MITI and the Japanese miracle

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be ignored, deflected, or satisfied in symbolic waysor upon which the perpetuation of the political system dependsthe political leaders must compel the bureaucracy to serve and manipulate them.

A non-Japanese example of the kind of relationship we are looking for would be something like the American legislative branch's relationship to the wartime Manhattan Project or to the postwar nuclear submarine development program. The political system of the developmental state covertly separates reigning and ruling: the politicians reign and the bureaucrats rule. But it must be understood that the bureaucrats cannot rule effectively if the reigning politicians fail to perform their positive tasks, above all, to create space for bureaucratic initiative unconstrained by political power.

There are several consequences of this type of political system. One is that groups without access to the system will on occasion take to the streets to call attention to their disaffection (this occurred in Japan in 1960 in the antisecurity treaty riots, in the student revolts of the late 1960's, in the demonstrations against the new Tokyo airport and the government's nuclear ship project, and in the campaign against industrial pollution). These demonstrations may arise out of important interests that cannot be indefinitely ignored by the state, or they may simply reflect demands for political participation. Whatever the case, when they occur the political leaders are called upon to exercise "safety valve" functions, forcing the bureaucracy to alter priorities just enough to calm the protesters but taking most of the "heat" of the demonstrations themselves. Clever politicians will anticipate eruptions of this sort (Sato * Eisaku's strategy for the renewal of the security treaty in 1970). As long as the developmental projects are succeeding and their benefits are being equitably distributed, the political leaders should be able to deal with these problems symptomatically. Projects to call attention to the development effort and to instill pride in its successes may also be recommended (the Japanese Olympics of 1964, EXPO 70).

A major political difference between the capitalist developmental state and the communist dictatorship of development is that the capitalist state simply ignores the nonstrategic sectors of the society, whereas the communist state attempts directly and forcibly to demobilize them. The first is preferable because it avoids the unintended consequences of the presence of large numbers of police and the full apparatus of repression, which is not only wasteful of resources but is also incompatible with effective international commerce. This is certainly one lesson the Japanese learned from the 1940's.

The Japanese political system should also be distinguished from the