Ancient civilizations-2

Crisis and response

In the last half of the 18th century, all the major states of Southeast Asia were faced with crisis. The great political and social structures of the classical states had begun to decay, and, although the reasons for this disintegration are not altogether clear, the expanded size of the states, the greater complexity of their societies, and the failure of older institutions to cope with change all must have played a part. It is also likely that European efforts to choke and redirect the region’s trade had already done much to destroy the general prosperity that trade previously had provided, though Europeans were neither ubiquitous nor in a position to rule, even in Java. The most serious circumstances were undoubtedly those of Vietnam, where from 1771 to 1802 there raged a struggle—the Tay Son rebellion—over the very nature of the state. This rebellion threatened to sweep away the entire Confucian establishment of Vietnam, and perhaps would have done so if its leader had not attempted to accomplish too much too quickly. Elsewhere, war and confusion held societies in their grip for much shorter periods, but everywhere rulers were compelled to think of changed circumstances around them and what they meant for the future.

In the mainland states three great rulers of three new dynasties came to the fore: Bodawpaya (ruled 1782–1819) in Myanmar, Rama I (1782–1809) in Siam (Thailand), and Gia Long (1802–20) in Vietnam. All three were fully aware of the dangers, internal as well as external, that faced them and their people, and their efforts were directed at meeting these challenges. As their armies extended their reach beyond earlier limits, these rulers vigorously pursued a combination of traditional and new policies designed to strengthen their realms. Of particular importance were efforts to bring villages under closer state control, curb shifting patron-client relationships, and centralize and tighten the state administrative apparatus. The institution of kingship itself seemed to become more dynamic and intimately involved in the direction of the state. In retrospect, some of these policies had a recognizably modern ring to them, and, taken together, they represented, if not a revolution, at least a concerted effort at change. Even Gia Long, whose conscience and circumstance both demanded that he give special attention to reviving the classical Confucian past, quietly incorporated selected Western and Tay Son ideas in his government. Nor were the changes ineffectual, for by 1820 the large mainland states stood at the height of their powers. Nevertheless, it was uncertain whether these efforts would be sufficient to withstand the pressures of the immediate future.

Rama IRama I, statue at Phra Buddha Yodfa (Memorial Bridge), Bangkok.Heinrich Damm

In insular Southeast Asia the Javanese state confronted a similar crisis, but it had far less freedom with which to respond. The Gianti Agreement (1755) had divided the realm and given the Dutch decisive political and economic powers. Though resistance was not impossible, it was difficult, especially since the rulers and their courts were now largely beholden to the Dutch for their positions. The elite’s response to these circumstances generally has been interpreted as a kind of cultural introversion and avoidance of reality, a judgment that probably is too harsh. The Javanese culture and society of earlier days was no longer serviceable, and court intellectuals sought to find a solution in both a revitalization of the past and a clear-eyed examination of the present. Neither effort was successful, though not for want of trying. The idea of opposing Dutch rule, furthermore, was not abandoned entirely, and it was only the devastating Java War (1825–30) that finally tamed the Javanese elite and, oddly enough, left the Dutch to determine the final shape of Javanese culture until the mid-20th century.