The First Four Books of Xenophon's Anabasis

CHAPTER IV

Mithridates again pursues the Greeks, but is repulsed. They reach

the Tigris, encamp at Mespila, and are attacked by Tissaphernes

with a numerous force. They repel him, and alter their order of

march. Traversing a mountainous part of the country, they are

harassed by the enemy, till, on getting possession of a height,

they are enabled to reach the plain beyond it in safety.

1. Having halted for that day, they went forward on the next, rising earlier in the morning than usual; for they had a ravine formed by a torrent to pass, at which they were afraid that the enemy would attack them while they were crossing. 2. It was not till they had got over, however, that Mithridates again made his appearance, having now with him a thousand horse, and archers and slingers to the number of four thousand; for he had solicited and obtained that number from Tissaphernes, promising that, if he received them, he would deliver the Greeks into his hands; for he had conceived a contempt for them, because, in his previous attack on them, though he had but a small force with him, he had suffered no loss, and thought that he had caused them great annoyance. 3. When the Greeks, having crossed, were distant about eight stadia from the ravine, Mithridates also passed over it with his force. Instructions had been issued to such of the peltasts and heavy-armed troops as were to pursue, and a charge had been given to the horsemen to pursue with boldness, as a sufficient force would follow to support them. 4. When therefore Mithridates overtook them, and the slings and arrows began to take effect, a signal was given to the Greeks with the trumpet, and those who had been ordered immediately hastened to charge the enemy, the cavalry riding forward at the same time. The enemy however did not wait to receive their charge, but fled back to the ravine. 5. In the pursuit several of the Barbarian foot were killed, and about eighteen of the horse were made prisoners in the defile. The Greeks, of their own impulse, mutilated the dead bodies, in order that the sight of them might be as horrible as possible to the enemy.

6. The enemy, after faring thus, went off, and the Greeks, advancing the rest of the day without molestation, arrived at the river Tigris. 7. Here was a large deserted city, the name of which was Larissa, and which the Medes had formerly inhabited. The breadth of its wall was five and twenty feet, and the height of it a hundred; its circuit was two parasangs. It was built of bricks made of clay, but there was under it a stone foundation,[145] the height of twenty feet. 8. This city the king of the Persians,[146] at the time when the Persians wrested[147] the empire from the Medes, was unable by any means to take; a cloud, however, having covered the sun, hid it from view,[148] till the people deserted it,[149] and so it was taken. 9. Near the city was a stone pyramid of the breadth[150] of one plethrum, and the height of two plethra. Upon it[151] were many of the Barbarians who had fled from the neighbouring villages.

10. Hence they proceeded one day's journey, six parasangs, to a large unoccupied fortress,[152] situated near a city, the name of which was Mespila; the Medes had formerly inhabited it. The foundation of the wall was of polished stone, full of shells,[153] the breadth fifty feet, and the height fifty; 11. and on it was constructed a wall of bricks, fifty feet broad, and a hundred high; the circumference of it was six parasangs. Here Medea, the king's wife, is said to have taken refuge, when the Medes were deprived of their empire by the Persians. 12. The king of the Persians, on besieging this city, was unable to reduce it either by length of time or by assault, but Jupiter, as with a thunder-stroke,[154] deprived the inhabitants of their senses, and thus it was taken.

13. Hence they proceeded one day's journey, a distance of four parasangs. In the course of this day's march Tissaphernes made his appearance, having with him the cavalry which he himself commanded, the force of Orontes, who had married the king's daughter, the Barbarian troops with which Cyrus went up, the troops with which the king's brother came to assist him, and, besides these, all that the king himself had given him; so that his army appeared extremely numerous. 14. When he came near, he stationed some of his companies in the rear, and brought others round upon our flanks, but did not venture to make a charge, or show any disposition to endanger himself, but ordered his men to use their slings and bows. 15. But when the Rhodians, who were dispersed among the ranks, began to use their slings, and the Scythian archers[155] discharged their arrows, no one failing to hit a man, (for it would not have been easy to do so, even if they had been ever so desirous,) Tissaphernes hastily retreated beyond reach of the missiles, and the other divisions drew off at the same time. 16. During the rest of the day the Greeks continued their march, and the enemy followed; but the Barbarians no longer harassed them with their usual skirmishing; for the Rhodians sent their missiles to a greater distance than the Persians, and than most of the bowmen. 17. The bows of the Persians, too, were large, so that such of their arrows as were taken up, were of service to the Cretans, who continued to use the enemy's arrows, and practised shooting by sending them far up into the air.[156] A great number of bowstrings were also found in the villages, and some lead, so that they could use it for their slings.

