 1968 (f 6); Garnsev 1967 (d 2)8).
[1082] Cic. Top. 10; Watson 1967 (f 700) 18; ff; Treggiari 1969 (f 68) 2off.
[1083] Gai. Inst. hi.56; fr. Dos. ;; Buckland 1908 (f 645) 444ff; Treggiari 1969 (f 68) i<)R.
[1084] For a brief account of the history of manumission down to Justinian see Watson 1987 (f 703) zjff. On the Augustan legislation, Buckland 1908 (f 645) 533ff; Bradley 1984 (f 10) 87ff.
[1085] AsBuckland 1908 (f 645) j }4ff, Duff 1928 (f 28) 2 loff and others argued, against those who, on the basis of a shaky late text (Just. Inst. 1.5.3) which names it the Lex Iunia Norbana, want to put it in a.d. 19 (when a pair of consuls had the requisite names). The positive argument for the Junian law antedating the Aelio-Sentian rests on Gai. Inst. 1.29 and 31, which suggest that slaves freed under thirty were Latins before the Aelio-Sentian law granted them the right to acquire full citizenship by claiming a one-year-old child. A suitable date would be 17 b.c., when C. Iunius Silanus was consul and Augustus was able to concentrate on social legislation. Also possible is 25 b.c., the consulate of M. Iunius Silanus, favoured by de Domenicis 1966 (f 27) and by Atkinson in her interesting reassessment, Atkinson 1966 (f 3) 366. Sherwin-White 1973 (a 87) j}aff argues for a Tiberian date. The evidence does not permit a sure solution.
[1086] Gai. Inst. 1.17, 22ff; Jr. Dos. 6-15; Tit. Ulp. 1.10, and other references in Buckland 1908 (f64)) j j jf. The law is not in ADA.
[1087] Atkinson 1966 (f 3) 362f argues that the Lex Aelia Sentia incorporated part of the Lex Iunia. For further rulings on Junian Latins see Gai. Inst. 1. 32ЫГ.
[1088] Gai. Inst. i-43ff; Tit. L!lp. 1.24; Paulus, Sent, iv.14.4. See further ADA no. 35, 202IT.
[1089] ADA no. 36, 205 ff.
[1090] Gai. Inst. 1.18—19, with details on causae-, Tit. Ulp. 1.12.
[1091] As Tit. Ulp. 1.12 says for one freed testamento. Gai. Inst. i.i6f seems to make this certain.
[1092] Tit. Ulp. i.ii; cf. Gai. Inst, i.ijff.
[1093] Under penalty of re-enslavement: Gai. Inst. 1.27, 160.
[1094] Either Roman, because they were foreign, or peregrine, because they had no citizenship (Tit.
Ulp. 20.14). 83 Gai. Inst. 1.25, in.74-6; Tit. Ulp. 22.2.
[1096] Gai. Inst. 1.29—32b; if he died his wife could still claim, 32; later extended toother Junians Tit. Ulp. 3.3.
[1097] Tit. Ulp. 3.5; cf. Gai. Inst. 1.32b, heavily restored; Gai. Inst. 1.32c, Tit. Ulp. 3.6; Gai. Inst. 1.33.
[1098] Gai. Inst. 1.35, Tit. Ulp. 3.4.
[1099] Suet. Aug. 40.3; cf. Dio Lvi.33.3. Rejected by Atkinson 1966 (f 3) 357.
[1100] Weaver 1964 (f 77) 515, quoted by Crook 1967 (f 21) 64.
[1101] Treggiari 1969 (f 68) 15 iff.
[1102] Suet. Aug. 101.4 gives away the real importance of his servants. Augustus was scrupulous in refusing to invite freedmen to dinner (ibid. 74).
[1103] Cf. Syme 1984 (c 231). An arch at Pavia had statues of ten members of Augustus' family, including Livia and Germanicus' sons Nero and Drusus (CIL. v 6416= EJ2 61 = AN 28).
[1104] Dixon 1984 (p 26). 96 E.g. Setala 1977 (f 64) 239; Treggiari 1979 (p 69).
