Blackmail

17 NEW DELHI, INDIA

Under a clear blue sky with the heat shimmering along the brick path before them, Chernov walked beside Indian President Deepak Madan as they strolled through the gardens behind Rashtrapati Bhavan, the presidential mansion atop Raisina Hill. Among the verdant trees and colorful flowers in Mughal Gardens, two channels of water ran north to south and another two east to west, dividing the garden into a large central court surrounded by a smaller grid of squares on the periphery. The air was still today and the water tranquil, its surface reflecting the imposing presidential residence, a four-story, 340-room mansion located within the sprawling 320-acre estate.

As the two men walked among lush vegetation, the sun beating down on them, Chernov was convinced Madan had left the air-conditioned spaces of his presidential palace not for privacy reasons, but to subject the Russian defense minister to the intense Indian heat. Perspiration dotted Chernov’s forehead and he resisted the urge to loosen his tie; it was only mid-spring, but the heat was suffocating, the temperature already cresting toward one hundred degrees Fahrenheit. Additionally, they had left their interpreters behind, with Madan insisting they continue their conversation in English, as if to point out the ubiquity of America’s influence.

Thankfully, Madan led the way to a shaded gazebo, where the temperature dropped considerably. After he took his seat at a marble picnic table, Chernov sat opposite him, preparing to deliver his pitch, which he’d rehearsed in his mind many times during the flight to New Delhi. Chernov had already explained the basic plan. The challenge was convincing President Madan that an alliance with Russia was in India’s best interest.

“America is in decline,” Chernov began, “while Russia is rising, reestablishing itself as a superpower. In the twenty-first century, you can align with the United States, Russia, or China. The American sphere of influence is shrinking each year, and it won’t be long before the United States becomes inconsequential in the Western Pacific. That leaves China or Russia, and your interests are much better served by an alliance with Russia.”

“This is not debatable,” Madan agreed. “However, I noticed that you met with China’s president yesterday. As you point out, China is our primary economic and military competitor, and I am curious as to what was requested of them, and what was promised.”

Chernov took a few minutes to lay out China’s role — most of the details, that is — finishing with, “China hasn’t committed yet, which makes India’s role more critical, and also more lucrative. Your participation will be greatly rewarded.”

“You ask much,” Madan replied. “Although I concur with your assessment — America is in decline — the United States is still a formidable economic and military force, with much influence around the world.”

Chernov pressed the issue. “The United States has become weak, both politically and militarily. They lost half of their Fleet in the war with China, and they have no stomach for additional conflict. We attacked one of their aircraft carriers — a blatant assault — knocking it out of commission and killing scores of Americans, and they did nothing. With the proper alliances, America will again look the other way and do nothing. And if they do not”—Chernov paused for effect—“we will make them pay dearly. All that remains is India’s commitment.”

Madan answered, “What you propose is within my authority as president. However, I will not commit unilaterally. This must be discussed among my National Security Council.”

“I understand,” Chernov said. “There are many issues to be considered.”

“When do you need an answer?” Madan asked.

“May ninth.”

Madan raised an eyebrow. “Victory Day?”

Chernov smiled. “There is no better day.”