18. For that day, therefore, as soon as the Greeks reached the villages and encamped, the Barbarians went off, having had the worst in the skirmish; and during the next the Greeks remained where they were, and collected provisions, for there was plenty of corn in the villages. The day after, they proceeded through the open country, and Tissaphernes followed, hurling missiles at them from a distance. 19. Here the Greeks found that a square was a bad disposition for an army when the enemy was behind them: for it must necessarily happen, that if the flanks of the square close together from the road being narrow, or from hills or a bridge making it necessary, that the heavy-armed men must be pushed out of their places, and march with difficulty,[157] being at the same time crowded together and thrown into confusion; so that when in such disorder they must be nearly useless. 20. And when, again, the flanks divide, those who were previously forced out of their places, must now of necessity separate, and the space between the flanks be left empty; and men who are thrown into such a condition must doubtless lose heart, if the enemy are behind them. Whenever, too, they had to pass a bridge, or any other crossing-place, each hastened on to get first, and the enemy had then a fine opportunity of attacking them.[158] 21. The generals, seeing that such was the case, formed six companies of a hundred men each, and appointed captains of these companies, as well as captains of fifty and captains of twenty-five.[159] These captains and their companies, on the march, whenever the flanks of the square closed together, fell behind, so as to cause no disorder in the flanks, and then led on outside the flanks; 22. and whenever the sides of the square opened, they filled up the centre, if the opening was narrow, by companies; if rather wide, by fifties; if very wide, by twenty-fives;[160] so that the centre was always full. 23. If, then, it was necessary to pass any defile or bridge, they were not thrown into confusion, but the captains and companies went over in succession;[161] and if anything was needed in any part of the main body, these were at hand. In this order they advanced four days' journey.

24. As they were pursuing the fifth day's march, they observed a kind of palace, and several villages round it. The way to this place, they perceived, lay among high hills, which reached down from a mountain, at the foot of which the village was.[162] These hills the Greeks were glad to see, as was natural, when the enemy's force consisted of cavalry. 25. But when, after leaving the plain, they had ascended the first hill, and were descending in order to mount the second, the Barbarians came upon them, and from the eminence began, under the lash,[163] to hurl darts, use their slings, and shoot arrows, on the ground below; 26. they wounded many, and had the advantage over the light-armed Greeks, and shut them up within the heavy-armed; so that both the slingers and archers were that day entirely useless, being mixed with the crowd that had charge of the baggage. 27. When the Greeks, on being hard pressed, attempted pursuit, they mounted the height but slowly, as being heavily armed, while the enemy sprang up speedily. 28. When, again, they retreated back to the rest of the force, they fared equally ill. The same occurrences took place on the second hill; so that they thought it proper not to move the soldiers from the third hill, until they led up a body of peltasts to the mountain from the right wing of the square. 29. When these had got above the pursuing enemy, they no longer attacked them in their descent, fearing that they might be cut off from their own body, and that enemies might assail them on both sides. 30. Marching in this manner for the rest of the day, some by the route among the hills, and others advancing abreast of them along the mountain, they arrived at the villages, and appointed eight surgeons,[164] for there were many wounded.