99 Cf. Syme 1939 (a 93)"36jf; Sherwin-White 1973 (a 87) 225ff.
[1106] Suet. Vetp. i ff. The significance of the account of the family's rise is independent of the precise
accuracy of variant details. 101 Syme 1959 (a 93) 3j9ff,
[1108] Chastagnol 1973 (d 31); Brunt 1975 (e 906) and 1983 (d 26); Demougin 1982 (d 36).
[1109] A pleasing example of the cultural mosaic is provided by EJ2 363, from Ithaca, in which a slave shopkeeper boasts of his passing there during the triumviral period and gives a trade address which the reader is expected to know refers to Rome: 'Epaphroditus (slave) of Novius, perfumer from the Sacred Way, was here on 1 October in the year when L. Cornificius and Sex. Pompeius were consuls' (33 B.C.).
[1110] Quintilian gives a full list and discussion of the Greek genres at Inst. x. 1.46-131.
[1111] For a full list (perhaps unjustifiably full), see Cairns 1972 (a i3), esp. Ch. 3.
[1112] It is far from clear what sort of performance actually filled the theatre in Rome and outside. In
Augustus' reign they certainly handled scripts in Greek and Oscan (Suet. Aug. 43.1, etc.); cf. Rawson 1985 (f 55)97-43- 4 E.g. Plut. Luc. 59.5.
[1114] E.g. esp. Sat. 1.4.70-5, 137-9, 10.72-92.
[1115] Contra, du Quesnay, in Woodman and West 1984 (в 204) 19-58.
[1116] Cf. the dismissal of the dichotomy 'poetry or propaganda?' in the Epilogue to Woodman and
West 1984 (в 204) 195. 11 Aen. xii.946-7, 'furiis accensus et ira terribilis'.
[1118] The poet Eumolpus (apparently not intended to represent any living writer) utters in Sat. 89 sixty-five lines in iambics on the Sack of Troy, as if to combine the theme of Nero's main poem with his addiction to appearing on the tragic stage; and in 119-24 nearly 300 hexameters on the same civil war between Caesar and Pompey which Lucan took as his subject.
[1119] Cf. Hubbard 1974 (в 89л) io-ii, 70-81.
[1120] See R. G. Austin's note ad loc, in his edition of Aen. vi (1977).
[1121] G. B. Townend, in Laurea Corona (1987) 84-8.
[1122] E.g. Otis 196} (в I5JA) 129, 228, etc.
[1123] Few can have rivalled the elder Seneca, who wrote down extensive passages from declamations he had listened to. There is no reason to suppose that he made use of shorthand reports, although both Greek and Latin systems existed by that date.
[1124] Kenney in Kenney and Clausen 1982 (в 95) 24-5. 29 Highet 1954 (в 84л) 186-7.
[1125] T. Dohrn, Der Arringatore (Berlin 1968); M. Cristofani, Bron^i Etrusebi I. La plastica vot 'wa (Novara, 198;) no. 129.
[1126] L. Giuliani, Bildnisund Botsebaft (Frankfurt am Main, 1986). 6 Zanker 1975 (p 627).
7 M. Hofter, in Kaiser Augustus 1988 (f 443) no. 130,pp. 5i5f.
• The documentation is splendidly collected by Beyen 1938-60 (p 271). The highest urban level is
that of the House of Augustus: Carettoni 1983 (f 316); also Barbet 1985 (f 262).
[1130] P. Gros, G. Sauron, in Kaiser Augustus 1988 (p 443) 48ff. F. Coarelli, ibid (1988 (p 443)) 68ff.
Bastet and de Vos 1979 (p 265).
Kaiser Augustus 1988 (f 443) passim, reviews the decoration of the principal Augustan
[1133] This pediment, like others of the second century B.C. (Rome, in the Via Latina; Luni; Volterra, etc.) needs reconsideration. See meanwhile, M. J. Strazzulla in M. Martelli, M. Cristofani, eds., i caratteri dtlf tllenismo пеШ кпи etnacbe (Florence, 1977) 4iff.
[1134] On these ateliers, in addition to works cited in n. i, sec G. Becatti, 7 (1940) jS\ M. Torelli, MAAR 36 (1980) 313ff; id. Science delt Anticbita г (1988) 403?.
