It was 11 p.m. on the East Coast of the United States when the Tomahawk missiles were launched from the SSGNs in the Black Sea. Inside the Situation Room in the West Wing, the president and several members of his cabinet and staff were seated around the table and chairs along the room’s periphery, watching events unfold on a ten-foot-wide monitor on the far wall. The president said nothing as the symbols representing the Tomahawk missiles traversed the Sea of Azov and moved ashore, striking their targets moments later.
In the southeastern region of Ukraine, a red line demarked the front line in the war between Russia and Ukraine, with Russia still controlling a corridor of territory connecting Russia and the Crimea. A few kilometers to the northwest of the red line were two concentrations of green icons representing Ukrainian forces marshaled for a surprise assault, with one strike force situated southeast of Zaporizhia and another south of Pokrovsk.
There was no movement from the green icons as American and Ukrainian military commands assessed the effectiveness of the Tomahawk strikes. It would take hours for detailed assessments, but a preliminary call would have to be made within the next few minutes, with Ukraine’s military hierarchy deciding whether to commence their offensive or not.
Moments later, the green icons started moving — southeast from Zaporizhia and south from Pokrovsk — with both forces aiming to reach the northern shore of the Sea of Azov, cutting off over a hundred thousand Russian troops in the land corridor between the two assaults. It was obvious that the Tomahawk attack had been successful, and the preliminary results soon flowed into the Situation Room. The Russian formations at the two points of attack had been obliterated by the precision strikes.
CIA Deputy Director Monroe Bryant, seated at the table with the president, sensed an air of satisfaction in the room, with the United States delivering payback for Russia’s assassination of Secretary of Defense Tom Glass and its attacks in the Persian Gulf. However, he wasn’t exactly sure why he had been invited to the Situation Room for tonight’s event, given that the CIA had played no role in it.
“That’ll be all for tonight,” the president announced.
As people started filing out of the Situation Room, the president turned to Bryant. “Stay for a moment.”
The Situation Room emptied aside from the president and Bryant, plus Vice President Bob Tompkins, Chief of Staff Kevin Hardison, and FBI Director Bill Guisewhite. Once the conference room door was closed, the president spoke.
“There’s the matter of Brenda Verbeck to resolve.” Turning to Guisewhite, the president asked, “What do you have, Bill?”
“Just Christine’s testimony about what Mixell told her in the warehouse in Alexandria — that Brenda had hired Mixell to assassinate you. We haven’t been able to identify any messages between Verbeck and Mixell, nor trace any payments to him from her accounts or from those of her family, associates, or business partners. If she’s the one who hired Mixell, she’s covered her tracks well.”
“Again,” Bryant announced.
The president raised his eyebrows, and Bryant explained. “During the incident with Rolow, Verbeck revealed to Christine that she was the one who coerced him into eliminating the two Navy personnel who could have exposed her brother’s sale of centrifuges to Iran. On two occasions now, Verbeck has been tied to murder. Does she need a third strike?”
The president reflected on Bryant’s comments, then replied, “I’m confident that Christine isn’t lying. And unless she’s hallucinated both of these conversations, we have a very serious problem on our hands — what to do about Brenda Verbeck.”
There was silence around the table until Vice President Tompkins spoke. “Letting Brenda walk after the previous incident was a mistake. The issue needs to be addressed, but nothing official. The initial concern remains: letting the press and Congress know that a senior member of the president’s administration was involved in these plots is a potentially devastating revelation this close to the election.”
“I agree,” the president acknowledged. “I’ve reflected on this matter considerably over the last few days and have made a decision. Considering that Brenda hired Mixell to bomb the White House and assassinate me, which is undoubtedly an act of domestic terrorism, I have decided to classify Brenda as an enemy combatant.”
Bryant did his best not to reveal his surprise at the president’s decision. After a quick reflection, however, Bryant conceded that the classification was certainly within the president’s prerogative.
The president turned to Bryant. “Do you understand how I want this matter handled?”
“I do,” Bryant replied.
“How soon can this be taken care of?”
“Not long, Mr. President. Not long at all.”