31. Here they remained three days, both for the sake of the wounded, and because they found, at the same time, abundance of provisions, wheat-flour, wine, and a great quantity of barley laid up for horses; supplies which had been collected for the satrap of the country. On the fourth day they went down into the plain. 32. But as Tissaphernes overtook them with his forces, necessity taught them to encamp where they first saw a village, and not to march on still fighting; for there were many unfitted for action, some wounded, some carrying the wounded, and some bearing the arms of those that carried them. 33. When however they were encamped, and the Barbarians, coming up to the village, attempted to skirmish with them, the Greeks had greatly the advantage; for they found a great difference[165] between sallying from their own ground to repulse the enemy, and fighting with a pursuing enemy on their march.

34. When evening approached, it became time for the enemy to retire; for the Barbarians never encamped at a less distance from the Greeks than sixty stadia, fearing lest the Greeks should attack them in the night. 35. For in the night a Persian army is difficult to manage; as their horses are tied, and for the most part fastened by the feet, that they may not run away if they should be untied; and if any sudden attack takes place, the Persian has[166] to put the housings [167] on his horse, and to bridle him, and then, when he has put on his armour, to mount; but all these things are troublesome by night and in the midst of an alarm. On this account they encamped at a distance from the Greeks.

36. As soon as the Greeks saw that they intended to retire, and were passing the order for doing so, proclamation was made among the Greeks, in the hearing of the enemy, that they were to collect their baggage; when the Barbarians, for some time, delayed their march; but, when it grew late, they went off; for they did not think it expedient to march and arrive at their camp[168] in the night. 37. When the Greeks observed them evidently moving away, they themselves also decamped[169] and began to march, and accomplished as much as sixty stadia. There was thus so great a distance between the armies, that the enemy did not appear on the following day or on the third; but on the fourth, the Barbarians, having gone forward in the night, occupied an elevated position on the right, on the route by which the Greeks were to pass; the brow of a mountain, beneath which was the descent into the plain. 38. As soon as Cheirisophus saw that this eminence was pre-occupied, he sent for Xenophon from the rear, and ordered him to bring his peltasts and come to the front. 39. Xenophon however did not bring the peltasts, (for he saw Tissaphernes, and all his force, in full view,) but, riding up alone, asked, "Why do you call me?" Cheirisophus replied, "You may see; for the eminence above the descent has been pre-occupied against us, and it is impossible to pass, unless we cut off those who are on it. But why did you not bring the peltasts?" 40. Xenophon replied that he did not think it right to leave the rear unguarded when the enemy were in sight. "But it is high time," he continued, "to consider how some of us may dislodge those men from the hill." 41. Xenophon now noticed that the summit of the mountain[170] was above their own army, and that there was a way from it to the hill where the enemy were, and exclaimed, "It is best for us, Cheirisophus, to hasten as quickly as possible to the summit, for if we gain this, those who are above our road will be unable to maintain their ground. But do you, if you please, remain with the army; I have a desire to go forward; or, if you prefer it, proceed on to the mountain, and I will stay here." 42. "I leave you," replied Cheirisophus, "to choose which of the two you please." Xenophon, observing that he was the younger, decided on advancing, but requested Cheirisophus to send with him a detachment from the front, as it was too great a distance to bring one from the rear. 43. Cheirisophus then sent with him the peltasts from the front; and he took those that were in the middle of the square. Cheirisophus also ordered the three hundred that he had with him at the head of the square, consisting of picked men, to follow Xenophon.

44. The party then marched forward with all possible speed. But the enemy on the heights, when they perceived that the Greeks were directing their course towards the summit, hurried forward also themselves to contend for the possession of the summit. 45. There was then great shouting from the Grecian army, cheering their men, and great shouting also from the troops of Tissaphernes, cheering on theirs. 46. Xenophon, riding along on horseback, encouraged his party, saying, "Consider, soldiers, that you are now contending for Greece; that after a brief struggle now, we shall march the rest of the way without fighting, to join our children and our wives." 47. Soterides, a Sicyonian, cried out, "We are not upon an equality, Xenophon; for you are carried on a horse, while I have hard work to carry my shield." 48. Xenophon, on hearing this remark, leaped from his horse, pushed Soterides from the ranks, took from him his shield, and marched on with it as fast as he was able. He happened however to have on his horseman's corslet, so that he was distressed. Yet he continued to exhort the men in front to lead on gently, and those behind, who followed with difficulty, to come up. 49. But the rest of the soldiers beat and threw stones at Soterides, and reviled him, till they obliged him to resume his shield and march in his place. Xenophon, remounting, led the way, as long as it was passable for his horse, on horseback, but when it became impassable, he left his horse behind, and hastened forward on foot. Thus they got the start of the enemy, and arrived first at the summit.