14 Clay proplasmata intended to serve as models for moulds for bronze sculptures have been discovered by M. A. Tomei (ArcbeeUgia labiate 7 (1987) 73f, fig. 6) in the excavation of the Domus Tiberiana. These may be set beside the fragments of plaster casts of the Tyrannicides of Critios and Nesiotes discovered at Baiae with the well-known copy of the Sosandra (C. Landwehr, Die antiken Gipsabffisse aus Baiae (1985)), in order to show the very close link between imperial residences and artisan activity in the replication and collage of works of art.
[1135] E. La Rocca, in Kaiser Augustus 1988 (f 443) 12 iff; A. Viscogliosi, ibid. 136ff.
[1136] See the partial collections of K. Fuchs, Die Vorbilder der neuattiseben Relief 1 (Tubingen, 195 j) and H. V. Cain, Romiscbe MarmorkandeUber (Mainz, 1985). Still worth consulting are the pages of E. Pernice, Die Hellenistiscbe Kunst in Pompeji iv-vi (Berlin, 1925-38), with J. Marcade, Au Musee de Dibs. Ĥtude sur la sculpture bellenistique en ronde-bosse dicouverte dans file (Paris, 1969). On sculpture in general: N. Himmelmann, Vber Hirten - Genre in der antiken Kunst (Opladen, 1980), and H. P. Laubscher, Fiscber und Landleute (Mainz, 1982).
[1137] Zanker 1974 (f 628); Bieber 1977 (f 283); Martin 1987 (f495); id. in Kaiser Augustus 1988 (f443)
2j iff, 343ff. 33 Zanker 1974 (f 628) 8iff.
[1138] Cic. Fam. vii.25; Att. 1.4.j; 5.7; 6.2; 7; 8.2; 9.2; 10.5; 11.3. 35 Cf. n. 16 above.
G. Traversari, Museo Archtologico Hi Venecia 1. I ritratti (Rome, 1986) 29, no. 13.
Zevi 1976 (e 142) 56ff, fig. 15.
[1141] On the relationship between painting and royal architecture: Engemann 1967 (f 559); and K. Fittschen, in Zanker 1976 (e 141) 5 jgff.
[1142] Carettoni 1983 (f 316); Carettoni, in Kaiser Augustus 1988 (f 443) no. 135, 287Й".
[1143] Bragantini and de Vos 1982 (f 297).
[1144] On these works of Tiberius and Livia: Torelli 1982 (f 596) 6;ff.
[1145] Full bibliography in Hanlein-Schafer 1985 (f408); also, Le cultt des souverains dans Г empire romain
(Geneva, 1973); and Price 1984 (f199). 66 ae 1978, 295.
[1147] T Holscher, in Kaiser Augustus 1988 (f 443) no. 224, 396ff.
[1148] A. Viscogliosi, 1988 (f443) nos. 31-42, i44ff.
[1149] W. Ehrhardt, Stilgesebicbtiicbe, 8;ff.
[1150] On this historical unity: M. Torelli, in Kaiser Augustus 1988 (f 443) 2jff.
я This development is well illustrated by the collective taste for funerary monuments with a doric frieze: Torelli 1969 (e 129).
74 The definition is that of R. Bianchi Bandinelli, in DArcb 1 (1967) yS= DaltEUenismo at Mcdioevo (Rome, 1978) 3 jff (in which version the author adds an Introduction, pp. jff, with further definition of the concept).
[1153] M. Torelli, Index 13 (1985) ^ЦЯ.
[1154] The only completely preserved formula from an actual Roman trial runs, in part: 'The issue in this trial will be a formal promise (sponsio). Let C. Blossius Celadus be the index. If it appears that C. Marcius Saturninus ought to pay 6,000 sesterces to C. Sulpicius Cinnamus, which is the issue here, let C. Blossius Celadus the iudex condemn C. Marcius Saturninus for 6,000 sesterces to C. Sulpicius Cinnamus; if it does not appear, let him absolve him ..." This claim for a specified sum of money (a condictid) was granted by a duumvir at Puteoli in a.d. 5 2; it illustrates the structure of a typical formula. See Bove 1979 (в 212) 97-111.
[1155] These developments are further described in Frier 198; (f 6; 2) 261-6. See esp. Cic. Top. 65-6,
written in 44 B.C.
[1157] Gai. Inst. iv.30-1, 35. Extraordinary cognition also comes to be an exception; see below, Section VI.