[Footnote 145: [Greek: Krêpis d' hypên lithinê, k. t. l.]] The foundation appears to have risen twenty feet above the ground; so that the whole height of the wall would be a hundred and twenty feet. Mr. Ainsworth says that he found the ruins of the brick wall at Resen, which he considers to be the same with Larissa, "based on a rude and hard conglomerate rock, giving to them all the solidity and characteristics of being built of stone." Travels in the Track, p. 139.]

[Footnote 146: Cyrus the Great.]

[Footnote 147: [Greek: Elambanon].] That the Medes did not willingly submit, but were overcome by force, is testified by Herodotus, and is apparent from what is said here; whence it follows that [Greek: lambanein tên archên para tinos] may be applied even when those who lose the government are forcibly deprived of it. Xenophon however is at variance with himself in the Cyropædia, where Cyrus is said to have succeeded to the throne by a marriage with the daughter of Cyaxares. Kühner.]

[Footnote 148: [Greek: Hêlion de nephelê prokalypsasa êphanise].] This reading has been adopted by Dindorf and others, from a conjecture of Brodæus or Muretus; the manuscripts have all [Greek: hêlios de nephelên prokalypsas], except two, one of which has the [Greek: n] erased in [Greek: nephelên], and the other [Greek: nephelê]. Those who read with Dindorf refer to Plutarch de Placit. Philosoph. ii. 24, where the cause of an eclipse of the sun is said by some philosophers to be a condensation of clouds imperceptibly advancing over the disc. Bornemann and Kühner restore the reading of the manuscripts, which Langius thus interprets: sol nubem sibi prætendens se obscuravit ; than which no better explanation has been offered. That we are not to suppose an eclipse of the sun to be signified in the text, is well observed by Bornemann; as Thales had previously ascertained the causes of such eclipses, and had foretold one, according to Herodotus i. 74; hence it is impossible to believe that Xenophon would have spoken of a solar eclipse himself, or have made the inhabitants speak of one, so irrationally. Hutchinson and Zeune absurdly understand [Greek: tên polin] with [Greek: êphanise].]

[Footnote 149: [Greek: Exelipon].] Hutchinson and Weiske interpret this word animis defecerunt. Abreschius (Dilucid. Thucyd. p. 274) makes it reliquerunt sc. urbem; an interpretation adopted by Porson, Schneider, Kühner, and all the modern editors.]

[Footnote 150: [Greek: Euros].] We must understand the length of each side.]

[Footnote 151: [Greek: Epi tautês].] There might be steps on the outside on which they might climb.]

[Footnote 152: [Greek: Teichos].] Now called Yarumjah, according to Ainsw. Travels, p. 139.]

[Footnote 153: [Greek: Konchuliaton].] "It is a curious fact, that the common building-stone of Mosul (near Mespila) is highly fossiliferous, and indeed replete with shells, characteristic of a tertiary or supra-cretaceous deposit; and the same lime-stone does not occur far to the north or south of Mosul, being succeeded by wastes of gypsum."' Ainsw. Travels, p. 140.]

[Footnote 154: [Greek: Embrontêtous poiei].] "Jupiter makes the inhabitants thunderstruck." "He rendered them," says Sturz, "either stupid or mad."]