[1158] See Suet. Aug. 32.3; Dio lrv.18.3; Modestinus, D 48.14.1.4; Frag. Vat. 197-8.
[1159] Gai. Inst. iv. 103-9.
[1160] Pomponius, D 1.2.2.48-50; Gai. Inst. 1.7. For a summary of scholarly views, see Schiller 1978 (f 689) 297—312; Wieacker 1985 (f 706). It is uncertain when the right was introduced, but Labeo probably had it (Gell. NA xiii.io.i).
[1161] Pomponius, D 1.2.2.49: 'ut maior iuris auctoritas haberetur'.
[1162] Pomponius, D 1.2.2.48, jo; cf. Kunkel 1967 (f 666a) 272-89.
[1163] Cf. Pomponius, D 1.2.2.49 (citing Hadrian); however, the meaning of this passage is uncertain.
[1164] A good example of close edictal interpretation is Ulpian, D 4.2.9 pr.\ according to Labeo, the interdicts wide vi require physical, not just psychological violence (contrast Cic. Cat tin. 46, 49). Compare: Ulpian, D 9.1.9 pr., 17.4.1.5. If the result is too harsh, Labeo recommends that the Edict's wording be changed: Ulpian, D 42.1.4.}; or that the praetor use discretion in enforcing it: Paul, D 2.4.11, 3.3.43.6; Ulpian, D 4.8.15. Cf. Horak 1969 (f 658) 194-205, 212-16.
[1165] Javolenus, D 18.1.77; Paul, D 18.1.21; both citing Labeo. Compare, on wills, Labeo, D 32.30
pr. 37 Ulpian, D 9.2.5.2; cf. Horak 1969 (f 658) 242-61.
[1167] Paul, D 13.6.17.5. 41 Ulpian, D 4.3.7.3. 42 Pomponius, D 19.1.64; 19.2.19.1.
4J Ulpian, D 9.2.11 fir. Fragments: Lenel 1889 (в 109) 1691-6 (thirty-three citations). Mela's date
and background (both uncertain): Kunkel 1967 (f 666a) 116. Other contemporary jurists, like
Blaesus and Vitellius, are just names.
[1171] Labeo may have commented on the Lex Papia Poppaea of a.d. 9 (cf. Labeo, D 40.7.42), but receives no obituary from his admirer Tacitus (whose Annalei begin with Augustus' death in 14).
[1172] See Schiller 1978 (p 689) $27-30, summarising the scholarship. In any case, the division is not likely to be based on either political or philosophical disagreement.
44 Cf. Liebs 1976 (p 668) 215-42 (very speculative).
[1174] Liebs 1976 (p 668) 243-75, lists known controversies, not all of them certain; see also Falchi 1981 (f 651) 263-8.
[1175] Tiberius, who preferred consuls distinguished in civilian arts (Tac. Ляп. iv.6.2), also gave a consulate to the jurist Caninius Rebilus (see n. 3 2). Jurists serve him also in overseeing Rome's water supply: Capito from 13 to 22, the elder Nerva from 24 to 33 (Frontin. Aq. 2.102); see Syme 1986 (a 95) 220-3.
[1176] On Proculus, see Pomponius, D 1.2.2.50, with Kunkel 1967 (p 666a) 123-9; Mayer-Maly >9)7 (p 671); but also Honore 1962 (p 656). Born e. 20 b.c., he probably lived until c. a.d. 60, when Pegasus succeeded him as head of the school (Pomponius, 5 3); Proculus may have been a pupil of Labeo, but wrote harshly critical notes on his writings and often disagrees with him. Fragments: Lenel 1889 (в 109) n 139-84 (179 citations); cf. Krampe 1970 (f 665), for a close analysis of his methods.
[1177] The family, from Narnia in Umbria, first rose to notice in the triumviral period: Kunkel 1967 (p 666a) i 20-30. Fragments: pater, Lenel, 1889 (в 109) 1 787-90 (thirty-five citations); filius, ibid. 791-2 (eight citations).
[1178] Pomponius, D 1.2.2.48-50 (a troubled passage); cf. Kunkel 1967 (f 666a) 119-20. Sabinus, who may stem from Verona, was probably born c. 25 B.C. and survived into the reign of Nero (below, n. 66). Fragments: Lenel 1889 (в 109) II 187-216 (236 citations).
[1179] Pomponius, D 1.2.2.51. Cassius is a collateral descendant of Caesar's assassin: Syme 1986 (л 95) Table XXIV. Born c. 5 b.c., he enjoyed a distinguished political career and is prominent in Tacitus' Annaler, cf. Norr 1984 (p 676), and also Norr 1983 (f 675) on the speech in Tac. Ann. xiv.43-4. His character: Tac. Ann. xn.12.1. He studied with Sabinus (D 4.8.19.2); on his death, see n. 70. Fragments: Lenel 1889 (в 109) I 109-26 (143 citations).
[1180] Cassiani-. Pliny, Ep. vn.24.8; Pomponius, D 1.2.2.52;«/ al. The school is called Sabiniani first by Marcellus (cf. D 24.1.11.3), and often thereafter.
[1181] For instance, Schulz 1946 (f 690) 119-23; and so still Schiller 1978 (f 689) 329-30, with bibliography.
[1182] Stein 1972 (f 695); Liebs 1976 (f 668) 275-82; Falchi 1981 (f 651); Scacchetti 1984 (f 688). These authors differ in many details, implying that reconstruction is very difficult.
[1183] Pomponius, D 1.2.2.48,52. There is no evidence that Labeo himself founded a school, or that
he taught Nerva pater or Proculus.
M Venuleius, Z? 45.1.128pr.\ cf. Papinian, Ŭ 45.1.115.2. » Gai. Inst, m.ioj.
[1186] Gai. Inst, tv.114; compare also 111.168. Gai. Inst, ш.141; Paul, D 18.1.1.1, 19.4.1 pr.
62 Gai. Inst. 1.196; Ulpian, Lib. Sing. Reg. 11.28.
[1188] Caligula: Suet. Calig. 34.2 (meaning disputed). Claudius: Sen. Apocol. 12.2; and below, at n. 90.
[1189] Sabinus comments on an it of Nero (from a.d. 5 3 or 60): Gai. Iiul. 11.218. Pegasus, consul probably in 76, cannot have succeeded Proculus much before 60: Pomponius, D 1.2.2.5 3.
[1190] Tac. Ann. xvi.7, 9.1; Pomponius, D 1.2.2.51-52. Cassius was reportedly almost blind at the time of his exile.
[1191] Still essential on forms of juristic writing is Schulz 1946 (p 690) 141-261, despite its dogmatism.
[1192] Cf. Petron. Sat. 46.7, who refers to libri rubrieati ('red-letter' handbooks). On legal education, sec Atkinson 1970 (f 6)9), stressing its very late development at Rome.
[1193] The pupils who 'supported' Sabinus (Pomponius, D 1.2.2.50: 'a suis auditoribus sustenatus") were probably men like Cassius; there is no evidence that the Sabinians and Proculians saw elementary instruction as a typical function of their 'schools'.
[1194] Standard handbook: Pers. v.90 (the rubricata Masuri, probably a glossed edition of Sabinus' ius mile); cf. Fronto, Ep.aJM. Caes. 2.8.4 (p. 51 van den Hout); Arr. Epict. Diss, iv.5.12. Astolfi 1983 (p 638) attempts to reconstruct Sabinus' ius civile.
[1195] Collections of legal maxims (rcffdae) first appear in the high classical period; the earliest is by Neratius. The relation of these works to legal education remains uncertain.
[1196] Imperial statutes are collected in Rotondi 1912 (p 685). On Augustus' moral legislation, see esp. Norr 1977 (f 673).
[1197] On the basis of the emperor's power to issue norms, see recently Sargenti 1984 (f 687), with literature. Not until the second century were imperial decisions recognized as sources of general norms: Gai. Inst, i.j; Papinian, D 1.1.7Pr-\ Ulpian, D 1.4.1 pr.-1. Gualandi 1963 (f 654) 1, lists all juristic references to legislation by emperors.
[1198] See esp. Just. Inst. 11.23.1; Pomponius, D 1.2.2.32; with Kaser 1966 (f66i) 354-;; Rohle 1968 (p 683). The consuls continued to handle important cases: Pomponius, D 40.5.44.
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