[Footnote 155: [Greek: Skythai toxotai].] As there is no mention of Scythians in the whole Anabasis, Krüger, in his larger edition, suggested that the word [Greek: Skythai] might have been written in the margin by some sciolist, who was thinking of the Athenian [Greek: toxotai]; but in his smaller edition he has shown that he has learned something better from Arrian, Tact. ii. 13: "Those of the cavalry who use bows are called [Greek: hippotoxotai], and by some [Greek: Skythai]." Kühner.]

[Footnote 156: In order that they might fall with the greater weight. Bornemann. Or perhaps, as Bishop Thirlwall thinks, that they might reach a greater distance.]

[Footnote 157: [Greek: Ponêrôs].] From [Greek: ponêros], difficult, not from [Greek: ponêros], bad. See Thucyd. viii. 24, ed. Popp. part iii. vol. iv. p. 658, seqq.Kühner.]

[Footnote 158: [Greek: Kai euepitheton hên entautha tois polemiois]. I have rendered this phrase agreeably to the notion of Krüger, who thinks [Greek: euepitheton] used absolutely, or as a substantive. Some, however, understand [Greek: to plaision], or [Greek: to strateuma], which is perhaps better.]

[Footnote 159: [Greek: Enômotarchas].] The [Greek: enômotia] being the fourth part of a [Greek: lochos], or twenty-five men. See Xen. De Rep. Lac. ii. 4; Arnold's Thucyd. v. 68.]

[Footnote 160: As there were six companies of a hundred men each, they moved into the vacant space, if it was but narrow, by centuries, that is, six men in front, and a hundred deep; if it was somewhat broader, by fifties, that is, twelve men in front, and fifty deep; if very broad, by twenty-fives, that is, twenty-four men in front, and twenty-five deep. Kühner.]

[Footnote 161: [Greek: En tô merei].] Each in his place; one after another in the order which had been previously appointed.]

[Footnote 162: [Greek: Ên hê kômê].] Schneider, Bornemann, and most editors before Dindorf, read [Greek: kômê], a village, without the article. Dindorf has added the article from two manuscripts, and Kühner has followed him, supposing that the particular village of which the Greeks had now caught sight is meant. Bornemann, if the article be added, thinks that the village in which the palace stood is intended. The passage seems to me decidedly better without the article; for, if it be inserted, the reader is puzzled to know why Xenophon changes the number, when he had just before said that the palace stood in the midst of villages.]

[Footnote 163: According to the discipline of the Persians; see Herod, vii. 21, 56, 223.]

[Footnote 164: This is the first mention of surgeons in the Greek army, as Mr. Stanford observes, since the time of Homer. But whether the persons here mentioned were professed surgeons, or merely some of the soldiers, who, in long service, had gained experience in the treatment of wounds, is uncertain. The latter supposition is more in consonance with the word appointed.]

[Footnote 165: [Greek: Poly gar diepheron --hormôntes -- poreuomenoi].] The manuscripts present some variations here. Bornemann's text is the same as Dindorf's. Kühner prefers [Greek: diepheren -- hormôntas --poreuomenous], expressing a doubt whether the other method be really Greek.]

[Footnote 166: [Greek: Dei --Persê andri].] Most commentators concur in taking this as an example of the rarer construction of [Greek: dei] with the dative; though it has been suggested whether [Greek: Persê andri] may be the dative after [Greek: episaxai], as if a Persian horse-soldier had an attendant to equip his horse for him.]

[Footnote 167: [Greek: Episaxai].] Spelman quarrels with D'Ablancourt for translating this word by "saddle," and adopts in his own version "housings," which I have borrowed from him, from inability to find a better word.]

[Footnote 168: [Greek: To stratopedon].] Apparently for the place where they intended to encamp. It seems needless to understand, with Krüger, "castra interea à lixis et calonibus posita."]

[Footnote 169: [Greek: Anazeuxantes].] [Greek: Anazeuxai], castra movere. Zeune.]

[Footnote 170: The enemy had not occupied the highest part of the mountain, but a lower position upon it. Comp. sect. 37. Kühner.]